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Journal articles on the topic 'Jerusalem Church'
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1
Katić, Marko. "Depiction of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre on a Jerusalem icon from Ružica Church: An example of visual culture in the context of religious practice." Nasledje, no. 21 (2020): 191–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/nasledje2021191k.
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Among but few icons brought back home by hajjis from their pilgrimage to Jerusalem (hence the name jerusalems) preserved in Belgrade, the one that stands out for its peculiarity and relatively early origin is the 1819 icon kept in Ružica Church in Kalemegdan. The most important element of the icon is the depiction of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. This paper presents and analyses numerous peculiarities of this depiction, before all by comparing its iconography and style with the usual kind of the Jerusalem pilgrimage icons of the same age. Th icon painter's method is additionally analysed through the theoretical prism of palimpsest and gloss, recently developed in art-historical studies. It has been concluded that the depiction is basically similar to that on other icons dating from after the 1808 fire in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, but bearing an array of specificities that could be ascribed to the reinterpretation of architectural elements of the Jerusalem Church which the icon painter depicts to underline its holiness. The analysis points to a local Palestinian master as the author of the icon.
2
Klimova, Anastasiia. "The Relationship Between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Jerusalem Patriarchate in 1948-1953 in the Context of Soviet-Israeli Relations." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 1 (January 2020): 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2020.1.31977.
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The subject of this article is the relationship between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Jerusalem Patriarchate in 1948-1953 within the context of Soviet-Israeli relations. The designated chronological framework was not chosen by chance as it was precisely during these years that important events took place which influenced the development of the named bilateral relations: the founding of the State of Israel, the establishment of diplomatic relations, the ascertainment of Jerusalem's status, and the severance of other diplomatic relations. The Russian Orthodox Church was involved in Soviet Middle Eastern policy, the purpose of which was to strengthen ties between the Moscow Patriarchate and the Eastern Patriarchates. The methodological basis of this study is the principle of historicism, which involves taking into account specific historical conditions and events that shaped the process under study. The scientific novelty of the presented work lies in the fact that it studies the previously unexplored process of the development of the relations between the Moscow Patriarchate and the Jerusalem Orthodox Church during this period. The source base of this research is the unpublished documents from the collection of the Council for Religious Affairs under the Council of Ministers of the USSR State Archive of the Russian Federation. On the basis of an analysis of archival materials, which are also introduced into scientific circulation for the first time, the author concluded, on the one hand, that the contacts between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Jerusalem Patriarchate were maintained through the Soviet diplomatic mission in the State of Israel. This is why the state of bilateral relations influenced the relations between the Churches. On the other hand, after the severance of diplomatic relations in February 1953, the position of the Russian Orthodox Ecclesiastical Mission in Jerusalem worsened, but contacts between the Moscow and Jerusalem patriarchies were not interrupted. Representatives of the Jerusalem Church had the right to freely cross the border, as a result of which they could visit the Mission despite the state of the Soviet-Israeli relations.
3
Ervine, Roberta. "Portrait of a Local Saint: Hanna of Jerusalem." Religion and the Arts 15, no. 1-2 (2011): 61–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852911x547475.
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AbstractAmong the vast array of priceless treasures in the collection of Jerusalem’s Armenian Patriarchate is a votive portrait of a local Jerusalem saint, the priest Hanna, a native son of Jerusalem’s Armenian community. The existence of the portrait is all but unknown, despite the fact that its subject has inspired generations of Jerusalem monks to dedicate their lives to the service of the Sts. James. As vicar to Jerusalem’s Patriarch Grigor IV Shirvants‘i (Shght‘ayakir) Hanna was instrumental in reviving the fortunes of the Jerusalem Patriarchate, which, in the early eighteenth century, had suffered a near-total eclipse. Although Hanna died before the age of forty, the many activities of his short career included such major achievements as the renovation of the Armenian sections of the Holy Sepulchre Church and the transformation of the Patriarchate compound into a fully enclosed and self-sufficient enclave.
4
Sherrard, Broke. "“Palestine Sits in Sackcloth and Ashes”: Reading Mark Twain’s The Innocents Abroad as a Protestant Holy Land Narrative." Religion and the Arts 15, no. 1-2 (2011): 82–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852911x547484.
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AbstractAmong the vast array of priceless treasures in the collection of Jerusalem’s Armenian Patriarchate is a votive portrait of a local Jerusalem saint, the priest Hanna, a native son of Jerusalem’s Armenian community. The existence of the portrait is all but unknown, despite the fact that its subject has inspired generations of Jerusalem monks to dedicate their lives to the service of the Sts. James. As vicar to Jerusalem’s Patriarch Grigor IV Shirvants‘i (Shght‘ayakir) Hanna was instrumental in reviving the fortunes of the Jerusalem Patriarchate, which, in the early eighteenth century, had suffered a near-total eclipse. Although Hanna died before the age of forty, the many activities of his short career included such major achievements as the renovation of the Armenian sections of the Holy Sepulchre Church and the transformation of the Patriarchate compound into a fully enclosed and self-sufficient enclave.
5
Dumper, Michael. "The Christian Churches of Jerusalem in the Post-Oslo Period." Journal of Palestine Studies 31, no. 2 (January 1, 2002): 51–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2002.31.2.51.
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This article surveys the main trends in the relations of Jerusalem's historic churches with Israel and the Palestinians since the 1967 occupation and especially since Oslo. It examines the shift from cooperation with the Israeli state in the early period to a closer identification with the Palestinian nationalist position under the impact of Israeli actions and other factors, including pressures from the laity and an increasingly "Palestinianized" higher clergy, and details the growing cooperation among the churches themselves. The article ends with an examination of the various options for a future church role, especially in the light of the churches' proposal for a "special statute" for Jerusalem, and concludes that a holy places administrative regime under Palestinian sovereignty would be more likely to protect long-term Christian interests.
