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1

Dobrinskaya, Olga Alexeyevna. "Peacekeeping in Foreign Policy of Japan." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 721–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-4-721-737.

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The article analyses Japanese approach towards peacekeeping and issues associated with Japans participation in the peacekeeping operations (PKOs). It focuses on factors which influence shaping and transformation of Japans approach towards this sphere of UN activity. For the first time, Japan sent its Self-defense forces to participate in the PKO in the early 1990s and since then peacemaking has become one of the symbols of Japan's contribution to international security. Despite the significance of cooperation with the UN that the Japanese government has underlined, the indicators that characterize Japan's participation in peacekeeping remain at a low level. In the article, the author explores the causes of this phenomenon and identifies patterns that characterize the models of Japanese participation in PKO. Using the historical method and content analysis of official documents and speeches by Japans representatives the author explores the hypothesis that currently, from the point of view of the Japanese government, the issue of participation in the PKOs is important as a way to adapt the public to the expansion of the sphere of activity of the Self-defense forces, but in practice, the ruling circles seek to avoid the risks associated with the participation of the Japanese military in the PKOs, preferring to shift the focus on peace-building, financial, educational and technological contribution that Japan can make to UN operations. The concept of active pacifism promoted by Abe did not lead to a more extensive participation of the Japanese military in the PKOs. An analysis of current trends in peacekeeping suggests that the participation of Self-defense forces in PKOs will remain at a low level and will be offset by other opportunities for Japan to contribute to international peacekeeping.
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Vasil Khizanishvili, Vasil Khizanishvili. "The Japanese economic miracle and the role of government in the process of its achievement." New Economist 16, no. 03 (January 28, 2022): 48–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/nec62-6303-042021-48.

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The Japanese economic miracle is known as the record period of Japanese economic growth between the end of World War II and the end of the Cold War (1945–1991). One of the reasons for Japan's rapid recovery from post-war trauma was the government's successful economic reform. The government institution that dealt mainly with industrial policy in Japan was the Ministry of Industry. One of the most important economic reforms was the introduction-adaptation of the "Inclined Production Mode". This success has been largely ensured to the interventionist policy of the Government of Japan and, in part, to the assistance provided by the United States in the form of the ,,Marshall Plan“. Keywords: role of government, protectionism, reconstruction, US aid ("Marshall plan"), Japanese economic miracle.
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Hosogaya, Nobuko. "Migrant workers in Japan: socio-economic conditions and policy." Asian Education and Development Studies 10, no. 1 (February 25, 2020): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-02-2019-0032.

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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to ascertain the major characteristics of contemporary migrant workers in Japan. In order to illustrate their actual situations in relation to the socio-economic conditions and government policies, data have been gathered from relevant government sources and several surveys conducted by Japanese researchers.Design/methodology/approach The paper discusses social background, socio-economic factors and the public response to migrant workers in Japan. The focus is placed upon Japanese policy context and recent trend which demonstrates an increase in foreign workers. The main method is statistical analyses of the government macro data. In addition, some data from the relevant research outcomes are systematised.FindingsThe inflow of migrant workers has consistently augmented, and this has fostered the public debate. Some observers indicate that government deceitfully accepts migrant workers through the “backdoor” and the “side doors”. There has been some criticism, relating to the fact that increasing numbers of foreign employees include many workers with no formal qualifications, such as technical internships and international students who take on part-time jobs.Originality/valueThis article provides some factors for certain migration patterns, featuring contemporary Japan's migration issues. In conclusion, some uniqueness of contemporary migrant workers in Japanese community has been depicted, and the implications of these findings can contribute to prospective research, Japan's policy and practice in this field.
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Shvydko, Vitaly G. "Science and Innovation Policy of the Japanese Government." Problemy dalnego vostoka, no. 2 (2022): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120019303-4.

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Japan has developed institutional infrastructure designed to exercise government support for research activities, including those in the private sector. This infrastructure includes government agencies which formulate and implement science and technology policy; a system of official plans and programs to support and fund research, as well as legal entities set up by the government to control the use of funds allocated for this purpose. Government infrastructure facilitating research is supplemented by research and analysis units of private companies, which account for more than 80% of total R&D expenditures. A significant role in organizing R&D belongs to universities, including associated research centers and institutes. Legal framework for science and technology policy is provided by the Law on Science, Technology and Innovation. Goals and actual tasks of this policy are formulated in five-year "basic plans", while government’s vision of it is specified in regularly updated official “innovation strategy”. Supra-ministerial "cross-cutting" programs to support most promising research and innovation are used as a tool of science and technology policy and a part of its institutional infrastructure. Another new policy tool, apart from traditional government funding of scientific and educational institutions, is the formation of a favorable research environment by eliminating intersectoral and interdepartmental barriers to information flows, setting up national databases and digital platforms for researchers. General philosophy and main task of science and technology policy have been shifting from universal support for research with regard for official priorities, to targeted search and funding of projects promising maximum contribution to attaining long-term economic and social goals. Fostering research and innovation is increasingly seen as a key link in implementing national development strategy and economic and social policy related to it. At the same time, support is not linked to specific industries but targeted on fostering “ability to conduct research that push the boundaries of knowledge and create new value” in the form of new products and markets. The main problem for institutions stimulating research and innovation is the lack of reliable objective criteria and methods of assessing effectiveness of financial and organizational support and the quality of environment created for these activities.
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Doi, Takero, Takeo Hoshi, and Tatsuyoshi Okimoto. "Japanese government debt and sustainability of fiscal policy." Journal of the Japanese and International Economies 25, no. 4 (December 2011): 414–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jjie.2011.09.006.

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6

Maruyama, Hiroshi. "Japan's post-war Ainu policy. Why the Japanese Government has not recognised Ainu indigenous rights?" Polar Record 49, no. 2 (September 17, 2012): 204–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003224741200040x.

