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Journal articles on the topic 'Japanese foreign policy'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 26 April 2022

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1

Dobrinskaya, Olga Alexeyevna. "Peacekeeping in Foreign Policy of Japan." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 721–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-4-721-737.

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The article analyses Japanese approach towards peacekeeping and issues associated with Japans participation in the peacekeeping operations (PKOs). It focuses on factors which influence shaping and transformation of Japans approach towards this sphere of UN activity. For the first time, Japan sent its Self-defense forces to participate in the PKO in the early 1990s and since then peacemaking has become one of the symbols of Japan's contribution to international security. Despite the significance of cooperation with the UN that the Japanese government has underlined, the indicators that characterize Japan's participation in peacekeeping remain at a low level. In the article, the author explores the causes of this phenomenon and identifies patterns that characterize the models of Japanese participation in PKO. Using the historical method and content analysis of official documents and speeches by Japans representatives the author explores the hypothesis that currently, from the point of view of the Japanese government, the issue of participation in the PKOs is important as a way to adapt the public to the expansion of the sphere of activity of the Self-defense forces, but in practice, the ruling circles seek to avoid the risks associated with the participation of the Japanese military in the PKOs, preferring to shift the focus on peace-building, financial, educational and technological contribution that Japan can make to UN operations. The concept of active pacifism promoted by Abe did not lead to a more extensive participation of the Japanese military in the PKOs. An analysis of current trends in peacekeeping suggests that the participation of Self-defense forces in PKOs will remain at a low level and will be offset by other opportunities for Japan to contribute to international peacekeeping.

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2

Boot, W. J. "Maxims of Foreign Policy." Itinerario 24, no. 2 (July 2000): 62–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300013024.

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In the pre-modern period, Japanese identity was articulated in contrast with China. It was, however, articulated in reference to criteria that were commonly accepted in the whole East-Asian cultural sphere; criteria, therefore, that were Chinese in origin.One of the fields in which Japan's conception of a Japanese identity was enacted was that of foreign relations, i.e. of Japan's relations with China, the various kingdoms in Korea, and from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards, with the Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutchmen, and the Kingdom of the Ryūkū.

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Boot, W. J. "Maxims of Foreign Policy." Itinerario 24, no. 2 (July 2000): 62–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300044508.

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In the pre-modern period, Japanese identity was articulated in contrast with China. It was, however, articulated in reference to criteria that were commonly accepted in the whole East-Asian cultural sphere; criteria, therefore, that were Chinese in origin.One of the fields in which Japan's conception of a Japanese identity was enacted was that of foreign relations, i.e. of Japan's relations with China, the various kingdoms in Korea, and from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards, with the Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutchmen, and the Kingdom of the Ryūkū.

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4

Stockwin, J. A. A. "Understanding Japanese, foreign policy." Review of International Studies 11, no. 02 (April 1985): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500114299.

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5

Takamine, Tsukasa. "Development Cooperation as a Foundation of Japan's Foreign Policy." International Studies Review 10, no. 1 (October 15, 2009): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01001001.

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This paper addresses the question of what do Japanese foreign policymakers exactly mean when they repeatedly state that development cooperation has been, and still is, a foundation of postwar Japanese foreign policy, through a case study of Japan's official development assistance (ODA) towards China. More particularly, it investigates the complex policy objectives of Japanese ODA and the broader interests behind it, in order to clarify roles and significance of development assistance within Japan's overall foreign policy. My research demonstrates that despite its inherently economic nature, Japan's ODA provision to recipient countries has in application been more politico-strategic than commercial. Thus, it supports the point that development cooperation has undoubtedly been a foundation of postwar Japanese foreign policy.

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6

Dadabaev, Timur. "Japan’s Search for Its Central Asian Policy." Asian Survey 53, no. 3 (May 2013): 506–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2013.53.3.506.