6
O’Mahony, Anthony. "Christian presence in modern Jerusalem:." Evangelical Quarterly 78, no. 3 (April 21, 2006): 257–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-07803008.
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The disunity of the Church is highly visible in Jerusalem where many different communions all have their representatives. After many years of deep hostility the heads of different churches in 1994 signed a ‘Memorandum on the Significance of Jerusalem for Christians’, since when they have met regularly under the presidency of the Greek Orthodox Patriarch. The Arab Christian community has faced considerable pressure both from the Israeli government and from Muslims and since the Six Day War some 35% of the Palestinian Christian population has emigrated.
7
CAMPBELL, ALASTAIR. "THE ELDERS OF THE JERUSALEM CHURCH." Journal of Theological Studies 44, no. 2 (1993): 511–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/44.2.511.
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MÉNDEZ, HUGO. "Stephen the Martyr (Acts VI–VIII) in the Early Jerusalem Lectionary System." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 68, no. 1 (January 2017): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046916001421.
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Lectionary and homiletic sources indicate that the Church of Jerusalem commemorated Stephen twice within the same two-week period (26/27 December and 7 January). Few studies have explored the origins of these feasts, the relationship between their appointed readings and the phenomenon of parallel, or redundant, feasts in fifth-century Jerusalem. This study will locate the development of these feasts within the struggle of the Church of Jerusalem to develop a local cult of martyrs after the Constantinian settlement.
9
Paczkowski, Mieczysław C. "Od „tronu świętego Jakuba” do patriarchatu jerozolimskiego." Vox Patrum 58 (December 15, 2012): 9–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4066.
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The place of beginning of the Christian community was called „the Upper Church of the Apostles” in Mount Zion. It became the seat of the Mother Church under the leadership of fourteen bishops of Jewish stock from the beginning until the reign of Constantine. The authority of the bishops was symbolized by the throne of St. James. The complete transformation of Jerusalem into a „Roman city” operated by Emperor Aelius Hadrian meant the end of the Jewish hierarchy in the Mother Church and the emergence of a new leadership of Gentile origin. Until the time of bishop Maximus the Holy Sepulcher became the center of the Gentile Church. In the IV century we can say the growing rivalry between Caesarea and Jerusalem and appearing of many members of the hierarchy and the monastic communities participated very energetically in the problems of the local Church. In the time of Cyril of Alexandria can be seen the support given to him by the Palestinian bishops. The alliance Jerusalem – Alexandria would last until the beginning of the council of Chalcedon. At that time Juvenal of Jerusalem was striving for the recognition of patriarchal status for the see of the Holy City, decided to go over to the opposite side, formed by Constantinople, Rome and the Antiochenes, thus abandoning the „monophysite party”. Thanks to this dramatic change, the Church of the Holy Land was able to associate itself officially with the dogmatic decision of Chalcedon and the Metropolitan of Jerusalem was elevated to the status of Patriarch.
10
Tsafrir, Yoram. "Procopius and the Nea Church in Jerusalem." Antiquité Tardive 8 (January 2001): 149–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.at.2.300693.
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11
Kain, Kevin M. "Conceptualizing New Jerusalem." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 54, no. 1-3 (August 13, 2020): 134–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/22102396-05401008.
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Abstract This essay re-conceptualizes Muscovite notions of New Jerusalem, by considering the practice of historical replication, including hierotopy, as a religious-political ideology. It explains why and how Tsar Fedor Alekseevich adopted and advanced the replication of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher at the Resurrection “New Jerusalem” Monastery, founded by Patriarch Nikon and his father Tsar Aleksei Mikhailovich, despite the ecumenical patriarchs’ condemnation of Nikon and his monastery in 1666 and eschatological fears promoted by Old Believers. Fedor resurrected the New Jerusalem idea in order to solidify his inheritance of the Muscovite throne and the Constantinian legacy in connection with the First Russo-Turkish War of 1676–1681. The tsar embraced the “Byzantine-New Jerusalem scenario,” according to which Muscovite rulers who scored military victories through the power of the True Cross in St. Constantine’s image were obliged to preform churchwardenship (ktitorstvo) in imitation of the Byzantine emperor, including the embellishment of the prototypical Jerusalem church and its replications in Russia. The investigation of Tsar Fedor Alekseevich’s Byzantine-New Jerusalem scenario reveals the non-linear, non-logical type of thinking that advanced political goals, including the establishment of the legitimacy of the tsar and his dynasty. This article highlights and qualifies the strategy of historical repetition, in which the icon reproduces the prototype in real, not metaphoric, terms.
12
Nazir-Ali, Michael. "Jerusalem: the Christian perspective." Evangelical Quarterly 78, no. 3 (April 21, 2006): 203–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-07803003.
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Jerusalem has been settled, invaded, destroyed and resettled by people from many different ethnic and religious backgrounds over the centuries. In particular, both Jews and Arabs have strong historical claims to it. The Anglican church favours an open and inclusive city, with access for people of all faiths.
13
Raedts, Peter. "St Bernard of Clairvaux and Jerusalem." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 10 (1994): 169–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014304590000020x.