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ABSTRACTIn 1946, the Ainu Association of Hokkaido was established by the Ainu to reclaim their lands. The 1970s and 80s saw that the association successfully put pressure on the Hokkaido Prefectural Government to take social welfare measures for the improvement of their life and make a new law counter to the Hokkaido Former Aborigines Protection Act. In 1997 the Japanese Government enacted the so-called New Ainu Law. However, it is totally different from the original draft made by the Ainu. The law does not designate the Ainu as indigenous people. Further, it is outstripped by the decision of Nibutani Dam Case that, for the first time in Japanese history, recognised Ainu right to culture and indigenousness in Japanese territory. In 2008 the Japanese Government finally recognised the Ainu as indigenous people in the wake of the UN Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. However, the Ainu do not yet have any indigenous rights. This note chronologically outlines Japan's post-war Ainu policy, and moreover explores who and what has influenced Ainu policy and the law.
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7

Sarjiati, Upik. "Nuclear Village and Risk Constructio Japan: A Lesson Learned for Indonesia." Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities 5, no. 1 (October 5, 2017): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jissh.v5i1.26.

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Japans success in the development of nuclear energy cannot be separated from the role of the nuclear village, a pro-nuclear group comprising experts, bureaucrats, politicians and the mass media. The nuclear village created an image of nuclear energy as safe, cheap and reliable. Using this nuclear village was one of the strategies used to construct a perception of the risk of nuclear energy. Thus, the acceptance by Japanese people of nuclear energy is an important factor in their support for economic development. However, the Fukushima nuclear accident changed the publics perception of nuclear energy and the Japanese Government was asked to end the operation of nuclear power plants. The government decided to change energy policy by phasing out nuclear power by the end of year 2030. Conversely, the Fukushima nuclear accident has not impeded the Indonesian Governments plans to build nuclear power plants. Thus, understanding how the Japanese Government managed nuclear risk is expected to raise Indonesian public awareness of such risks.
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8

Iida, Junzo. "Digital Transformation vs COVID-19: the Case of Japan." Digital Law Journal 1, no. 2 (August 26, 2020): 8–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.38044/2686-9136-2020-1-2-8-16.

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Whilst the DX policy of the Japanese government started in 2001, then called the E-Japan Strategy and being replaced a few years later by the i-Japan Strategy, in the 20 years since then IT has not been a success in Japan’s administrative system. On the other hand, the private sector, concerned about Japan’s lagging in its adoption of information technology, has been gradually moving forward to DX measures, such as electronic contracts. Then, this year, the COVID-19 pandemic broke out. Japan is (as of July 2020) about to experience a second wave of this disease. The need for DX has become imperative in all aspects of Japanese society, especially the government and business sectors. In the first half of 2020, the government set up DX policy rapidly; for example, civil court proceedings, the traditional carve seals custom, and the submission of administrative documents to government agencies have also been forced to move forward to DX due to COVID-19. It might be said that the crisis has been the catalyst for Japan’s shift to DX. However, it will be at least a few years before it can be known whether Japan’s DX will succeed, looking at the past examples within the Japanese bureaucratic system and politicians’ attitudes towards DX.
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SHAOUL, RAQUEL. "An Evaluation of Japan's Current Energy Policy in the Context of the Azadegan Oil Field Agreement Signed in 2004." Japanese Journal of Political Science 6, no. 3 (December 2005): 411–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109905001970.

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In 2004, a government-backed Japanese consortium signed an agreement with the government of Iran to develop the major Azadegan oil field. Not only has the project been given the go-ahead despite numerous political obstacles and poor prospects attributed it, but the agreement also appears to be in conflict with Japan's energy policy, materializing from the mid 1980s to date. Consequently it is important to evaluate Azadegan in terms of Japan's evolving oil policy. Three alternative arguments are proposed to evaluate the quality of policy change: Japan–Iran's ‘special relationship’, bureaucratic factors in the energy policy-making process, and the rise of China. The conclusion emerging from this article is that the rise of China and the growing competition between Tokyo and Beijing in the Middle East and elsewhere are the primary factors in Japan's decision to conclude the Azadegan oil deal. The Azadegan case study therefore sets a new precedent for Japanese energy policy which emphasizes the political and strategic rather than economic factors leading this policy formulation.
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10

Jung, Yong-Duck. "Public Choice Versus the Dual State: A Comparative Analysis of the Distribution of Functions between Central and Local Governments in Japan and Korea." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 17, no. 1 (August 31, 2002): 19–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps17102.

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This paper analyzes and compares the distribution of the state functions between the central and local governments of Japan and Korea in the 1980s and the 1990s. The public choice and the dual state models are applied. The former explains the functional allocation between different tiers of government in terms of the self-interested behavior of related rational actors, while the latter explains it in terms of the structural solving of the different and contradictory roles of the modern capitalist states. The Japanese data prove the relevance of the public choice model: e.e., the expenditure for allocational policy was conducted mainly by local governments, while redistributive policy was conducted by the central government. The Korean data show the opposite case, which does not fit into the propositions of the public choice model. Instead, the Korean data proves the relevance of the dual state model: i.e., the expenditure for social consumption was conducted mainly by second-tier local government, while those for social expenses and social investment were conducted mainly by the central and first-tier local governments. The Japanese case did not support the dual state thesis: i.e., more than 60% of Japan's social consumption spending was conducted by the central government. The differences between Japan and Korea can be explained by the different paths of institutionalization of local autonomy in the two countries.
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Liu, Jiayin. "Three Types of Economic Strategies in Japanese History." E3S Web of Conferences 233 (2021): 01157. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202123301157.

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Japanese economy was ruined in the WWII, but grew quickly after this war. The strategies of Japanese government used to recover the economy are analyzed through reviewing the literature in this paper. The conclusions are as follows: after the war, Japanese government had applied various policies to help their economy to grow, although not all of them got the expected result. During 1950-1970, Japanese government carried out trade strategy, which can help Japan increase exports, learn from foreign countries, and improve their industry. From 1980s, Japanese government carried out science and technology strategy, which helped Japanese to create some improved versions of technologies based on knowledge they learned from foreigners before. And during 1985 to 1990, in order to remit the appreciation of yen (Japanese money), Japanese government applied a policy called “quantitative easing policy”, which increased the yen in circulation and thus helped yen to depreciate. The first two polices indeed boosted the economy, however the last policy had an negative effect on Japanese economy in the end. But generally speaking, these policies brought Japan to a higher economic level compared with several years before when the WWII ended.
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12

Furuoka, Fumitaka. "Human Rights Conditionality and Aid Allocation: Case Study of Japanese Foreign Aid Policy." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 4, no. 2 (2005): 125–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569150054739005.