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In contrast to the claims that Japanese foreign policy increasingly shifts toward realist and pragmatic modes of engagement, this paper argues that Japanese foreign policy is largely trapped between idealist and pragmatic criteria in its Central Asian (CA) policy. Japan’s policy in CA is thus a hybrid of policies that are not properly understood in CA, nor can they be explained to the public at home.

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Insebayeva, Sabina. "Japan’s Central Asia Policy Revisited: National Identity, Interests, and Foreign Policy Discourses." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 5 (September 2019): 853–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.19.

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AbstractThis article focuses on the nature of Japan’s foreign policy formulation and legitimization through a study of its interaction with Central Asian countries. The article examines foreign policy discourse that constructs Japan’s “self” vis-à-vis Central Asian “other.” It reveals the textual mechanism through which reality, objects, and subjects are constructed, and it interprets the official statements contained in several foreign policy initiatives, in particular, the “Eurasian (Silk Road) Diplomacy,” the “Central Asia plus Japan,” and the “Arc of Freedom and Prosperity,” as an attempt to understand the intersubjective knowledge and analytical lens through which Japanese foreign policy makers conceive and interpret the constructed “reality,” produce foreign policy choices, and choose among identified alternatives.

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8

Tuman, John P., Jonathan R. Strand, and Majid Shirali. "FOREIGN POLICY ALIGNMENT WITH THE WAR ON TERROR: THE CASE OF JAPAN'S FOREIGN AID PROGRAM." Journal of East Asian Studies 17, no. 3 (August 22, 2017): 343–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2017.14.

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AbstractMany scholars have suggested that Japan aligned its foreign policy with the US War on Terror. Part of Japan's alignment is said to have involved disbursement of foreign aid to support the US in Afghanistan and Iraq, and with other security interests associated with the War on Terror. To date, however, there has been little empirical study of this question. Employing a data set on Japanese aid to 133 countries between 1995 and 2008, we examine the War on Terror and Japanese ODA. We find that Japanese aid was aligned with some security interests in the War on Terror, but the effects were mixed.

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9

Gómez Alférez, Juan Sebastián. "Japan’s foreign policy: from imperial power to regional leader?" Revista Digital Mundo Asia Pacífico 8, no. 15 (December 9, 2019): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.17230/map.v8.i15.04.

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The present essay seeks to explore Japanese foreign policy and its trans- formations throughout time. Particular emphasis is placed on two historical moments: the emergence of Japan as an imperial power, beginning with the Meiji Restoration, and contemporary Japan. The choice of these two instances is an attempt to define an arc of development in Japanese history, in order to understand Japan’s role in Asia and how it has both determined and been determined by international dynamics. By presenting information in chrono- logical order, the essay tries to establish a connection between past and pres- ent, and asks whether a “Japanese style of influence” can be deduced from both periods. The essay finds that Japan’s place in the region has changed from a more assertive and leading one, albeit more violent, to one character- ized by the indirect balancing of power. While dealing with radically different contexts, the essay finds that Japan’s influence strategies, whether historical or contemporary, have had similar intended effects in terms of the develop- ment of other countries. In this sense, by showing a broad and brief picture of Japan’s past and present that is traversed by a single theme, the essay con- tributes to the understanding of Japan’s current position, its historical roots, and the common factors that might continue in the future.

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10

Harašta, Jakub. "Michal Kolmaš: National Identity and Japanese Revisionism." Mezinárodní vztahy 56, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 109–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv-cjir.1777.

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Over the course of the twentieth century, Japan has experienced a radical shift in its self-perception. After World War II, Japan embraced a peaceful and anti-militarist identity, which was based on its war-prohibiting Constitution and the foreign policy of the Yoshida doctrine. For most of the twentieth century, this identity was unusually stable. In the last couple of decades, however, Japan’s self-perception and foreign policy seem to have changed. Tokyo has conducted a number of foreign policy actions as well as symbolic internal gestures that would have been unthinkable a few decades ago and that symbolize a new and more confident Japan. Japanese politicians – including Prime Minister Abe Shinzō – have adopted a new discourse depicting pacifism as a hindrance, rather than asset, to Japan’s foreign policy. Does that mean that “Japan is back”? In order to better understand the dynamics of contemporary Japan, Kolmaš joins up the dots between national identity theory and Japanese revisionism. The book shows that while political elites and a portion of the Japanese public call for re-articulation of Japan’s peaceful identity, there are still societal and institutional forces that prevent this change from entirely materializing.