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Although Jesus wept while mourning the inevitable destruction of the city (Luke 19. 41), and St Paul taught the Christians of Galaria to look for it not on earth, but in heaven (cf. Gal. 4.25-6), the Christian imagination has always been haunted by the city of Jerusalem. As early as the second century Melito of Sardis travelled to Jerusalem to see for himself ‘the place where these things were preached and done’. And as soon as Christianity became a licensed religion under the protection of the Emperor, Christians from all parts of the Empire began to flock to Jerusalem to see for themselves the holy sites ubi steterunt pedes eius, where once his feet stood (Ps. 132. 7) Churches were built to mark all the places mentioned in the Gospels, monasteries were founded to receive the pilgrims, and stories began to circulate about the spectacular conversions which happened to pilgrims while visiting the Holy Places, such as that of St Mary of Egypt who turned from a nymphomaniac into a desert mother on the very doorstep of the church of the Holy Sepulchre. Quite soon earnest Church Fathers like St Jerome and St Gregory of Nyssa, both of them pilgrims to Jerusalem, had to issue dire warnings that true Christianity was a matter of the heart and not of geography, and that a trip to Palestine might perhaps be helpful but certainly not necessary in order to find Christ.
14
Davenport, Nancy. "William Holman Hunt’s Holy War in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem." Religion and the Arts 17, no. 4 (2013): 341–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685292-12341284.
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Abstract This essay is concerned to interpret the background, meaning, and reception of a late painting by the British Pre-Raphaelite painter William Holman Hunt entitled The Miracle of the Sacred Fire in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre (1899). The painting illustrates and critiques an annual Easter Saturday miracle reported to have been experienced by believers and nonbelievers since the third century CE. During this miracle, fire descends from the oculus of the dome in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem onto the site believed to be the tomb of Christ, and impassioned pilgrims by the hundreds seek to light their candles with its flame. The painting, not well received when first exhibited at the New Gallery in London, remained in Hunt’s studio until his death in 1910. The history of the church in Jerusalem, the conflicts between the different Christian sects who guarded it, the attitude of one Victorian ecumenical Protestant traveler to Jerusalem toward these conflicts, and their resolution in his painting are the subjects used to explore this strangely overwrought and little known image.
15
Sagan, Oleksandr N. "Two families of Orthodox churches: is it possible to unite?" Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 21 (December 18, 2001): 88–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2002.21.1233.
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The Fourth (Chalcedonian) Ecumenical Council in 451 divided the Ecumenical Orthodoxy into two large parts. The first is Orthodox churches (Chalcedonian, orthodox, "Eastern" (Efsten), which include the four ancient patriarchates (Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem), along with the younger recognized and unrecognized autocephalous Orthodox Churches, which today are numbered around the world However, in spite of the later division of Orthodoxy with the national churches (the separation here was usually based on an administrative principle), they all represent a single church community with a common faith nnyam nature and expression of church life. The basis of the true apostolic faith they accept the first, except the Bible, and even the decision of the seven ecumenical councils.
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Griffith, S. H. "Stephen of Ramlah and the Christian Kerygma in Arabic in Ninth-Century Palestine." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36, no. 1 (January 1985): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900023939.
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In the period of time between the Islamic conquest and the coming of the crusaders to Palestine in 1099, Christian pilgrims from East and West continued to visit the Holy Land, and particularly Jerusalem, by the licence of the Islamic government. Among the western visitors during this period at least half a dozen of them published accounts of their journeys. However, these accounts tell one virtually nothing about the life of the local Church, beyond the occasional list of shrines, churches, monasteries and the number of personnel assigned to them. As one modern scholar has remarked, ‘In the Patriarchate of Jerusalem the indigenous element is always half-hidden behind the crowds of pilgrims of every nationality…In the Holy City the resident aliens often outnumbered the Christian natives of Jerusalem, but in Palestine taken as a whole, the Syrians must always have been a majority.’
17
Katz, Itamar, and Ruth Kark. "THE GREEK ORTHODOX PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM AND ITS CONGREGATION: DISSENT OVER REAL ESTATE." International Journal of Middle East Studies 37, no. 4 (September 23, 2005): 509–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743805052189.
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Dissent between the clerical establishment and lay followers is not an infrequent phenomenon and has often focused on church appointments, leadership, and political issues. In the Middle East, such tensions are found between churches usually led by European clergy and their predominantly Arab congregations. Here we combine historical and geographical research methods to investigate a neglected source of contention—that of property held by the church. We reconstruct, analyze, and present detailed case studies of long-term disputes over real estate between the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem (its Greek patriarch and clergy), and its lay Arab community, known as Rum Orthodox, Roman Christians, or Greek Orthodox, and which number about 71,000 members.
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Terka, Mariusz. "Źli chrześcijanie w Kościele w świetle nauczania św. Augustyna." Vox Patrum 60 (December 16, 2013): 417–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3999.
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The main perspective from which St. Augustine describes the Church, is the category of good and evil. It is included in the image of the heavenly Jerusalem understood as a community of saints in heaven, Zion as a symbol of the pilgrim Church and the metaphor of Babylon, which is the kingdom of evil and persecutor of the followers of Christ. The Church on earth exists between Jerusalem and Babylon, and for this reason there are both good and bad people. That confusion is an important feature of Augustine’s Church in its earthly dimension. Saints Christians are trying to improve the bad members of the Body of Christ, but they are also forced to tolerate the evil that they cannot change, and bad Christians can persecute the good ones. Augustine calls their mutual relationship the spiritual battle. The judgment of them, and their final separation belongs to God only, and it will be done during the Final Judgement.
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Emmett, Chad F. "The Status Quo Solution for Jerusalem." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 2 (January 1, 1997): 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537780.
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Sharing sovereignty of political territory is not practiced often, yet it seems to be the only reasonable solution for the complex issue of Jerusalem. Using the holy places of Jerusalem as a model, the author shows how sharing sacred space, albeit on a very small scale, can be done peacefully. For more than a century Greeks, Latins, Armenians, and Copts have shared the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in an interlocking system of scattered sovereignty. Such a system also could work between Israelis and Palestinians as they share the sacred space of Jerusalem.