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AbstractThis paper examines a new trend in Japan's Official Development Assistance (ODA) policy that emerged at the end of the Cold War. In 1992, the Japanese government adopted the "Official Development Assistance Charter," which obliged Japan to use its foreign aid to promote human rights, democracy, and freedom. Since the beginning of the 1990s, there have been cases when Japan imposed "human rights conditionalities" by increasing the amount of foreign aid to the recipient countries with good human rights records and reducing economic assistance to the countries with poor human rights practices. However, there remain doubts whether Japan is truly committed to use its aid power as leverage to ensure that democracy and human rights are respected by the governments of its aid recipients. This paper uses panel data analysis to examine whether the condition of human rights in aid-recipient countries has become one of the factors that influence Japan's ODA allocation. The findings reveal the lack of evidence to prove that the human rights condition in aid-recipient countries has influenced the allocation of Japanese aid.
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13

DOSHI, PETER, and AKIRA AKABAYASHI. "Japanese Childhood Vaccination Policy." Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 19, no. 3 (May 28, 2010): 283–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180110000058.

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The ethical tension in childhood vaccination policies is often framed as one of balancing the value of choice with the duty to protect. Because infectious diseases spread from person to person, unvaccinated children are usually described as putting others around them at risk, violating a perceived right to be protected from harm. Editors of Lancet Infectious Diseases recently argued against mandatory vaccination, reminding us that the resort to mandatory vaccination as a means of achieving high vaccination rates is still very much a topic of Western vaccine debates. The nation of Japan offers an interesting case study in childhood vaccination policy, as it has an entirely voluntary (opt-in) system that achieves high vaccination rates. In this paper, we offer an overview of Japanese childhood vaccine policy, suggest some ways to contextualize and understand how a voluntary system achieves high vaccination rates, and speculate on what the future of Japanese vaccination policymaking and government–public relations may hold.
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Kume, Hitoshi. "Propositions to Science and Technology Policy of Japanese Government." TRENDS IN THE SCIENCES 9, no. 6 (2004): 32–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5363/tits.9.6_32.

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Otsu, Keisuke, and Katsuyuki Shibayama. "Population aging, government policy and the postwar Japanese economy." Journal of the Japanese and International Economies 64 (June 2022): 101191. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jjie.2022.101191.

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Masui, Yoshihiro. "COVID-19 and Fiscal Policies: COVID-19 and Japanese Tax Policy." Intertax 48, Issue 8/9 (August 1, 2020): 783–886. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/taxi2020075.

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This article comments on the tax measures contained in the Emergency Economic Measures for COVID-19, decided by the Japanese government on 7 April 2020 and further amended on 20 April 2020. It then speculates how Japan’s tax system may be able to finance the growing fiscal deficit over the longer run. COVID-19, tax policy, Japan, fiscal deficit, exit strategy, tax mix, tax incentive, social security, basic income.
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Horikawa, Tomoko. "Australia’s Minor Concessions to Japanese Citizens under the White Australia Policy." New Voices in Japanese Studies 12 (August 17, 2020): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.21159/nvjs.12.01.

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This paper explores concessions made by Australian authorities concerning Japanese immigration during the era of the White Australia Policy in the early twentieth century. Australia’s Immigration Restriction Act was introduced in December 1901. As the major piece of legislation in the White Australia Policy, the act made it virtually impossible for non-Europeans to migrate to Australia. However, Japanese people enjoyed a special position among non-Europeans under the White Australia Policy thanks to Japan’s growing international status as a civilised power at the time, as well as its sustained diplomatic pressure on Australia. While the Commonwealth was determined to exclude Japanese permanent settlers, it sought ways to render the policy of exclusion less offensive to the Japanese. In the early 1900s, two minor modifications to the Immigration Restriction Act were implemented in order to relax the restrictions imposed on Japanese citizens. Moreover, in the application of Commonwealth immigration laws, Japanese people received far more lenient treatment than other non-Europeans and were afforded respect and extra courtesies by Australian officials. Nevertheless, these concessions Australia made to Japanese citizens were minor, and the Commonwealth government maintained its basic policy of excluding Japanese permanent settlers from Australia. This paper shows that, despite continued diplomatic efforts, Japan was fundamentally unable to change pre-war Australia’s basic policy regarding the exclusion of Japanese permanent settlers.
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Kostyukova, K. S. "Digital Transformation Policy in Japan: the Case of Artificial Intelligence." MIR (Modernization. Innovation. Research) 10, no. 4 (December 30, 2019): 516–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.18184/2079-4665.2019.10.4.516-529.

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Purpose: this article includes the review of the Japanese policy on the national economy Digital Transformation, using the case of implementation of artificial intelligence for production and services, description and analysis of the current results, as well as identification of obstacles to achieve the expected results. Methods: the article is based on the analysis of scientific and analytical materials to the problem of research. The factual basis is the framework documents of the Cabinet of Japan, media, reports on research conducted by Japanese research institutes. Results: the article provides a brief review and analysis of the Japanese public policy of the development of AI technology, summarizes the interim results of the measures taken, identifies problematic factors that prevent the achievement of the expected results. The hypothesis is put forward about the insufficiency of government efforts to monitor and analyze the activities already implemented, the lack of practice of taking into account failures in the formation of new programs and projects. Recently, significant attention to the development of AI technology is paid in Russia. In 2019, Russian President Vladimir Putin approved the "National strategy for the development of AI until 2030". It is expected that the using of digital technologies, will increase the competitiveness of the national economy, improve the welfare of society. In this regard, the study of Japan's experience as one of the technological leaders in the development and using of digital transformation, is especially important. Conclusions and Relevance: To solve the current socio-economic problems, Japan government relies on the development of the advanced technologies. At the same time, the government continues to develop measures to stimulate the cooperation of the academic and industrial sectors to conduct joint R&D on priority technologies. However, due to the "closed" nature of Japanese corporations and the relative independence of government plans in determining the technological priorities development, the corporate sector is reluctant to follow government recommendations on the using new technologies in management and production processes, as well as joint projects with the academic sector are not large-scale and are rather formal. This situation indicates the continuing unpreparedness of key NIS participants for the perception of the advanced technologies and digital transformation.
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OHTA, Hiroshi. "Japan’s Policy on Net Carbon Neutrality by 2050." East Asian Policy 13, no. 01 (January 2021): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930521000027.