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11

Javed Maswood, S. "Japanese Foreign Policy: Leadership and Style." Policy and Society 23, no. 1 (January 2004): 38–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1449-4035(04)70026-0.

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12

Hamilton, Val. "Historical Dictionary of Japanese Foreign Policy." Reference Reviews 30, no. 4 (May 16, 2016): 10–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/rr-01-2016-0008.

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13

Curtis, Gerald L. "Japanese foreign policy: Inaction and reaction." Asia-Pacific Review 3, no. 1 (March 1996): 29–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13439009608719917.

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14

Martin, Jurek. "Japanese foreign policy in the 1990s." Asian Affairs 21, no. 3 (October 1990): 268–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068379008730390.

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15

Heginbotham, Eric, and Richard J. Samuels. "Mercantile Realism and Japanese Foreign Policy." International Security 22, no. 4 (April 1998): 171–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.22.4.171.

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16

Potter, David, and Sudo Sueo. "Japanese Foreign Policy: No Longer Reactive?" Political Studies Review 1, no. 3 (September 2003): 317–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9299.t01-2-00002.

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This article revisits the thesis put forward by Kent Calder that Japan's foreign policy is made by a reactive state incapable of sustained, innovative policy. Reviewing six recent books, we find that, while the reactive state thesis continues to inform scholarsip on the subject, new frameworks offer possibilities for seeing Japan's foreign policy as innovative and at times strategic. This article considers the strengths and weaknesses in recent attempts to create a more proactive foreign policy.

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17

Shiina, Motoo. "American Foreign Policy: A Japanese View." SAIS Review 12, no. 2 (1992): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sais.1992.0031.

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18

McKinnon, Ronald I. "Japanese foreign exchange policy 1971–1982." Journal of the Japanese and International Economies 6, no. 3 (September 1992): 303–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0889-1583(92)90026-z.

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19

Saxonhouse, Gary R. "What Does Japanese Trade Structure Tell Us About Japanese Trade Policy?" Journal of Economic Perspectives 7, no. 3 (August 1, 1993): 21–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.7.3.21.

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Some argue foreign access to Japanese markets remains tightly controlled and that if Japan is to be a member in good standing of the international economic system, Japan must do more than just adhere to the formal rules of the GATT; Japan must show by the results of its international economic transactions that foreign access to its market is not tightly controlled. As this point of view is increasingly dominating American economic diplomacy with Japan, it is particularly important that its premise be examined. First I examine Japan's growth record and trade record. To the extent that Japan's trade performance is different, I explore whether the difference can legitimately be attributed to Japanese policies. This paper finds that neither the price behavior of Japanese firms nor the pattern and volume of what Japan imports or exports suggests that Japan's trade regime is different. Some of Japan's economic institutions may be distinctive but there is little evidence they produce outcomes which distort the international economic system. What remains to be explained is the conviction of so many that Japan is more a parasite than a pillar of the international economic system. The record of economic research directly and indirectly bearing on this issue does not support such a conclusion at all.

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20

LIM, Tai Wei. "Japan’s Foreign Talent Policy." East Asian Policy 11, no. 02 (April 2019): 87–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000199.

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The Abe administration is adopting a foreign talent policy as Japan is also interested in white-collar, highly skilled workers and individuals with skills that the country badly needs. To bring in the desired number of high-skilled workers, the Japanese authorities have adopted the points system that Western countries employed for evaluating immigration eligibility, based on criteria such as qualifications, language abilities, professional experience and so on.

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21

Hagström, Linus. "Critiquing the Idea of Japanese Exceptionalism: Japan and the Coordination of North Korea Policy." European Journal of East Asian Studies 7, no. 1 (2008): 131–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805808x333947.

