Academic literature on the topic 'Jesuits – Tepotzotlán (Mexico) – History'

This article presents new research on Jesuit visual culture in northern New Spain, situating Santa María de las Parras (founded 1598) as an important site where the Jesuits and secular landowners became involved in the lucrative business of winemaking. Viticulture in Parras helped transform this mission settlement into a thriving center of consumption. The Jesuits fostered alliances with Spanish and Tlaxcalan Indians to serve their religious and temporal interests, as these patrons donated funds to decorate chapels in the Jesuit church of San Ignacio. This financial support allowed the Society to purchase paintings by prominent artists in Mexico City and import them to Parras. The Jesuits arranged their chapels in a carefully ordered sequencing of images that promoted Ignatian spirituality and echoed iconographic decoration programs in Mexico City and Rome.

The suppression of the Jesuit order influenced the overall production and content of post-expulsion Jesuit cartography, however, important differences in terms of content and discourse can be seen in terms of maps by former Jesuits created in Europe (esp. the Italian Peninsula and Central Europe) as well as the origin of Jesuit mapmakers (Creole / non-Creole). The reasons for this included the cartographic sources that the Jesuits used in exile, the new intellectual circles within which they exchanged geographic and cartographic knowledge, and the reception Jesuit maps had among former Jesuits as well as within European commercial cartography. Post-expulsion Jesuit cartography also had important impacts on intercultural transfers between Europe and the New World more generally. The study makes a comparative analysis of examples of the post-expulsion Jesuit cartography (manuscript and printed) from New Mexico, Chile, Paraguay, Quito, and Nueva Granada.

The evangelization of Mexico in the 16th and 17th centuries is a fascinating period in the history of Christianization of the New World. The creative confrontation of the then missionaries (Franciscans, Dominicans, Augustinians, and Jesuits) with local cultures and beliefs and the Spanish conquest system resulted in the development of innovative methods of working with indigenous peoples (catechisms, education, art, hospitality, scientifi c research) and the creation of stable church structures in Mexico.

Abstract In 1586, the Jesuits founded the Colegio Seminario de San Gregorio in Mexico City. Throughout the colonial era and into the late nineteenth century, the school worked almost exclusively for Indigenous students. The political reforms introduced in Spain in 1812 stipulated the eradication of the segregated system that had prevailed during the colonial era. In response, civil authorities in Mexico City elaborated plans and reforms to allow non-Indigenous students access to San Gregorio. The arguments that nineteenth-century intellectuals expressed in favor of those reforms were broad-ranging and analyzed by contemporary scholars. However, we know little about Indigenous communities’ opinions concerning those transformations. This essay aims to review some of the ideas expressed by Indigenous intellectuals who sought to maintain the school as an exclusively “Indian” college.

This essay deals with the hagiographic afterlife of Catarina de San Juan, the seventeenth-century slave from Asia who became a renowned mystic in colonial Mexico, in writings by German Jesuits, notably Joseph Stöcklein’s popular Welt-Bott. Why and how was Catarina de San Juan’s story told for a German-speaking audience in Central Europe? The specific German appropriations of her vita suggest that missionary writings could serve as a transmission belt for ‘colonial fantasies’, linking the early modern period when the Holy Roman Empire did not have colonies to the modern period when the German Nation acquired colonial holdings in the Pacific.

The Franciscan martyrdom of 1597 was not an unprecedented event in the young history of Japanese Christianity, as a first wave of persecutions occurred ten years earlier. But the echo it found in Asia, America and Europe, was unparalleled. This article aims to account for Franciscan success in giving worldwide publicity to what could otherwise be seen as a local event of limited consequence. The martyrdom of 1597 finds it roots in a context of tensions between Christians and Buddhists, who formed an overwhelming majority in Japan. However, the persecutions had more to do with the suppression of troubles than with theological considerations. But this political aspect is hardly apparent in Franciscan sources, which were mostly concerned with describing the martyrdom. From the start, the Franciscans were keen to actively circulate witnesses’ accounts of the martyrdom in Mexico and in Europe. What also helped the event achieve worldwide publicity was that the Franciscans blamed the Jesuits for the outbreak of persecutions. The martyrdom indeed became the object of a dispute between religious orders, but with political ramifications, as the Spanish in the Philippines supported the Franciscans while the Jesuits were closely dependent on the Portuguese in Macao.