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Japan eventually joined the 2050 net carbon neutrality club soon after the Suga administration emerged. What are the primary drivers of Japan’s decision and why this timing? This article argues that the interactions of domestic and international factors can explain this policy change in the context of global competition over energy transition and technological breakthroughs to mitigate climate change. Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga’s move was almost an established policy line brewed during the predecessor government.
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Oyama, Tatsuo. "Educating and Training Japanese Government Officials: Current Trends and Policy Study Aspects." Chinese Public Administration Review 3, no. 3-4 (September 2006): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/cpar.v3i3.4.64.

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We explain the recruiting and promoting system for high-level Japanese government officials showing the trend of numbers of applicants for the recruitment examination, those who passed the examination, and also those who were employed by some ministries in the last 17 years. We describe the major characteristics of the promotion system for Japanese government officials. Educating and training Japanese government officials in the area of policy studies have been conducted in both university schools, governmental training centers, governmental schools and colleges. An education and training system for government officials needs to be developed so that each government official is equipped with a certain specialty and expertise. A formal system for evaluating individuals and programs has not been common in Japan, especially for evaluating individual work and contribution. We need to “invent” an evaluation system that will make the government officials’ decision-making system work more efficiently. Public and private universities, in particular, have been very active in creating many policy-related schools and departments in the last 20 years. Policy studies, which have been conducted in various schools in the university and government research institutes, are described in detail with their objectives, curriculums, and requirements.
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Oyama, Tatsuo. "Education and Training Japanese Government Officials: Current Trends and Policy Study Aspects." Chinese Public Administration Review 3, no. 3/4 (November 4, 2016): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/cpar.v3i3/4.64.

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We explain the recruiting and promoting system for high-level Japanese government officials showing the trend of numbers of applicants for the recruitment examination, those who passed the examination, and also those who were employed by some ministries in the last 17 years. We describe the major characteristics of the promotion system for Japanese government officials. Educating and training Japanese government officials in the area of policy studies have been conducted in both university schools, governmental training centers, governmental schools and colleges. An education and training system for government officials needs to be developed so that each government official is equipped with a certain specialty and expertise. A formal system for evaluating individuals and programs has not been common in Japan, especially for evaluating individual work and contribution. We need to “invent” an evaluation system that will make the government officials’ decision-making system work more efficiently. Public and private universities, in particular, have been very active in creating many policy-related schools and departments in the last 20 years. Policy studies, which have been conducted in various schools in the university and government research institutes, are described in detail with their objectives, curriculums, and requirements.
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Nakamura, Naohiro. "Realising Ainu indigenous rights: a commentary on Hiroshi Maruyama's ‘Japan's post-war Ainu policy. Why the Japanese Government has not recognised Ainu indigenous rights?’." Polar Record 50, no. 2 (June 20, 2013): 209–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247413000417.

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ABSTRACTThis commentary reviews Maruyama's article ‘Japan's post-war Ainu policy: why the Japanese Government has not recognised Ainu indigenous rights?’ (Maruyama 2013a), published in this journal. Maruyama criticises the government for its reluctance to enact a new Ainu law to guarantee indigenous rights, even after Japan's ratification of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). However, in actuality, the government is searching for the foundation of new Ainu policies in the existing legal frameworks and trying to guarantee some elements of indigenous rights. Japan's case suggests the possibility of realising indigenous rights without the enactment of a specific law.
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GODO, Yoshihisa. "Abenomics and the Japanese Economy." East Asian Policy 06, no. 01 (January 2014): 102–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930514000105.

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Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe regained power in end 2012. Almost simultaneously, Japan's economy started flourishing. Abe proclaims that his new economic policy called Abenomics is responsible for the growth. Since many factors account for the current economic boom, it is uncertain how much comes from Abenomics. It is, however, quite certain that Abenomics has worsened the financial condition of the government, which is already struggling with dangerous budgetary problems.
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van der Veere, Anoma P. "The Technological Utopia: Mimamori Care and Family Separation in Japan." Asiascape: Digital Asia 6, no. 3 (November 8, 2019): 185–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142312-12340111.

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Abstract Japan is undergoing a significant demographic upheaval, and the Japanese government is formulating policies for stimulating technological advances based on the assumption that they will solve issues such as labour shortages and elder care. The government argues through policy initiatives that technology will decrease the care burden on Japan’s workers, families, and itself. Although the domestic media show awareness of changing family patterns in Japan, newspapers are following a similar pattern of technological utopianism. However, this article posits that the proposed policy reforms rely on a conservative ideal of the extended family that ignores changing patterns in Japanese households. Moreover, it argues that, rather than facilitating a return to the ideal of an extended family, technology is exacerbating separation among families that have been growing apart for some time.
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Oliver, Adam James, Naoki Ikegami, and Shunya Ikeda. "Effect of Japanese Government Policy on Hospital Pharmaceutical Profit Levels." Journal of Health Services Research & Policy 4, no. 1 (January 1999): 27–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/135581969900400108.

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Muto, Hiromi. "Institutional Reform for Improving Policy Co-Ordination in Japanese Government." International Review of Administrative Sciences 57, no. 1 (March 1991): 75–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002085239105700107.

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Ito, Shuichiro. "Shaping Policy Diffusion: Event History Analyses of Regional Laws in Japanese Prefectures." Japanese Journal of Political Science 2, no. 2 (November 2001): 211–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109901000238.