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AbstractThe idea that Japan is playing an 'alternative role' in its foreign policy—that it is keeping a 'conspicuously low profile' and that its stance is in some sense 'unique'—has been a recurring theme of analysis of Japanese foreign policy. This article aims to critique this idea of Japanese exceptionalism, epitomised for instance in the 'aikido state' metaphor. By analysing Japan's role in the Six-Party Talks—arguably a suitable case for testing this metaphor—the article concludes that, far from keeping a low profile, Tokyo has exercised obstructive power over other actors involved in the talks. This conclusion is substantiated by comparison with Tokyo's role in other important instances of North Korea policy coordination over the period 1993–2002. By comparing Japanese behaviour with that of the USA, China, Russia and North Korea, the article concludes, furthermore, that the concepts of 'obstructionism' and 'power' facilitate understanding of their behaviour as well—with the implication that Japan's foreign policy is not so unique.

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22

Nelidov, V. V. "The “Nixon China Shock” in the Mirror of Japanese Domestic Politics." MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, no. 6 (January 1, 2020): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-6-69-61-77.

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The “Nixon China Shock” (the July 15, 1971 statement by the U.S. President R. Nixon about the recent trip of his National Security Advisor H. Kissinger to the PRC and about the President’s upcoming visit there) became one of the pivotal points in the history of Japanese foreign policy and contributed to Tokyo becoming more independent from Washington in its diplomatic course. Using the case of Japan’s reaction to this event, the article explores the characteristic features of the foreign policy making process in post-war Japan and demonstrates the considerable influence of these features on the character of Japanese foreign policy of the so-called “1955 System” period (the prolonged and continuous dominance of the conservative Liberal Democratic Party in 1955-93). The paper shows the decentralization of the foreign policy making process, expressed in the limited ability of the Prime Minister to determine foreign policy, the presence of considerable internal contradictions in the MoFA of Japan, the factionalism of the ruling party, and the high degree of dependency of the government’s policy course on the public opinion. It proves that these factors were one of the reasons for Japan’s political leadership avoiding decisive actions to normalize relations with the PRC before the “Nixon shock”, cautious that it might damage its relations with the U.S. and unable to discern the signs of upcoming U.S.-Chinese détente, and after this event, vice versa, making every effort to normalize its relations with Beijing as soon as possible, reaching this goal even before their American partners did. Given the historical importance of the “1955 System” for contemporary Japanese politics, the article’s conclusions are significant for the understanding of the logic of Japan’s domestic politics and foreign policy of the entire post-war period.Author declares the absence of conflict of interests.

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23

Kim, HyunJung, and KiWan Lee. "Japanese Foreign Policy after the Trump Administration." JOURNAL OF ASIAN STUDIES 21, no. 3 (August 31, 2018): 265–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.21740/jas.2018.08.21.3.265.

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24

Yōnosuke, Nagai. "Constraints and options in Japanese foreign policy." Japan Forum 24, no. 4 (December 2012): 413–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09555803.2012.729853.

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25

Nester, William. "The Third World in Japanese Foreign Policy." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 18, no. 3 (December 1989): 377–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03058298890180030601.

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26

Marwan, Faiz Balya. "Peran Faktor Domestik Jepang dalam Kebijakan Investasi Proyek PLTU Batang." Indonesian Perspective 5, no. 2 (September 16, 2020): 201–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ip.v5i2.34134.

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Japan is one country that is consistent with green policies both in domestic and foreign policy through the Chonaikai movement and the green industry. The policy cannot be separated from the role of the development of Japan’s green groups that emerged since the world oil crisis of the 1970s. However, in 2011 there was a policy inconsistency marked by an upward trend in Japanese investment in developing coal-based projects. The biggest investment is in Indonesia in the development of the Batang PLTU. Batang PLTU is a national strategic project as a result of the 2005 Infrastructure Summit which is inconsistent with green politics in Japan’s foreign policy. This article analyzes Japan’s supports the Batang PLTU project using Lovell’s foreign policy process approach. This article argues that Japan’s decision to invest in the Batang PLTU project cannot be separated from the existence of information input in the form of domestic demand, domestic opinion, domestic interests, and Japanese domestic needs. This is inseparable from the financial and political power of business groups that are able to indirect lobbying and direct lobbying.