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Williams-Hogan, Jane. "Field Notes: The Swedenborgian Church in South Africa." Nova Religio 7, no. 1 (July 1, 2003): 90–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2003.7.1.90.
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The Swedenborgian Church, also called the New Church, was established in South Africa among English-speaking settlers in 1850. It is based on the theological writings of Emanuel Swedenborg (1688-1772). Swedenborg's "new" Christianity emphasizes, among other things, the internal meaning of the Bible, life after death, and the special spiritual qualities of black Africans. These field notes are based on a trip to South Africa in August 2000, and examine how the two primary types of Swedenborgian churches are adjusting to post-apartheid South Africa today. The English-speaking New Church is associated with the General Church of the New Jerusalem headquartered in the United States. Also affiliated with the General Church are a number of Zulu and Sotho congregations. The General Church has a hierarchical structure, a male priesthood, and primarily white leadership. One of the English-speaking societies has a school from preschool through eighth grade, and a Zulu-Sotho congregation sponsors a preschool. The New Church was established among black Africans independently from the General Church in 1909. Today that group is called the New Church of Southern Africa. It is congregationally structured, has a male priesthood, but a strong Women's League
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la Porta, Sergio. "The Armenian Episcopacy in Mamluk Jerusalem in the Aftermath of the Council of Sis (1307)." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 17, no. 2 (April 2007): 99–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186307007110.
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From the earliest days of Christianity in Armenia, Jerusalem was an important centre of pilgrimage, culture, and faith. An Armenian hierarchy free from the authority of the Imperial Greek church had existed in Jerusalem possibly from the time of Justinian and an Armenian episcopacy from the time of the Arab conquests. According to Armenian tradition, first recorded in M. Č‘amč‘ian's History of the Armenians, in 1311 Bishop Sargis of Jerusalem (sed. 1281–1313) dramatically changed the nature of that office, when he declared himself and his entire charge independent of both the spiritual overlordship of the Catholicossate of Sis and the political protection of the Armenian kingdom founded in Cilicia. The catalyst for the rupture was the Cilician Church's decision in favour of union with Rome taken with the encouragement of the Armenian monarchy at the Council of Sis in 1307. According to Č‘amč‘ian, Bishop Sargis, rejecting the Armenian kingdom's demands of obedience, turned to the Mamluk Sultan of Egypt and received from him an edict declaring that henceforth the Armenian bishop of Jerusalem would be able to exercise full Patriarchal rights, namely, the ability to appoint bishops and to use the red patriarchal seal to ratify documents.
22
Karras, Valerie A. "The Liturgical Functions of Consecrated Women in the Byzantine Church." Theological Studies 66, no. 1 (February 2005): 96–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004056390506600105.
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[Although the ordained order of deaconesses vanished in the Byzantine Church, some women continued to fulfill, either informally or formally, various liturgical functions in public church life. The author examines1 the art-historical and textual evidence of three groups of women: noblewomen who participated as incense-bearers in a weekly procession in Constantinople; matrons who helped organize and keep order in a monastic church open to the public in Constantinople; and the possibly ordained order of myrrhbearers in the Church of Jerusalem.]
23
Smirnova, Irina. "The Ecclesiastical Missions of Russia in Japan and Jerusalem: The Edges of Convergence." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 11, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.5971.
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Based on new archival materials, the article reconstructs the picture of the Russian Church presence in Japan and the Holy Land at the end of the 1870s and early 1880s. This was a key period in the fate of the Japan and Jerusalem Russian Ecclesiastical Missions, when both Missions suffered crises that brought them to the verge of closure. The author considers the characteristic features and general patterns of the Russian Ecclesiastical presence abroad in the context of interfaith competition and inter-agency contradictions. The article reveals the reasons that hindered the effective work of Russian Church representatives abroad and pays special attention to the political importance of the Japan and Jerusalem REM.
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Barker, Margaret. "Jerusalem the Golden: Vision and Memory of the Church." International journal for the Study of the Christian Church 5, no. 1 (March 2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14742250500077958.
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París Marqués, Amparo. "Seis ápocas de los maestros que intervinieron en la construcción de la iglesia de San Juan de los Panetes de Zaragoza (1722)." Studium, no. 23 (August 12, 2018): 113–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_studium/stud.2017232607.
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Cuentas y materiales utilizados en la construcción de la iglesia de San Juan de los Panetes de Zaragoza, según seis albaranes de pago a los maestros que intervinieron en las obras.
Palabras clave.
Orden de San Juan de Jerusalén. Iglesia de San Juan de los Panetes (Zaragoza). Blas Ximénez. Pedro Izaguirre. Francisco de Urbieta. Domingo Sastre. Tomás de Mesa. Lorenzo Arbex.
Abstract.
Accountancy and materials used in the construction of the church of Saint John de los Panetes, in Zaragoza, according to six slips with the payment to the master builders who took part in the works.
Key Words
Order of Knights of the Hospital of Saint John of Jerusalem. Church of Saint John de los Panetes (Zaragoza). Blas Ximénez. Pedro Izaguirre. Francisco de Urbieta. Domingo Sastre. Tomás de Mesa. Lorenzo Arbex
26
Petrosyan, Hamlet. "Politics, Ideology and Landscape: Early Christian Tigranakert in Artsakh." Electrum 28 (2021): 163–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20800909el.21.012.13370.