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The central theme of Japanese subnational governmental study has been center–local relations. Researchers looked into the question of whether Japanese subnational governments have sufficient autonomy to pursue their own preferences. In other words, the policymaking process of subnational governments in Japan has long been examined in relation to the national government. It is true that, under the centralized governmental system, the national government of Japan exerts a substantial influence on subnational policymaking. Students of subnational governments cannot avoid this issue. However, one cannot understand the reality of subnational policymaking only by looking at the center–local relations and the administrative institutions that define the relations. Indeed, one needs to ask what determines subnational policy outcomes, to what degree the national influence affects the determinants, and under what conditions these determinants function autonomously. The present paper directly examines the subnational policymaking process itself, not the center–local relations, and tries to understand its mechanism. The paper proposes a research framework using a statistical method that has been developed in the area of diffusion study. In the framework, national influence is integrated into an analysis of subnational policymaking as one of the factors that affect policy determinants. Using the framework, the paper analyzes the process of four regional policies, which will lead to a better understanding of subnational policymaking.
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Tai, Eika. "Japanese Immigration Policy at a Turning Point." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 18, no. 3 (September 2009): 315–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719680901800301.

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This article looks into how the Japanese government has recently been changing policies and discourses on immigration. I begin by sketching the historical background of immigration policy. Then, I discuss policies, proposals and reports made in the 2000s, paying close attention to documents produced after 2005. Since then, the Japanese government, confronting the domestic problem of demographic change and the global competition for human resources, has become seriously concerned about the integration of foreign residents and has also come to engage with the question of how to expand the admission of foreign workers. In discussing this change, I am particularly interested in shedding light on how the idea of multiculturalism has been applied to the context of Japan, as this idea presents a challenge to the dominant discourse of mono-ethnicity in postwar Japan. Japanese immigration policy is at a turning point not only in the sense that it has become more inclusive but also in the sense that it has come to present a view of Japan as multicultural. Though there is resistance against the inclusion of foreigners and the idea of multiculturalism, relatively moderate approaches taken by those favoring multiculturalism may be effective in curtailing resistance and bringing about actual changes.
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Tran Nam, Trung. "Tokugawa Shogunate's policy on Buddhism and its implications." Journal of Science Social Science 65, no. 8 (August 2020): 129–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18173/2354-1067.2020-0057.

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In 1603, Tokugawa Ieyasu established the Tokugawa Shogunate, ushering in a long period of Japanese peace. In order to maintain social stability, the Tokugawa Shogunate has issued a series of policies in the fields of politics, economy, culture, and society. For Buddhism, the bakufu forced families to register for permanent religious activities at a local temple; required the sects to make a list of monasteries in their sects; banned the construction of new monasteries; encouraged the learning and researching discipline of monasteries throughout the country. These policies have had a multifaceted impact on the bakufu government, as well as Buddhism. For Buddhism, the policies of the Tokugawa shogunate marked a period of restoration but tightly controlled by this religion in Japan. The privileges that Buddhism possesses have given great power to Buddhist temples to Japanese people from peasants to samurai. This was also a period of witness to the academic revival of the Japanese Buddhist sects. For the bakufu government, Buddhism was tightly controlled by the government, becoming an effective tool to fight against Christianity as well as managing and controlling the inhabitants, and strengthening the feudal social order.
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Cho, Hang Rae. "Japanese invasion policy on Korea -Japanese ultranationalistic group, the invasion footmarks of "the genyosha"-." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 1 (December 31, 1986): 126–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps01009.

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The Japanese invasions on Korea and the Chinese Continent were streed not only by the national organization such as the government organization or the military, but also by the ultranationalistic groups, such as The Kokuryukai(Black Dragon Society) and a number of similar groups including The Genyosha. It cannot be denied that they have distorted various facts about Japanese ultranationalistic groups' invasion footmarks connected with the invasion of Japanese imperialism. Moreover, there have been quite a few research results which proved that the Japanese government instigated its people to raise invasion spirit against other countries. a reflection In the light of above there remains a task to study them from the standpoint of those who had been invaded and also from the historical perpective of Korea. Through such points of view, We will study in this paper on the background built by Japanese ultranationalistic groups and the process and the theory of expanding national power during the invasion period of Japanese imperialism from 1881 to 1910, and also study the invasion footmarks on Korea among those on other countries.
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31

Takeda, Yu. "Economic Superpower in an Age of Limits." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 21, no. 3 (September 11, 2014): 278–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02103003.

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This paper examines macroeconomic policy coordination between Japan and the United States under the locomotive strategy from 1977 to 1979. Previous studies have described the strategy as a fiasco because of its negative economic impact. In fact, the Japanese government, after two years of stimulus packages, quit trying to be a locomotive bringing other developed countries out of their economic difficulties and the u.s. government admitted it in 1979. On the other hand, as this article shows, bilateral cooperation with the United States under this strategy expanded the roles and burdens of Japan, an emerging economic superpower, in international economic policy coordination. Japan’s efforts to implement the strategy made the u.s. government believe that Tokyo would continue to respond to its request to bear larger international responsibilities, while it also increased awareness of Japan’s global role in Tokyo. These bilateral perceptual changes paved the way for subsequent policy coordination and Japan’s assumption of greater burdens, notably the adoption of large-scale stimulus packages under belt-tightening budgets.
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Abe, Tsuneyuki, and Alexander E. Raevskiy. "Psychological characteristics of Japanese attitude toward COVID-19: Sanitary masks and “jishuku” (self-restriction)." National Psychological Journal 39, no. 3 (2020): 13–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.11621/npj.2020.0302.