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27

Korneev, Konstantin A. "Current trends in Japan’s economic cooperation with the SCO member states." RUDN Journal of Economics 29, no. 4 (December 15, 2021): 750–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2021-29-4-750-762.

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The paper considers the Japanese economic policy towards the SCO member states, which is built on the basis of Japans long-term interests in the Asian region. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization is quite diverse: some countries (India, China) are moving in the high-speed segment of the world economy and have annual GDP growth (excluding the fall in 2020 caused by the pandemic) at the level of 5% or more, while others (for example, Russia) are in the low-speed segment. This forms a different content of Japans foreign economic policy in relation to the individual SCO states, but there are also a number of general trends due to the current structure of Japanese exports/imports. For more than a decade, Japan has been facing a difficult task of overcoming prolonged economic stagnation not only through internal reforms, but also through expanding the borders of its foreign trade activities, and the SCO countries with their capacious domestic markets experiencing a shortage of high-tech products are among the priority areas for Japanese exports. Therefore, the urgent content of Japanese foreign economic policy in the SCO area is of considerable scientific interest.

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28

Shaikh, Khalil ur Rehman. "FOREIGN POLICY OF JAPAN." Asia-Pacific - Annual Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia 38 (February 5, 2021): 167–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol38.iss0.2333.

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In post war era, Japan emerged as a pacifist country. The constitution of Japan restrained from developing armed forces for offensive but permitted only for defensive purpose. Thus, Japan raised Self Defense Force. This posture greatly contributed in its emergence as world economic power. In post-cold war period, Japan appeared with advanced step in its foreign policy and sent its forces abroad as a part of UN Peace Keeping Force abroad. It little questioned the objective of creating SDF. 9/11 incidents changed the global politics. Japanese citizens also fall prey to it. Japan joined coalition on War on Terror and helped to fight against terrorism. In post 9/11, Japan has improved its relations with China despite territorial dispute. However, it plays its role in global political, economic, cultural and strategic areas.

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29

Kowalonek-Janczarek, Monika. "Englisch als Lingua franca versus andere Sprachen im Bildungswesen: Polen und Japan im Vergleich." Glottodidactica. An International Journal of Applied Linguistics 46, no. 1 (July 29, 2019): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/gl.2019.46.1.02.

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The purpose of this study is to compare Poland’s and Japan’s foreign languagepolicies in preschool, elementary, lower/upper secondary and higher education and shed light on the aspect of multilingualism in this milieu as well. Based on secondary data (ministerial ordinances, governmental reports, curricula) and literature knowledge, the paper provides a comparative overview of the Polish and Japanese contexts which differ in a strong way. While Poland’s foreign language policy is mainly based on the objectives of the EU’s policy according to which every European citizen should master two other languages in addition to his or her mother tongue, the Japanese government’s policy aims at improving English education.

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30

Suda, Yuko. "Japan’s Personal Information Protection Policy Under Pressure." Asian Survey 60, no. 3 (May 2020): 510–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2020.60.3.510.

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This article explores the politics surrounding the recent data transfer agreement between Japan and the European Union, with a focus on the linkage between Japanese domestic politics and foreign pressure on Japan’s personal information protection policy. The agreement may be seen as one of mutual recognition, in that Japan and the EU mutually recognized the other as providing an “adequate level of protection” for personal data. However, a close examination of the case suggests that Japan made substantial efforts to meet the EU’s standards for adequacy in order to enhance the interests of transnationalized Japanese firms that rely on the flow of personal information across borders. In sum, the latest changes in Japanese personal information protection regulation paved the way for the Japan-EU data transfer agreement; these changes were precipitated by the extraterritorial effect of the EU’s data protection laws, which had resonated within Japan’s domestic politics.