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Tigranakert in Artsakh was founded at the end of 90s BC by the Armenian King Tigranes II the Great (95–55 BC) and in the Early Christian period continued to play a role of an important military-administrative and religious center. As аresult of excavations the Early Christian square of the Central district with two churches, remains of a monumental stela witha cross, as well as an Early Christian underground reliquary and a graveyard were unearthed. The sepulchre-reliquary was opened under the floor of the small church of early Christian Square. It has only the eastern entrance. As had been shown by further excavations Saint Grigoris’s sepulchre-reliquary in Amaras also had an eastern entrance. Saint Stephanos’s reliquary in Vachar also has only an eastern entrance. All these three structures are dated from 5th–6th centuries. In early Christian East the only tomb that had an only eastern entrance is Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. Analysis of the data on Vachagan the Pious (end of 5th–early 6th centuries), king of Albania (which included since the middle of 5th century the eastern provinces of Greater Armenia – Artsakh and Utik), allows us to conclude that at the end of the 5th century the king initiated theecclesiastical reform, trying to link the origin of the Albanian church to Jerusalem. One ofthe manifestations of this reform was the creation of the legend of the Apostle Yeghisha arriving to Albania from Jerusalem. Comparative analysis of archaeological, architectural and written data leads to the conclusion that all three tombs with the single east entrance are the result of the reformist activity of Vachagan, and the idea of single eastern entrance, most likely, was taken from the tomb of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. A new approach to the localizations of Early Christian sanctuaries in and near Tigranakert allows to compare this sacred area with early Christian sacred topography of Jerusalem.
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Bystrycka, Ella. "The Evolution of the Uniateism Doctrine in the Context of the Vatican's Eastern Policy at the End of the 19th and early 21st Centuries." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 81-82 (December 13, 2016): 189–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2017.81-82.752.
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The desire to overcome the split of Christianity in 1054, which laid the foundations for the formation of two religious systems - proclamation and Catholicism, initiated the signing of the Lyons (1274), the Ferraro-Florentine and Berestea Unions, which created a special model of the Church. Subsequently, such Churches felt the pressure of Romanization, which further strengthened the Orthodox persuasion of the desire of the Apostolic See to subordinate the Orthodox Church. The mutual alienation between the Catholics and the Orthodox was deepened in the eighteenth century, when the Congregation for the Spread of Faith by the special decree in 1729 banned "communication in sacris" (joint worship and participation in the Holy Sacraments). The doubts of the Catholics in the grace of the Orthodox churches had a reciprocal reaction from the patriarchs of Constantinople, Alexandria and Jerusalem, who in 1755 issued a joint statement calling them heretics all who were outside the Orthodox Church.
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Covaci, Valentina. "Praying for the Liberation of the Holy Sepulchre: Franciscan Liturgy in Fifteenth Century Jerusalem." Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 31 (December 31, 2019): 177–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/acta.7806.
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The fall of Jerusalem to Saladin in 1187 and the loss of the Frankish Levant in 1291 triggered new calls or crusade and the literature dedicated to "the recovery of the Holy Land" (pro recuperatione Terre Sancte). The exhortation to war and the urgency of Jerusalem's deliverance were also expressed through liturgy. This article examines two liturgical texts, a "Votive mass for the recovery of the Holy Land" (Missa devota ad recurandam Terram Sanctam) and an "Introit to the Holy Sepulchre of the Lord" (Ad Sanctum Sepulcrum Donin introitus), transmitted in manuscripts from the Franciscan library in Jerusalem, the Biblioteca Generale della Custodia di Terra Santa. This article explores the two liturgical texts in the historical context of fifteenth-century Jerusalem, when the Franciscan friars where the only Latin clergy allowed to serve at the Holy Places. Historical accounts produced in this milieu evince the friars' efforts to memorialize the deeds of the crusader kings, celebrated as liberators of the Holy Land. The liturgical texts analysed here complement this militant memorialization.
Keywords: Jerusalem, Church of the Holy Sepulchre, Franciscan liturgy, recovery of the Holy Land.
On cover:Monks singing the Office and decorated initial A[sperges me.]. Gradual Olivetan Master (Use of the Olivetan Benedictines), illuminated manuscript on parchment ca. 1430-1439. Italy, Monastero di Santa Maria di Baggio near Milan, Ca 1400-1775.Beinecke Ms1184: The olivetan Gradual. Gradual. General Collection, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University.
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RIOLI, MARIA CHIARA. "The ‘New Nazis’ or the ‘People of our God’? Jews and Zionism in the Latin Church of Jerusalem, 1948–1962." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 68, no. 1 (January 2017): 81–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046916000671.
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In the aftermath of the Holocaust the elaboration of Catholic perceptions of the Jewish people has been particularly problematic. The weight of a long tradition of Christian antisemitism and its influence on the Nazi extermination programme, as well as the revision of this attitude before and after the Shoah in various Catholic circles as a means of promoting a rapprochement, made it difficult to redefine the image of Jewish people in the Catholic imagination, and gave rise to different and conflicting interpretations. Some members of the Latin Catholic Church of Jerusalem began to argue for an analogy between Nazism and Zionism. This assertion took different forms as the political situation in Palestine evolved and in response to changing attitudes within the Church towards the Jews. This paper will reconstruct the ‘new Nazis’ paradigm in the Jerusalem Church, analysing three key periods: the 1947–9 Arab-Israeli war; the consolidation of the State of Israel in the 1950s; and the Eichmann trial of 1961–2.
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Bergren, Theodore A. "Two “Mothers” in 5 Ezra 2:1-32." Vigiliae Christianae 73, no. 4 (August 31, 2019): 440–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341415.