In this article, the Jesuit José de Acosta’s interest in Andean quipus is analyzed as it evolved throughout his works, beginning in the preface of De procuranda indorum salute (1588) and reaching a point of arrival in his Historia natural y moral de las Indias (1590). In De procuranda, Acosta established different categories of “barbaric nations,” placing the Indians from Mexico and Peru after the Chinese and Japanese. The latter belonged to the first category of “barbaric nations” because of their judgement, a stable republic, laws, fortified cities, and—most importantly in Acosta’s eyes—use and knowledge of letters. In the Historia Acosta resumed aspects of this classification, with a focus on letters—or the lack of them—and writing, bringing China to the forefront. The difference with De procuranda was that Acosta’s Historia fed on fresh information from the first Jesuits to establish a mission in China, Michele Ruggieri (1543–1607) and Matteo Ricci (1552–1640), which invigorated Acosta’s analysis of letters, writing, and all that in his view could not be considered “letters” or “writing.” In the first section of this article, Acosta’s views on Andean quipus are analyzed, based mainly on his experience in the Peru mission. In the second section, focus shifts to Acosta’s analysis of letters and writing, especially in his Historia, in which China played a preeminent role, bringing out interesting points of comparison with the Andean quipus. In the conclusion, are reflections on Acosta’s own view of indigenous forms of writing in contrast with alphabetic script.

RESUMENEl objetivo de este artículo es reflexionar sobre los mecanismos de financiación y de control de las instituciones religiosas por los laicos en las primeras décadas de la conquista y colonización de Hispanoamérica. Investigar sobre la inversión laica en lo sagrado supone en un primer lugar aclarar la historiografía sobre laicos, religión y dinero en las sociedades de Antiguo Régimen y su trasposición en América, planteando una mirada desde el punto de vista de las motivaciones múltiples de los actores seglares. A través del ejemplo de restituciones, donaciones y legados en losAndes, se explora el papel de los laicos españoles, y también de las poblaciones indígenas, en el establecimiento de la densa red de instituciones católicas que se construye entonces. La propuesta postula el protagonismo de actores laicos en la construcción de un espacio cristiano en los Andes peruanos en el siglo XVI y principios del XVII, donde la inversión económica permite contribuir a la transición de una sociedad de guerra y conquista a una sociedad corporativa pacificada.PALABRAS CLAVE: Hispanoamérica-Andes, religión, economía, encomienda, siglos XVI y XVII.ABSTRACTThis article aims to reflect on the mechanisms of financing and control of religious institutions by the laity in the first decades of the conquest and colonization of Spanish America. Investigating lay investment in the sacred sphere means first of all to clarifying historiography on laity, religion and money within Ancien Régime societies and their transposition to America, taking into account the multiple motivations of secular actors. The example of restitutions, donations and legacies inthe Andes enables us to explore the role of the Spanish laity and indigenous populations in the establishment of the dense network of Catholic institutions that was established during this period. The proposal postulates the role of lay actors in the construction of a Christian space in the Peruvian Andes in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, when economic investment contributed to the transition from a society of war and conquest to a pacified, corporate society.KEY WORDS: Hispanic America-Andes, religion, economics, encomienda, 16th and 17th centuries. BIBLIOGRAFIAAbercrombie, T., “Tributes to Bad Conscience: Charity, Restitution, and Inheritance in Cacique and Encomendero Testaments of 16th-Century Charcas”, en Kellogg, S. y Restall, M. 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M., De rosa y espinas: economía, sociedad y mentalidades andinas, siglo XVII. Lima, IEP, BCRP, 1998.Godelier, M., L’énigme du don, Paris, Fayard, 1997.Goffman, E., Encounters: two studies in the sociology of interaction, MansfieldCentre, Martino publishing, 2013.Grosse, C., “La ‘religion populaire’. L’invention d’un nouvel horizon de l’altérité religieuse à l’époque moderne», en Prescendi, F. y Volokhine, Y (eds.), Dans le laboratoire de l’historien des religions. Mélanges offerts à Philippe Borgeaud, Genève, Labor et fides, 2011, pp. 104-122.Grosse, C., “Le ‘tournant culturel’ de l’histoire ‘religieuse’ et ‘ecclésiastique’», Histoire, monde et cultures religieuses, 26 (2013), pp. 75-94.Hall, S., “Cultural studies and its Theoretical Legacy”, en Grossberg, L., Nelson, C. y Treichler, P. (eds.), Cultural Studies, New York, Routledge, 1986, pp. 277-294.Horne, J., “Démobilisations culturelles après la Grande Guerre”, 14-18, Aujourd’hui, Today, Heute, Paris, Éditions Noésis, mai 2002, pp. 45-5.Iogna-Prat, D., “Sacré’ sacré ou l’histoire d’un substantif qui a d’abord été un qualificatif”, en Souza, M. de, Peters-Custot, A. y Romanacce, F.-X., Le sacré dans tous ses états: catégories du vocabulaire religieux et sociétés, de l’Antiquité à nos jours, Saint-Étienne, Publications de l’Université de Saint-Étienne, 2012, pp. 359-367.Iogna-Prat, D., Cité de Dieu. Cité des hommes. L’Église et l’architecture de la société, Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 2016.Kalifa, D., “Les historiens français et ‘le populaire’», Hermès, 42, 2005, pp. 54-59.Knowlton, R. 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This dissertation tracks Jesuit discourse about suffering in the missions of Northern New Spain from the arrival of the first missionaries in the sixteeenth century until their expulsion in the eighteenth. This research project asked why tales of persecution became so prevalent in these borderland contexts and describes how missionaries sanctified their own sacrifices as well as native suffering through martyrological idioms. It argues that in both corporeal and textual forms missionaries were passionate in their efforts to pacify the northern frontier of Mexico. It also correlates colonial martyrologies to longer traditions of redemptive death in the history of Christianity. The belief that sacrifice begets growth reaches back to the biblical writers and church fathers like Jerome and Tertullian. More recently, Talal Asad has argued that “dying to give life” lies at the foundation of western civilization and its capacity for war. This dissertation charts a transitional moment in the longer geneaology of matyrological discourse that extends early Christian tales of persecution to the modern logic of redemptive sacrifice. It argues that Christian martyrdom traditions helped early modern Jesuits rationalize their participation in the Spanish colonization of the Americas and explain rebellion, disease, and death as providential.