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31

Minor, Michael. "Decision Models and Japanese Foreign Policy Decision Making." Asian Survey 25, no. 12 (December 1, 1985): 1229–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2644283.

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32

Bobrow, Davis B., and Akiko Fukushima. "Japanese Foreign Policy: The Emerging Logic of Multilateralism." Pacific Affairs 73, no. 1 (2000): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2672299.

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33

Katsumata, H. "Norms, Interests, and Power in Japanese Foreign Policy." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 10, no. 1 (July 15, 2009): 189–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcp004.

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34

Campbell, Joel. "Contested memories in Chinese and Japanese foreign policy." International Affairs 95, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 244–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiy224.

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Minor, Michael. "Decision Models and Japanese Foreign Policy Decision Making." Asian Survey 25, no. 12 (December 1985): 1229–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1985.25.12.01p0328v.

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Izumikawa, Yasuhiro, Akitoshi Miyashita, and Yoichiro Sato. "Japanese Foreign Policy in Asia and the Pacific." Pacific Affairs 75, no. 3 (2002): 455. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4127308.

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HAGSTRÖM, LINUS. "Ubiquity of ‘Power’ and the Advantage of Terminological Pluralism: Japan's Foreign Policy Discourse." Japanese Journal of Political Science 6, no. 2 (August 2005): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109905001817.

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This article demonstrates that ubiquitous references to ‘power’ in English-language foreign policy discourse can be understood in the light of the inclination in international relations theory to place power on a par with capability. It makes two claims: that such a concept of power is ill-fitted for foreign policy analysis; and that much clarity would be gained by following the Japanese example of terminological pluralism and thus abandoning ‘power’ as a catch-all term. Foreign policy analysis would benefit from adopting a concept that takes power to reside in specific relationships. Its adoption would moreover dissolve a power paradox associated with the analysis of Japan's post-Cold War foreign policy.

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Furuoka, Fumitaka. "Human Rights Conditionality and Aid Allocation: Case Study of Japanese Foreign Aid Policy." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 4, no. 2 (2005): 125–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569150054739005.

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AbstractThis paper examines a new trend in Japan's Official Development Assistance (ODA) policy that emerged at the end of the Cold War. In 1992, the Japanese government adopted the "Official Development Assistance Charter," which obliged Japan to use its foreign aid to promote human rights, democracy, and freedom. Since the beginning of the 1990s, there have been cases when Japan imposed "human rights conditionalities" by increasing the amount of foreign aid to the recipient countries with good human rights records and reducing economic assistance to the countries with poor human rights practices. However, there remain doubts whether Japan is truly committed to use its aid power as leverage to ensure that democracy and human rights are respected by the governments of its aid recipients. This paper uses panel data analysis to examine whether the condition of human rights in aid-recipient countries has become one of the factors that influence Japan's ODA allocation. The findings reveal the lack of evidence to prove that the human rights condition in aid-recipient countries has influenced the allocation of Japanese aid.

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Hosogaya, Nobuko. "Migrant workers in Japan: socio-economic conditions and policy." Asian Education and Development Studies 10, no. 1 (February 25, 2020): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-02-2019-0032.

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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to ascertain the major characteristics of contemporary migrant workers in Japan. In order to illustrate their actual situations in relation to the socio-economic conditions and government policies, data have been gathered from relevant government sources and several surveys conducted by Japanese researchers.Design/methodology/approach The paper discusses social background, socio-economic factors and the public response to migrant workers in Japan. The focus is placed upon Japanese policy context and recent trend which demonstrates an increase in foreign workers. The main method is statistical analyses of the government macro data. In addition, some data from the relevant research outcomes are systematised.FindingsThe inflow of migrant workers has consistently augmented, and this has fostered the public debate. Some observers indicate that government deceitfully accepts migrant workers through the “backdoor” and the “side doors”. There has been some criticism, relating to the fact that increasing numbers of foreign employees include many workers with no formal qualifications, such as technical internships and international students who take on part-time jobs.Originality/valueThis article provides some factors for certain migration patterns, featuring contemporary Japan's migration issues. In conclusion, some uniqueness of contemporary migrant workers in Japanese community has been depicted, and the implications of these findings can contribute to prospective research, Japan's policy and practice in this field.