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Relevance of the article. COVID-19 is a serious global problem, that humanity is facing today. Different countries provide various measures to confront the epidemic. But not only measures differ from country to country, but people’s attitude to this problem is also quite different. In Japan the number of victims is relatively low, and it can be suggested that several socio-psychological factors of the Japanese society underlie this phenomenon. Aim of the current research is to describe psychological measures of confronting COVID-19 in Japan, and to analyze religious, cultural and psychological features of the Japanese people, that could predeterminate the effectiveness of measures conducted by the Japanese government to confront the epidemic. Course of the research. Current article is devoted to the two main features of Japanese policy confronting COVID-19: sanitary masks and self-restriction policy (jishuku). The attitude of the Japanese people to the epidemic, and the measures conducted by the government are analyzed from psychological point of view. Also, basic social and psychological factors that supposedly helped to control the epidemic and the features of governmental policy in confronting COVID-19 are described. Results. Important feature of the Japan’s anti-COVID-19 policy was an absence of strict measures suppressing individual freedom. But in spite of that, government’s appeal for the mask use and social distance was carefully followed by the people. It can be probably explained by a historically based tendency of the Japanese people to conduct themselves in accordance with the social rules, a daily habit of sanitary masks usage, and also a special attitude to cleanliness and hygiene. Conclusion. Fight against COVID-19 requires systematic, coordinated and constructive approach, use of several scientific disciplines, human resources and technological solutions. Probably the Japanese experience in this problem would help international community to confront epidemic.
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33

Shipilova, M. A. "Concept <i>Japanese National Character</i> through the Prism of Migration Policy." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 6, no. 1 (March 28, 2022): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2022-1-21-107-124.

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The strategy and tactics of Japan's contemporary migration policy are determined by the ethnocultural characteristics of the Japanese nation, recognized as the concept of national character (国民性 kokuminsei), which is both a political and scientific entity. The rapid changes in migration policy today expose the practical need to study the causes, consequences, and specifics of related social and political concepts such as national character and the factors that shape it. The accurate knowledge helps predict cultural, political, and socioeconomic changes and future agendas. This concept is a subject of paramount importance for international relations studies, as it is rooted in the Japanese nation's self-consciousness and represents core elements of national history within its interrelation with present policy. The study suggests that the Japanese national character, described and conceptualized in the late Edo period (1603–1868) and the Meiji period (1868–1912), still influences the attitudes of the Japanese towards migration and foreigners in general. The representatives of kokugaku (国学 national study) that originated at that time and nihonjin-ron (日本人論 theories about the Japanese) that developed further sought to assert the authenticity of Japanese culture and its history and construct a national identity. Assumingly, it would become an instrument of protecting the country from the influence of China and later the West. Today, researchers of Japanese culture, both in Japan and abroad, continue to refer to post-war nihonjin-ron, criticizing, rethinking, or adding to its major provisions. Content analysis of the vocabulary used in connection with the concept of national character in official documents regulating the relevant area of social policy, as well as in the media and social networks, has revealed some features of the modern interpretation of this concept. In particular, there are attempts to identify socially significant features of a member of Japanese society. Certain acculturation efforts required from migrants imply the development of the skills that are socially important from the point of view of Japanese society. The comprehensive analysis of measures for the integration and adaptation of migrants implemented by the local governments of Japan has shown that communicative phenomena associated with the concepts of meiwaku (迷惑 causing trouble), omoiyari (思いやり considerate caring for others), as well as the culture of gift-giving and apologizing play an important role in the relationships between Japanese and foreigners. In addition, the analysis of migration policy allows concluding that the concept of coexistence between Japanese and foreigners (多文化共生 tabunka kyousei) currently pursued by the government, despite its promising title, does not quite correspond to multiculturalism in its classical sense, in other words — does not imply deliberate government action to preserve and develop cultural differences within one society.
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34

Choi, Won Ah. "A study on the design administration of the Japanese government focusing on the change of polich and role of tne Ministry of Economy, Trand and Industry." Korea Institute of Design Research Society 7, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 345–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.46248/kidrs.2022.2.345.

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As design emerges as a key element of national brands, the role of the state in design is becoming more important than in the past. This thesis examines the design administration of the Japanese government as part of a case study to find the deriction of the government's design administration. To this end, design administration and concepts are summarized, and then the design policy and role changes of the Ministry of Economy, Industry and Energy as the main body of the Japanese government's design administration system and design policy are examined. Design administration is an active and active action of the state on desitn. In terms of design policy types that differ by country, Japan seems to be moving from a cetralized type to a mixed type to an integrated type. The government-led design administration was indispensable in the process of promoting industrialization, and therefore it is evaluated that it was able to achieve results. However, limitations have been pointed out, such as the scope of administration and organizational system failing to accommodate the expansion of the design domain, and the widening gap between the policy vision and reality, which is the task of our design policy.
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35

Swan, William L. "Japan's Intentions for Its Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere as Indicated in Its Policy Plans for Thailand." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 27, no. 1 (March 1996): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400010742.

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The article examines the intent of the Japanese for their Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. It relies on documents that the Japanese government prepared in September 1942 which set forth prospective policy towards Thailand as a member of the Co-Prosperity Sphere. The proposals in these documents specified the political and diplomatic relations Japan expected to have with Thailand, and they were very specific regarding Japan's control over Thailand's economy as a part of the Co-Prosperity Sphere. The documents indicate that the Japanese were aiming at establishing a well-organized, well-regulated sphere as a unity under the direction of Japan. The organic nature that the Japanese envisioned for the Co-Prosperity Sphere was patterned on the same organic unity that they had applied to building and controlling their empire between 1895 and 1940.
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36

Shinji, Yokote. "Soviet Repatriation Policy, U.S. Occupation Authorities, and Japan's Entry into the Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 2 (April 2013): 30–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00336.

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This article examines how the defeated and demoralized Japanese, faced with Soviet detention and repatriation policies, were embroiled in Cold War antagonism that originated with the division of Europe. The article addresses three main questions. First, how did the Japanese government seek to facilitate the return of Japanese from the Soviet-occupied zone? Second, how did negotiations over Japanese repatriation intersect with U.S.-Soviet relations? Third, how did Soviet repatriation policy effect Japanese foreign policy in the initial stage of the Cold War? This episode brings out important aspects of U.S.-Soviet-Japanese interactions during the early Cold War.
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37

Kojima, Chie. "Legal Structures of Marine Protected Areas in Japan." Asia-Pacific Journal of Ocean Law and Policy 5, no. 1 (June 19, 2020): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24519391-00501002.