Dans la deuxième moitié du XVIIIe siècle et les débuts du XIXe siècle, les savants créoles mexicains s’intéressent à l’histoire naturelle, ancienne et civile de la Nouvelle-Espagne. Ces auteurs, dont une partie sont des jésuites, séparés de part et d’autre de l’Atlantique depuis l’expulsion de la Compagnie de Jésus (1767), écrivent depuis une multiplicité de lieux et de positions et forment à la fois un groupe par leur parcours collectif clivé par l’exil, et un réseau par la réciprocité des échanges aussi bien dans les villes où ils se trouvent – Mexico, Rome et Bologne – qu’entre celles-ci. En contextualisant ces trajectoires, cette étude cherche à éviter une histoire des idées à partir de leur production écrite telle qu’elle a été travaillée en particulier autour de la Querelle du Nouveau Monde, aussi bien qu’une lecture indexée sur des problématiques politiques proto-nationales. Comment ces intellectuels s’inscrivent-ils dans l’espace et les problématiques des Lumières ? En privilégiant l’échelle urbaine, il s’agit de cartographier les savoirs que ces savants produisent en dialogue avec l’Europe, mais aussi avec l’Amérique caraïbe. Par une histoire matérielle et sociale des pratiques d’écriture, ce travail revient sur l’expérience politique et urbaine de la Nouvelle Espagne et de Mexico à la fin de la période coloniale comme espace vécu et comme espace de réflexion savante. Par-delà l’expression de thèmes communs tels que le patriotisme mexicain et l’orgueil créole, il s’agit de comprendre la pluralité des voix, par les tensions et les effets de contraste, en étudiant comment les divers agendas politiques et situations institutionnelles s’articulent avec les activités savantes de ces acteurs
In the second half of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century, Mexican creole intellectuals took an interest in the natural, ancient, and civil history of New Spain. Those authors, some of whom were Jesuits, were separated across the Atlantic by the expulsion of the Company of Jesus (1767), and as a result they wrote from multiple geographic as well as institutional locations. While the expulsion of the jesuits separated them, they remained a network through their epistolary and intellectual exchanges. This study contextualizes their biographical trajectories, avoiding a history of the ideas merely based on their intellectual production such as has been thus far pursued, in particular in relation to the Dispute of the New World. On the other hand, it also avoids reducing the complexity of their intellectual production to its political, proto-national dimension. In what ways do these intellectuals inscribe themselves within the Enlightenment? By privileging the urban scale, this study maps their production of knowledge, engaged in a close dialogue not only with Europe but also with Caribbean America. Through a material and social history of writing practices, this dissertation approaches the political and urban experience of New Spain and Mexico at the end of the colonial period as a lived arena of intellectual reflection. Going beyond the recognition of common themes, such as Mexican patriotism and creole pride, this study attempts to hearken to a plurality of creole voices by paying attention to contrasts and tensions and by studying the relationship between the scholarly activities of those authors and their different political agendas and institutional circumstances