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Boduszyński, Mieczysław P., Christopher K. Lamont, and Philip Streich. "The Limited Role of the Japanese Military: The 2003 Iraq War and the War on the Islamic State." International Journal of East Asian Studies 10, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/ijeas.vol10no2.1.

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What determines Japan's willingness to flex its limited military muscle abroad? While analysts and scholars closely watched Japanese "militarization" under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe (2012-2020), Japan had already deployed its military overseas over a decade ago in support of U.S. operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. By contrast, in 2014, Japan was unwilling to support U.S.-led operations against the Islamic State (ISIL) in Iraq and Syria. This presents a puzzle, as the fight against ISIL offered the kind of international legitimacy that the 2003 Iraq invasion lacked, and Japan traditionally seeks. Moreover, ISIL had killed Japanese citizens. This paper explains Japan's varying policies in Iraq in 2003 and 2014, thereby shedding light on the determinants of Japanese national security policy more generally. Our argument focuses on domestic political factors (especially the pluralist foreign policymaking) and strategic thinking rooted in realism. We argue that Japanese policies are driven by domestic politics, profound suspicions about the utility of military force and fears of becoming entangled in a seemingly never-ending conflict. While Koizumi may have had more room to manoeuvre despite long-standing public opposition to overseas military deployments when he dispatched the SDF to Iraq in 2003, it is precisely such deeply-entrenched popular anathema that many blame for the Liberal Democratic Party's (LDP) historic and devastating loss in the 2009 election. Abe was unwilling to repeat such a risky venture in 2014. We also highlight the role of realist calculations on both Japanese elites and the public, who by 2014 had come to see China rather than state or non-state actors in the Middle East as a primary security threat. We thus confirm Midford's finding that "defensive realism" tends to drive Japanese foreign policy thinking. Japanese citizens are not pacifists, as conventional wisdom might hold. Instead, Japanese public opinion supports the use of minimum military force when and if Japan is attacked to defend Japan's national sovereignty and territory but is much more suspicious of such power when it comes to deployments and the pursuit of other foreign policy goals.

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Calder, Kent E. "Japanese Foreign Economic Policy Formation: Explaining the Reactive State." World Politics 40, no. 4 (July 1988): 517–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010317.

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The concept of the “reactive state” is useful in understanding the foreign economic policy behavior of Japan and certain other middle-range powers deeply integrated in the global political economy, particularly during periods of economic turbulence when international regimes do not fully safeguard their economic interests. The essential characteristics of the reactive state are two-fold: (1) it fails to undertake major independent foreign-policy initiatives although it has the power and national incentives to do so; (2) it responds to outside pressure for change, albeit erratically, unsystematically, and often incompletely.In the Japanese case, reactive state behavior flows from domestic institutional characteristics as well as from the structure of the international system. Domestic features such as bureaucratic fragmentation, political factionalism, powerful mass media, and the lack of a strong central executive have played an especially important part in Japanese financial, energy, trade, and technology policy formation since 1971.

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Higashino, Atsuko. "Japan’s relations with Visegrád 4 (V4) and the Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs): Adjusting mismatches?" Foreign Policy Review 14, no. 1 (2021): 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.1.111-123.

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Japan and the Visegrád Group (V4) have enjoyed stable and problem-free relations. However, Japan’s engagement with the V4 countries has lacked dynamism and robustness in areas such as Japan’s foreign direct investment in the V4 countries and visits by highranking Japanese officials to V4. This paper discusses the asymmetric relations between Japan and V4 from the Japanese perspective, focusing mainly on how and why Japan failed to place more emphasis on strengthening its relations with the V4 countries. Three backgrounds for this situation are identified: the US- and China-centric nature of Japan’s foreign policy, Japan’s large-country focus in its outlook and policies concerning Europe, and Japan’s somewhat outdated self-image as a significant donor and supporter of the Central and Eastern European countries.