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This paper aims to explain how Japanese MPAs are established, managed, and implemented based on different laws. It introduces the definition of MPAs adopted within the governmental agencies and the relevant policy documents that describe the government's intention to expand MPAs in Japan. It then discusses the first and second largest types of MPAs in Japan, which represent centralized and community-based types of MPAs, respectively. It also touches upon the 2019 amendment to Japan’s Nature Conservation Act, which enables the government to designate MPAs in the offshore seabed area to protect its ecosystems.
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38

McKibbin, Warwick J. "Macroeconomic Policy in Japan." Asian Economic Papers 1, no. 2 (May 2002): 133–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15353510260187454.

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This paper explores the composition of the macroeconomic policy packages that would be effective in stimulating the Japanese economy. An empirical econometric model is used to predict the consequences of a monetary stimulus consisting of an open-market purchase of government bonds by the Bank of Japan combined with the announcement and implementation of inflation targeting in Japan. The paper also compares the impacts of permanent, temporary, and phased fiscal adjustments. The model predicts that monetary policy would be effective in stimulating the Japanese economy through causing a depreciation of the yen. Similarly, a substantial fiscal consolidation in Japan would be only mildly contractionary for the first two years but then would yield substantial long-term benefits to the Japanese economy. Combining a credible fiscal contraction that is phased in over three years with an inflation target would be likely to provide a powerful macroeconomic stimulus to the Japanese economy, through a weaker exchange rate and lower long-term real interest rates, and would sustain higher growth in Japan for a decade. Thus, a switch in the macroeconomic policy mix toward a loose monetary policy (e.g., setting inflation targets between 2 and 3 percent) and a tight fiscal policy is likely to be an important part of a successful package of reforms to raise Japanese productivity growth over the coming years.
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39

Ishikawa, Shigeru. "Sino-Japanese Economic Co-operation." China Quarterly 109 (March 1987): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000017446.

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1. Introduction – China's Four Modernizations and Japan's Policy StandpointThe Deng Xiaoping government has, since 1978, been tackling the task of achieving Four Modernizations by the end of this century.
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40

Hall, Andrew. "Japan’s Education Policies in Korea in the 1910s: “Thankful and Obedient”." Journal of Korean Studies 25, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 115–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07311613-7932272.

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Abstract In the 1910s, Japanese colonial officials worked to legitimize their recently acquired rule of Korea by providing public elementary education, gradually expanding from an initially limited offering. Their public schools existed in tension with Korean-run private schools, which the Japanese barely tolerated. There was also a tension within the Japanese camp over the proper curriculum for the public elementary schools. The Korean Education Ordinance of August 1911 was a compromise between Japanese officials in Korea, who generally favored a gradual approach to colonial rule, and Japanese educators and officials in Japan, who generally were optimistic about Japan’s ability to assimilate the Koreans through education. This article expands our understanding of the process of drafting the ordinance. It examines the Japanese “national language” and “Korean and literary Sinitic” textbooks published during the 1910s, and finds that the compromise resulted in messages of thankfulness and obedience, stressing Japanese superiority and Korean backwardness. Finally, it reviews the Japanese attempts to control Korean-run private schools. This article explicates the creation and implementation of colonial education policy by examining internal and external documents published by the Government-General of Korea and its employees, the textbooks the government published, and Japanese education journals.
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41

Asba, Rasyid. "The Economic Policy of Japanese Naval Government in South Sulawesi in the Second World War 1942 -1945." Indonesian Historical Studies 1, no. 2 (December 18, 2017): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v1i2.1163.

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The Japanese economic policy in South Sulawesi seemed to have different policies when compared to the other colonies in Indonesia. It was indicated by leadership typology of Japanese Navy which based in Makassar, Bukittinggi, and Java. In South Sulawesi, the policy was more focused on the compliance of logistic materials by strengthening on clothing industry, plantation of cotton and castor oil, and fisheries. The important policy of the army was the agricultural massive production sector to support the war. In addition, the agricultural and industrial sectors were also developed such as salt, castor oil, textile, silk, handicrafts and the like. Those phenomena analyzed by historical method. It used archives such as Japanese occupation reports in Makassar, Romusha archives in Makassar, and Japanese local politic documents in South Sulawesi. The reports on Japanese economic activities in South Sulawesi were also consulted. Information from magazines and newspapers were also taken such as Pemberitaan Makassar, Bintang Timoer, Sinar Baroe, Soeara Asia, Hong Po, and Pemandangan. In addition to, it has complied oral history with direct interviews to the people who are still alive and experienced on the era. The Japanese economic policies in South Sulawesi influenced great changes in new economic structure on the emergence of the diversification of popular-based commodity especially clothing and foodstuff during the war. That was the reason why people in South Sulawesi directed to execute intensification of agriculture in a professional productive manner supported by communal industrial policy.
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42

Setiawan, Sigit. "Japanese Abenomics Stimulus Policy: The Impact on Indonesian and Japanese Economy." Kajian Ekonomi dan Keuangan 18, no. 2 (November 9, 2015): 155–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31685/kek.v18i2.48.

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To address economic crisis and promote domestic economy to re-grow, Japanese government has launched Abenomics stimulus package in January 2013 to be disbursed during period 2013-2014. This study is focused and limited to analyze the impact of Abenomics policy on Japanese GDP and its transmission effect to Indonesian GDP. This study employs quantitative analysis method, completed with descriptive analysis based on historical data and relevant literatures. Main findings from this study are Abenomics will spur Japanese GDP positively by 2,37% in 2013 and by 2,79% in 2014. Spillover effect from Japanese demand shock will bring the biggest impact on the main partner of Asian and Oceania countries, including Indonesia. Indonesia will receive additional positive impact on its growth in 2013-2014 and substractive negative impact during 2015 to early 2017, before bounce back to positive zone in the second quarter 2017 to year 2018.
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43

YANASE, Tadao. "Japanese Government makes the First Step of the Nuclear Energy Policy." Journal of the Atomic Energy Society of Japan / Atomic Energy Society of Japan 48, no. 11 (2006): 857–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3327/jaesj.48.857.

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44

Nguyen Thi, Chau. "Japanese cultural heritage travel and learning experience for Vietnam." Journal of Science Social Science 66, no. 2 (May 2021): 64–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.18173/2354-1067.2021-0026.