Defence date: 21 September 2015
Examining Board: Professor Antonella Romano, EUI- Centre Alexandre Koyré/EHE tesis EUI); Professor Jorge Flores, EUI; Professor Juan Carlos Estenssoro Fuchs, Université de Paris 3; Professor Perla Chinchilla Pawling, Universidad Iberoamericana.
Why write another thesis about a Jesuit college? Much has already been written, but generally about colleges divorced from their environment, isolated from the society, geography, cultural and political landscape to which they belong. The current thesis instead looks at how a Jesuit college was shaped by, and, indeed, shaped its environment. The case study, set at a time when early modern Catholicism and colonial empires were making inroads into overseas territories, looks at the early modern Jesuit college of Tepotzotlán, a town situated in a non-European context in what is today central Mexico. This dissertation explores the different factors influencing what might be called the institutionalization of the Jesuit college of Tepotzotlán, between 1580 and 1618. The timeline starts with the Jesuits' arrival in the town, and finishes with the acquisition of the doctrina of Tepotzotlán, this being the moment when the Jesuits acquired the spiritual monopoly of the town. Beginning with the school's initial aims, the thesis studies how it evolved over time, and how this evolution was influenced by geographical, political, historical, and social factors. The geographical factor is crucial; indeed, I analyze the geographical particularities that led the Jesuits to choose the town of Tepotzotlán to open this particular school. It is, for example, clear that the Jesuits chose Tepotzotlán precisely because it bordered on two different cultural areas, with two different Indian social groups (Mexican and Otomí), as well as other groups such as Spaniards and black slaves. This geographical particularity allowed the Jesuits to work with all the groups at one time. Moreover, the Jesuits also used the town as a bridge in order to ease its expansion into the north of the Viceroyalty. Besides geographical, there were, as mentioned, also political, historical and social factors. The thesis explores political institutions' role in institutionalizing the school, both inside and outside New Spain, and the tensions among them. It examines different actors and voices that were engaged in the configuration of the project in the foundation of Tepotzotlán, thus going beyond the local context and putting the evolution of the institutionalization of the college into a wider perspective.

This chapter describes the successive stages in the long history of anti-Jesuitism from the 1550s to 1759—that is, before and until it became part of a European-wide movement for positive Catholic reform. A largely French story, its stages are Gallican and Jansenist, followed by the eighteenth-century synthesis of the two. The chapter also makes a case for the preponderance of the French role in the formation of Catholic anti-Jesuitism despite long forays to England, the Dutch Republic, China, and New Spain (or Mexico). Largely if not exclusively a French creation, by 1759 Catholic anti-Jesuitism had recovered and synthesized all of its successive phases and stages while assimilating to its corpus every other gravamen against the Society from every other corner of Europe and the European-influenced globe.