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Oishi, Nana. "Training or Employment? Japanese Immigration Policy in Dilemma." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 4, no. 2-3 (June 1995): 367–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689500400210.

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This article examines the Japanese training system for foreign workers from developing countries. While providing foreign trainees with the opportunities to acquire skills and knowledge at enterprises, the system concurrently serves as an adjustment function in the labor market. Many small- and medium-sized enterprises largely in manufacturing the sector accept trainees to cope with labor shortages as well as to gain a foothold for their future business operations overseas. Various studies have shown that there exist a substantial number of abusive cases where training is not provided properly. The fundamental problem derives from the gap between a strict immigration policy and the Japanese economy's structural dependence on foreigners. A clear national consensus must be established on whether or not Japan should accept semi- and unskilled foreign labor. The immigration policy should reflect this in formulating its long-term vision. The training system needs reformation to fulfill its functions appropriately and to protect trainees from abuse.

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Niki, Izumi. "Policymaking Process for Foreign Care Workers in Contemporary Japan." New Sociology: Journal of Critical Praxis 1, no. 1 (June 26, 2020): 17–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/2563-3694.5.

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This paper analyzes recent policy reforms made to foreign care work in Japan. The two policy reforms discussed in this paper are 1. The expansion of categories in the Technical Intern Training Program (TITP) and 2. The inclusion of domestic workers into the Japanese labour sector through the use of National Strategic Special Zones. By analyzing these policymaking processes, the following four observations were made salient. 1. That policy reforms were largely driven by economic motivations; 2. That the policymaking processes that determined the nature of these reforms were led by politicians who were acting on behalf of the interests of business leaders; 3. That the Japanese government continues to utilize policies that deny labourers permanent residency or citizenship status, such as temporary worker programs, in order to avoid implementing migration practices that allow workers to become Japanese citizens; and 4. That the government holds contradicting attitudes towards care work, whereby eldercare is increasingly considered professional/skilled work, while domestic work is regarded as low/semi-skilled labour. These findings suggest that Japan’s foreign care immigration policies are designed to recruit temporary workers in ways that violate their human rights for the purpose of exploitation, in addition to the original goal of transferring skills to sending countries. With this in mind, I conclude my paper by arguing that these policymaking processes reproduce a gendered, racialized, and classed international division of labour and a global care chain

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Sudo, Sueo. "Japan-ASEAN Relations: New Dimensions in Japanese Foreign Policy." Asian Survey 28, no. 5 (May 1, 1988): 509–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2644640.

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Sudo, Sueo. "Japan-ASEAN Relations: New Dimensions in Japanese Foreign Policy." Asian Survey 28, no. 5 (May 1988): 509–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1988.28.5.01p0162r.

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Hoshikawa, Takeshi. "Regime shift of Japanese foreign exchange policy: some findings." Applied Economics Letters 19, no. 1 (January 2012): 25–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504851.2011.566003.

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Hagström, Linus, and Jon Williamsson. "“Remilitarization,” Really? Assessing Change in Japanese Foreign Security Policy." Asian Security 5, no. 3 (September 21, 2009): 242–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14799850903178980.

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KUBOTA, ISAO. "POLICY CO-ORDINATION IN THE CONTEXT OF JAPANESE FOREIGN EXCHANGE RATE POLICY." Economic Papers: A journal of applied economics and policy 7, no. 2 (June 1988): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1759-3441.1988.tb00560.x.

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Lee, Sunghwan. "Japan's Policy towards Gando and Documents on Japanese Foreign Policy(1906~1909)." Korean Journal of Political Science 25, no. 1 (February 1, 2017): 185–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.34221/kjps.2017.25.1.8.

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