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Right from the decades of the early twentieth century, the Japanese Government has focused on preserving traditional cultural heritage. Currently, in Japan, there are hundreds of ancient and historic areas that have become famous cultural tourist spots. Japan has turned cultural heritage tourism into a brand of this country's tourism industry and has achieved many successes. The article outlines and analyzes Japan's cultural heritage tourism development status and policy and lessons for Vietnam.
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45

Martin, Brian G. "‘In My Heart I Opposed Opium’: Opium and the Politics of the Wang Jingwei Government, 1940–45." European Journal of East Asian Studies 2, no. 2 (March 24, 2003): 365–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-00202009.

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The Wang Jingwei government has been reviled as the Chinese collaborationist regime par excellence, and one of the major indictments against it was its involvement with the alleged Japanese ‘narcotisation policy’. The politics of collaboration, however, were complex, and are not fully captured by a one-dimensional portrayal of the leading collaborators as ‘national traitors’. The Wang Jingwei government was, indeed, complicit in facilitating the Japanese-sponsored opium monopoly during its early years, although it played only a marginal role in running this monopoly. At the same time, as this article seeks to demonstrate, the regime did attempt to continue implementing the pre-war Nationalist government’s opium suppression programme. Its motives were mixed: it wanted to bolster its legitimacy by portraying itself as the successor regime to the pre-war Nationalist government, and, also like that government, it sought to bolster its parlous finances by recourse to an opium tax. Political developments in Japan in 1943 enabled the Wang Jingwei government to gain control of the opium monopoly, and from 1944 until its demise it made a genuine attempt to implement a policy of opium suppression. This policy achieved some success. The government, however, never resolved the ambiguity between the political aims and the financial needs that drove its policy; nor did it effectively overcome the demoralisation produced by years of open trafficking; and it was never able to curb the Japanese military’s narcotic operations.
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46

Vogt, William B., Layanta Bhattacharya, Scott Kupor, Aki Yoshikawa, and Toshitaka Nakahara. "Technology and Staffing in Japanese University Hospitals: Government Versus Private." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 12, no. 1 (1996): 93–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462300009429.

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AbstractWe examined staffing levels, acquisition of medical technologies, and utilization of those technologies in private and government teaching hospitals in Japan. Adjusting for size and case mix, we found that government hospitals acquire more technology, use that technology less, and employ a more highly skilled staff than do private hospitals.
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47

Lapid, Koty. "The Evolution of Technology Research Management Systems in Japan: Government Laboratories, Private Industry and Universities." Asian Journal of Social Science 26, no. 1 (1998): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/030382498x00085.

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AbstractIn this paper, I describe the development process of "overlapping development models for basic research project management" in Japan during the years 1970-95. I found that Japanese basic research project management models co-evolved through the joint learning of companies, government laboratories and universities. Finally, I present my conclusions and the implications of these management systems for the future development of Japan's technology policy, which includes not just critical technologies, but also the management of the research process.
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48

Wijegoonawardana, Nirmali. "PEACEBUILDING PRACTICES OF JAPAN: LESSONS FROM SRI LANKA." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 8, no. 10 (October 23, 2020): 21–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v8.i10.2020.1527.

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Peacebuilding involves a process that includes different roles and functions. It also ranges from a series of activities such as ceasefire and refugee resettlement to the development of revised economic reconstruction and a new government. International communities have significantly increased aid for prevention of conflict, rapid humanitarian aid and reconstruction in post-conflict zones. In the wide spectrum of peacebuilding, the Government of Japan which had been certain to dedicate to traditional development issues widened the activities beyond the development after 2002. That was the time to respond to the Sri Lanka conflict with the Japan’s policy on Consolidation of Peace. The aim of this paper is to examine the peacebuilding efforts of the Japanese government since 2002 in post-conflict Sri Lanka. The study adopts a descriptive nature through the use of a qualitative method. This paper will also scale the effectiveness of the Japanese peacebuilding efforts in Sri Lanka.
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Otsubo, Kansho Piotr. "The Effects of Fiscal and Monetary Policies in Japan: What Combination of Policies Should Be Used?" Journal of International Commerce, Economics and Policy 09, no. 01n02 (February 2018): 1850004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793993318500047.

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In this paper, we compare and analyze the differences in the effects of fiscal and monetary policy using time-varying parameter structural vector auto-regression (TVP-VAR). Specifically, we estimate a 5-variable TVP-VAR model using monthly data from March 2001 to August 2017. The estimation results indicated the following four points. First, expansionary fiscal policy can impact GDP faster than an expansionary monetary policy. Second, expansionary fiscal policy has lowered prices. Third, an expansionary monetary policy can increase GDP more persistently than an expansionary fiscal policy during unconventional monetary policy periods. Finally, expansionary monetary policy has raised prices. These estimation results reveal that if the Japanese government wants to strongly boost GDP alone, it should use fiscal policy alongside monetary policy because fiscal policy can immediately raise GDP. If the Japanese government seeks moderate increases in both GDP and prices, it is more effective to use monetary policy alone without increasing fiscal expenditure.
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50

Sugimura, Yoshihisa, Kazuhiko Ishiguro, and Azuma Kato. "Possibility of Sustainable Entry into Overseas Port Operation Markets by Japanese Companies." Sustainability 14, no. 19 (September 26, 2022): 12167. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su141912167.

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The Japanese government has set an overseas infrastructure deployment policy to involve Japanese companies in all upstream to downstream processes, that is, from project formation, procurement, and construction to operation and maintenance. Although Japanese companies have been hitherto involved in overseas port development through Official Development Assistance, their entry into overseas port operation projects has been limited, meaning the realization of the policy is not expected to be easy. This study thus examines the possibility of sustainable entry into overseas port operation markets by Japanese companies. Specifically, we review port governance in Japan, characteristics of the Japanese market in the global market, and the status of the participation of domestic terminal operators in Japan and overseas, and then identify the possibilities and methods of sustainable inclusion in the future overseas port operations by interviewing representative companies and the government. We finally provide future directions in terms of both increasing entry opportunities and improving the entry environment.
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