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Abstract The early Christian apocryphon 5 Ezra (2 Esdras) 2:1-32 describes two distinct but unidentified “mothers.” The first (2:1-7) is desolate, forlorn, and consigned to “destruction”; the second (2:15-32) is encouraged, glorified, and triumphant. It is generally recognized that the first “mother” represents the city of Jerusalem, “Mother Jerusalem.” The identity of and literary/thematic inspiration(s) behind the second “mother,” however, are uncertain. The main thesis of this paper is that the “mother” in 2:15-32 represents the Christian church, “Mother Church.” The primary evidence for this identification is the remarkable thematic and verbal parallels between 5 Ezra’s descriptions of the “mother” and the characterizations of “Mother Church” in the writings of Cyprian. Furthermore, the writings of Zeno of Verona and Lactantius contain lists of Christian ecclesiastical “works of mercy” that are close to 5 Ezra 2:20-22. Our findings suggest that 5 Ezra is a post-250 Latin composition of North African origin.
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Kochav, Sarah. "The Search for a Protestant Holy Sepulchre: The Garden Tomb in Nineteenth-Century Jerusalem." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 46, no. 2 (April 1995): 278–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900011374.
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Certainly since the time of the Emperor Constantine there had been little doubt in the Christian world that Christ was crucified, buried and rose from the dead on the site later occupied by the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. Eusebius described the discovery of the tomb beneath the site of the Roman temple to Venus and the construction of the church, dedicated in 335. Constantine's church underwent numerous changes and rebuilding, through invasions, occupations, earthquakes and the disastrous fire of 1808, which caused extensive damage. But at no time did anyone seriously dispute the convictions of the competing Christian factions – Greeks, Latins, Armenians, Georgians, Copts and Ethiopians – who had chapels, or at least a recognised foothold, within that sacred precinct. While earlier travel accounts, such as those of Willibald (AD 724) and John Mandeville (1322), had recognised that the Church of the Holy Sepulchre was located well within the walls of Jerusalem, it was generally accepted that this was because the city had expanded and surrounded the site, and that new perimeter walls enclosed the place of the crucifixion and the tomb which according to the biblical texts had to lie ‘without’ the city walls.
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Christianto, Victor. "Kesatuan dan Perbedaan dalam Gereja Perdana." Indonesian Journal of Theology 2, no. 2 (February 13, 2015): 179–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.46567/ijt.v2i2.74.
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Two interesting questions in relation to the Early Church history are the extent of unity or diversity among Peter, James, and Paul; and also how Paul's thoughts have shaped the direction of the Church in later periods. Answers to these questions will be very helpful in order that we can give a proper response to "Paulinism", an accusation which some non-Christian thinkers often have towards Christians (c.f. Tom Jacobs). Such an accusation (Paulinism) basically says that Christianity is a religion created by St. Paul, not Jesus Christ. In order to respond to such an accusation, in this article the writer will describe: what was the historical truth concerning relation between St. Paul and the Jerusalem Church generally, and especially the relation between St. Paul and James the brother of Jesus. It will be shown that the relationship between St. Paul and the Jerusalem Church did not indicate separation or conflict, but unity in diversity. This article is written with a purpose to open a new constructive way of interfaith dialogue; nonetheless, this is just preliminary research, therefore, this article may not give the last word or a definitive answer to the problems posed above.
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Sweeney, Michael L. "The Pauline collection, church partnerships, and the mission of the church in the 21st century." Missiology: An International Review 48, no. 2 (December 25, 2019): 142–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0091829619887387.
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In three, and perhaps four, of Paul’s letters he speaks of the collection he is trying to raise to send financial assistance back to the impoverished church in Jerusalem. Biblical scholars have speculated for years regarding Paul’s motivation and purpose behind this collection. While many have been suggested, this article will focus on the collection as an expression of church solidarity between different regions. It will not only summarize significant recent research on the subject, but move beyond the historical and exegetical questions to inquire about the missiological significance of the collection for today’s church. What does this ancient fund-raising effort say about how the church in the 21st century should think about missions and church solidarity?
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Jeffery, Peter. "The Earliest Christian Chant Repertory Recovered: The Georgian Witnesses to Jerusalem Chant." Journal of the American Musicological Society 47, no. 1 (1994): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3128835.
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From the fourth to the twelfth century, the city of Jerusalem had its own liturgical rite and chant repertory, which used the Greek language. Until recently, however, very little was known about this tradition because hardly any medieval manuscripts of it survived. But the Greek texts were translated into Georgian when the church of Georgia adopted the rite of Jerusalem as its own, and critical editions of these translations, made from tenth-century manuscripts, have recently been published. The translations show that the chant repertory of Jerusalem exercised much influence on the other medieval chant repertories in Greek, Syriac, Armenian, and Latin. When texts from Jerusalem survive in these other traditions, they tend to be set to melodies that are consistent with the modal assignments and neumes of the Georgian sources. This suggests that the features these melodies share do go back in some way to the lost melodies that were once sung in Jerusalem itself.
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Flores Colín, Miguel Santiago. "Las listas episcopales en Eusebio de Cesarea: entre teología e historia." Nova Tellus 39, no. 2 (June 29, 2021): 93–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.nt.2021.39.2.79285.
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The status quaestionis on the Episcopal Lists of Eusebius of Caesarea has different positions. The complete Episcopal Lists offer specific information which, compared with current systematic studies, show that the historical strictness of the Father of Christian Historiography is directly related with his Theological intention and not disassociated as has been argued. The research contributes with the inclusion of the Church of Caesarea as an example of the Episcopal Lists, along with the Churches of Rome, Antioch, Jerusalem, and Alexandria.
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Bruce, F. F. "The church of Jerusalem in the Acts of the Apostles." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 67, no. 2 (March 1985): 641–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.67.2.5.
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Lineham, Peter J. "The origins of the New Jerusalem Church in the 1780s." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 70, no. 3 (September 1988): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.70.3.9.
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O'MAHONY, Antony. "Christian Presence, Church-State Relations and Theology in Modern Jerusalem." ARAM Periodical 18 (December 31, 2006): 229–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/aram.18.0.2020731.
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Pruitt, Jennifer. "Method in Madness: Recontextualizing the Destruction of Churches in the Fatimid Era." Muqarnas Online 30, no. 1 (January 31, 2014): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118993-0301p0007.
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The reign of al-Hakim bi-ʾAmr Allah (r. 996-1021) is often dismissed as a psychotic blip in the history of multiconfessional relations in the medieval Islamic world. Al-Hakim infamously embarked on a large-scale destruction of churches in his realm, including the Church of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem. This article draws on a variety of sources to argue that rather than being reductively attributable to a personal psychological imbalance, al-Hakim’s dramatically negative treatment of churches signaled a general shift from an esoteric form of Ismaili Shiʿism to one more appealing to the broader Islamic umma.
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Gunawan, Chandra. "The Apostles and the Apostolic Church." Veritas : Jurnal Teologi dan Pelayanan 16, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 67–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.36421/veritas.v16i1.11.
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How should a contemporary reader understand the complexities of the early church? Many scholars utilize a religious studies perspective to understand the early church concluding that the church grew as a direct result (synthesis) of group conflicts (in particular, the Pauline and Petrine communities). This essay approaches the early church from a different paradigm. Using theological analysis, the author concludes that although the early church contained elements of diversity, she exhibits significant unity. The Catholic Epistles (the letters of James, Peter, John, and Jude) are independent letters that are interconnected by the Jerusalem tradition, and the theologies of these letters reflect the unique character of the early church. Therefore, it is important that NT scholars should give more attention to the Catholic Epistles so that the early church can be understood from a more constructive perspective.
Keywords: Religious Studies, Theological Analysis, Catholic Epistles, Jerusalem Tradition
Bahasa Indonesia :
Bagaimanakah pembaca masa kini memahami kompleksitas gereja mula-mula? Banyak ahli percaya bahwa gereja mula-mula, seperti pada umumnya perkembangan sebuah agama, bertumbuh melalui proses sintesis dari pertentangan antarkelompok dalamnya, yakni kelompok orang Kristen bukan Yahudi (yang diwakili oleh Paulus) dan kelompok orang Kristen, Yahudi (yang diwakili oleh Petrus dan Yakobus). Dalam artikel ini, penulis berupaya menunjukkan bahwa dalam komplesitasnya, gereja mula-mula tetap harmonis. Di sisi yang lain, artikel ini berusaha memperlihatkan pentingnya surat-surat umum dalam memahami gereja mula-mula. Surat-surat dari Yakobus, Petrus, Yohanes, dan Yudas memuat warisan ajaran dari para rasul, yakni para pemimpin gereja Yerusalem, yang menjadi pusat dari pergerakan gereja mula-mula. Pembaca modern perlu menggali surat-surat umum lebih lanjut untuk dapat lebih memahami ajaran dan pemikiran gereja mula-mula.
Kata-kata kunci: Studi Agama, Analisis Teologis, Surat-surat Umum, Tradisi Yerusalem
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Van Aarde, Andries. "The earliest Jesus group in Jerusalem." Verbum et Ecclesia 25, no. 2 (October 6, 2004): 711–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v25i2.295.
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Church formation in the history of early Christianity emanated from the kerygma about Jesus after his death. The kerygma was based on memories of Jesus which were used in the Christian cult as both explanation and apology for the encountering of God through the traditions about the crucified, buried, resurrected, and ascended Jesus. The aim of the article is to argue that the term “the Twelve” served as a self-reference of the earliest Jesus group in Jerusalem. They regarded themselves as “apostles” and "prophets” of the “new Israel”, analogous to the twelve patriarchs in the Hebrew Scriptures. Reconstructing a trail from Jesus to the earliest group in Jerusalem to Paul, the article demonstrates a fundamental difference between Paul and the Jerusalem group. They understood the notion of “the Twelve” as exchangeable for “all of Israel”, represented by “all the apostles”. For Paul the concept “apostles” is an expansion of “the Twelve” in Jerusalem.
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Нечунаева, Наталия, and Алексей Нечунаев. "НАТАЛЬЯ НЕЧУНАЕВА, АЛЕКСЕЙ НЕЧУНАЕВ Cлавянская минея XI-XVII вв: типологическая классификация и методы информационного поиска." Fontes Slaviae Orthodoxae 2, no. 2 (February 12, 2020): 65–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/fso.5093.
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This paper is a study of the Menaion, the Old Slavic hymnographical church text. First translations of church texts from the Greek language appeared in the Cyrillo-Methodian epoch. Consequent translation is related to the traditions of the Jerusalem Statute. Applying the linguistic-textological methodology and information search methods to these texts textological typology and specific linguistic variations are revealed. Using these characteristics as the basis some peculiarities of each text are shown and discussed.
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Ousterhout, Robert. "Rebuilding the Temple: Constantine Monomachus and the Holy Sepulchre." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 48, no. 1 (March 1, 1989): 66–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/990407.
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The reconstruction of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem c. 1042-1048 by the Byzantine Emperor Constantine IX Monomachus marks an important turning point in the history of the building. An analysis of the surviving remains of this phase of construction suggests that the plan was determined by an architect from the Byzantine capital, and the construction was carried out by two teams of masons. One workshop was apparently from Constantinople, and the other was trained locally in or around Jerusalem. An analysis of wall and vault construction bears out this conclusion.
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Ohme, Heinz. "Die Kirche von Zypern im sogenannten monenergetisch-monotheletischen Streit des 7. Jh.s." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 113, no. 3 (August 1, 2020): 933–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2020-0041.
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AbstractThis essay examines the main sources on the attitude of the Church of Cyprus in the so-called monoenergetic-monotheletic dispute. It is shown that the Church of Cyprus was a loyal and active partner in Constantinople’s policy of reconciliation with the Antichalcedonian churches of the East. Cyprus was also, especially under Archbishop Arkadios (624/25-641/2), a place of exile for opponents of this reconciliation, and in 636 also the venue of an important synod which was attended by legates of almost the whole church. The resulting Ekthesis was approved also in Rome and Jerusalem. Even Maximos did not succeed, after 636, to influence the position of Arkadios through the Cypriot priest monk Marinos. His six letters to Marinos offer no evidence for a dyenergetic or dyotheletic position of the Church of Cyprus. A letter from 643, written by the successor of Arkadios, Sergios (642-655), clearly shows that there was until then no protest against the Constantinopolitan church policy in Cyprus in this time. This letter, which demonstrates the firm dyenergetic and dyotheletic position of the whole Church of Cyprus, was presented at the Lateran Synod of 649, but forged or completely rewritten for this Synod. Even after 643, there is no evidence for public dissent in the Church of Cyprus, nor should it actually be expected.
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BRUEHLER, BART B. "Proverbs, Persuasion and People: A Three-Dimensional Investigation of 2 Cor 9.6–15." New Testament Studies 48, no. 2 (April 2002): 209–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688502000152.
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2 Cor 9.6–15 is crucial for understanding Paul's collection for Jerusalem, and this investigation exegetically examines the text while giving particular attention to three dimensions: sapiential material, rhetoric, and the socio-economic nature of the Corinthian church. The study concludes that the sapiential material comes from a Hellenistic Jewish background, though it shares affinities with Greco-Roman themes. Paul employs deliberative logos in vv. 6–10 as he addresses those in the lower socio-economic levels of the church, while he primarily employs pathos in vv. 12–14 and addresses those in the higher socio-economic levels of the church.
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Duşe, Călin Ioan. "L’aparizione e la diffusione del Cristianesimo a Roma." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Theologia Catholica 65, no. 1-2 (December 30, 2020): 65–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/theol.cath.2020.03.
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"The Beginning and Spread of Christianity in Rome. Christianity was preached in Rome since its very beginning. Among those who were baptised on the Day of Pentecost in Jerusalem there were some citizens of Rome. These were some of the Roman Jews, who has thirteen synagogues in the capital of the Empire, but there were also some of the pagans living in Rome. They were the first preachers of Christianity in Rome, who managed to lay the foundation of the Church from the capital of the Empire. A great number of the seventy Apostles of Jesus Christ came and preached Christianity in Rome. Their activity was intense and fruitful because in 57 or 58 A.D when Saint Apostle Paul wrote in Corinth the Epistle to the Romans, he is happy about the christians from the church of Rome: “First, I want to thank my God through Jesus Christ for you all, because your faith is being proclaimed throughout the whole world. For God is my witness.” Rom.5,8. Christianity in Rome spread even more with the arrival of the Saints Apostles Peter and Paul. They consolidated and organized the Church from the Capital of the Empire and so, through their arrival, Christianity moved from Jerusalem to Rome. Key words: Jesus Christ, Peter, Paul, Church, Christianity, Apostles, Gospel, Rome."
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Kuruvilla, Samuel J. "Palestinian Christian Politics in Comparative Perspective: The Case of Jerusalem's Churches and the Indigenous Arab Christians." Holy Land Studies 10, no. 2 (November 2011): 199–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2011.0015.
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The rapid development of the Palestinian national struggle from a rebel guerrilla movement in the 1960s and 1970s to an organisation with many of the attributes of an organised state in the 1980s and 1990s contributed to the politicisation of the Palestinian Christian church in Palestine-Israel. During this period, certain Israeli policies that included land confiscations, church and property destruction, building restrictions and a consequent mass emigration of the faithful, all contributed to a new restrictive climate of political intolerance being faced by the churches. The 1990s and 2000s saw the start and doom of the Oslo ‘peace process’ between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organisation as well as the fruition of many Israeli territorial and settlement policies regarding the Old City and mainly Arab-inhabited East Jerusalem as well as the West Bank of historic Palestine. Church-State relations plummeted to their lowest point in decades during this period. The results of the suspicion and distrust created by these experiences continue to dog the mutual relations of Israelis, Palestinian Christians and Muslims in the Holy Land.
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MICHIELS, Robrecht. "The 'Model of Church' in the First Christian Community of Jerusalem." Louvain Studies 10, no. 4 (September 1, 1985): 303–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ls.10.4.2014009.
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Katz, Itamar, and Ruth Kark. "The church and landed property: The greek orthodox patriarchate of Jerusalem." Middle Eastern Studies 43, no. 3 (April 13, 2007): 383–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263200701245969.
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Oliva Martínez, Raquel. "Epifanio de Salamina en Barb. gr. 441." Augustinianum 59, no. 2 (2019): 525–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm201959231.
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Barb. gr. 441 is a miscellaneous manuscript that contains fragments of different Fathers of the Church (Basil of Caesarea, John Chrysostom, Sophronius of Jerusalem and Epiphanius of Salamis). The scope of these adnotationes is to delimit the folios belonging to each author and offer a more detailed information on Epiphanius’ passages.