Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Japanese foreign policy'
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Chapman, Paul. "The policy implications of Japanese foreign direct investment in Australia /." Title page, synopsis and contents only, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phc4662.pdf.
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Ercolano, Michael R. "The evolution of a Japanese theory of conflict management and implications for Japanese Foreign policy." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA401161.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 2001."December 2001." Thesis Advisor(s): Olsen, Edward A. ; Turner, Michael A. Includes bibliographical references (p. 75-83). Also available online.
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Yokobori, Atsuko. "Human Rights, NGOs, and Foreign Policy: Case Studies of Japanese Foreign Policy Toward Indonesia and Myanmar and Efforts of Human Rights NGOs." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/43762.
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One of the elements that have often been neglected in the study of foreign policy is the role of norms and ideas. While human rights standards were formalized and became to be recognized as an international norm, it is still not clear whether or how human rights affect the foreign policy of specific states. In the case of Japan, its foreign policy is often characterized by hesitance to take decisive action for human rights and its dictation by economic interest. In this paper the influnece of human rights on Japanese foreign policy is examined through the study of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in Japanese politics, as new political actors that speak for the norm of international human rights in Japanese politics. Japanese NGOs have achieved a dramatic development in the 1980s and 1990s, and today they are recognized as important entities in Japanese society. NGOs adopt various strategies and tactics to influnence Japan s decision making in foreign policy to challenge the political environment that consists of Japan s hesitance in the area of human rights and the strong influence of the business sector. Case studies examine active NGOs networks in Japan that work for human rights and democracy in East Timor and Burma and include an in-depth analysis of their operation styles, foci, and organizations.Master of Arts
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Ducke, Isa. "Status as a factor in Japanese foreign policy making toward Korea." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2000. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.326232.
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Inagamov, Behzod. "JAPANESE INTERNAL INFLUENCES ON FOREIGN POLICY AFTER THE WORLD WAR II." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-113620.
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This dissertation focuses on Japanese policy as a whole, internal and external policy priorities and objectives, in order to illustrate the role, and analyze the level of effectiveness of conducted foreign policy tools. This paper explores some of the reasons and factors of conducted internal and external policy tools. Therefore, it shows how effective and in timely manner reaction of Japanese to state's internal policy, has influenced and played a key role during the country recovery and restoration. Moreover, proper policy objectives not only have restored the country but also made Japan one of the most advanced world centers. Japan is in a number of the advanced countries of the world, participating in modern world political process which dynamics has the general laws and the tendencies of development connected with transformation of the Pacific Rim into the center of global activity of the leading countries of the world. Changes in global scale, aftermath of the World War II affect the significant characteristic of foreign policy, official and economic diplomacy of Japan towards peace and security advocating country.
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Chan, Chi-ming Victor. "Domestic institutions and Japan's foreign economic policy the Japanese economic assistance to Southeast Asia, 1997-1999 /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B23242139.
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Chan, Chi-ming Victor, and 陳志明. "Domestic institutions and Japan's foreign economic policy: the Japanese economic assistance to Southeast Asia, 1997-1999." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31223941.
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Lee, Yiu-wa, and 李耀華。. "The foreign policy of an incompetent empire: a study of British Policy towards the Sino-Japanese War in 1937-1941." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1998. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31221294.
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Duho, Drapeau Dann. "The parameters of Japan's political economic strategy : impact of national identity, national interests, and role conceptions on Japanese foreign policy (1980-97)." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28266.
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Research on Japanese current foreign policy suffers from neglect of the influence of domestic factors on Japan's decisions and behaviour in world politics. The question of the nature of Japanese foreign policy needs to go beyond the exogenous cause of state behaviour in international affairs. The object of inquiry of this thesis is the influence of social factors on the orientation of Japan's foreign policy. The central concern is: "how" and "why" Japan behaves as it does in world affairs. This examination addresses the question of the interaction of endogenous and exogenous factors on the foreign economic policy of Japan, and postulates that Japanese national identity, national interests, and role conceptions, are the essence of Japan's defensive attitudes in world affairs on the one hand, and that Japanese behavioural patterns in international relations are in conformity with the ends of Japan's foreign policy: economic security and growth under the Japan-US alliance. Japanese response to US pressure and trade adjustment to the changing framework of the world economy from the 1980s up to the present give a relevant outlook to the defensive character of Japan's foreign policy. For Japanese policy-makers, the stability of Japan's economic performance in the world economy, its pacifist attitude in world affairs, its trade relations with the United States, and its protectorate status as a result of the Japan-US Security Treaty, are beyond question.
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Dryburgh, Marjorie E. "Song Zheyuan, the Nanjing government and the north china question in Sino-Japanese relations, 1935-1937." Thesis, Durham University, 1993. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/5777/.
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The focus of this study is the relationship between the Chinese central government and Song Zheyuan, the key provincial leader of North China, in the period immediately preceding the Second Sino-Japanese War, and the impact of tensions in that relationship on Japan policy. The most urgent task confronting the Chinese government in the late 1930s was to secure an equitable and formally-negotiated settlement of outstanding questions with the Tokyo government. The efforts of the Nanjing government are examined in terms of the divisions within the government and in the context of the public debate on Japan policy which was extended to cover fundamental questions of the regime's diplomatic maturity and the function of diplomacy in the new state. However, the Sino-Japanese question was not purely a diplomatic issue. Tensions between central and northern regional authorities and continuing provincial independence combined with persistent political and military interventions by the Japanese armies in North China to undermine the initiatives of the centre as the lack of an effective central Japan policy eroded regional confidence in the centre. By 1935 Nanjing's control in the North was breaking down and the initiative in contacts with Japan in the region passed to provincial leaders: Song Zheyuan emerged as a key figure in relations with Japan. In 1935-7 Song occupied all the significant political and military offices in Hebei and Chaha'er provinces. Nanjing was entirely dependent on Song for the defence of the North, yet Song remained ambivalent towards Nanjing and Japan, berating the central authorities for their 'abandonment' of the North while maintaining close contact with the Japanese military. While he had no formal role in foreign affairs, his informal function in the relations with Japan demands closer attention.
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Shaoul, Raquel. "Japanese foreign policy formulation and implementation toward the Middle East 1973 to 1999 : developments in the non-commitment policy." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272083.
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Lee, Yiu-wa. "The foreign policy of an incompetent empire : a study of British Policy towards the Sino-Japanese War in 1937-1941 /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1998. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B20731632.
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Tollefson, Julie Jo. "Japan's Article 9 and Japanese Public Opinion: Implications for Japanese Defense Policy and Security in the Asia Pacific." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1526812071227061.
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Clausen, Daniel L. "Political Strategy, Leadership, and Policy Entrepreneurship in Japanese Defense Policy and Politics: A Comparison of Three Prime Ministerships." FIU Digital Commons, 2013. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/906.
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Since the end of the Cold War, Japan’s defense policy and politics has gone through significant changes. Throughout the post cold war period, US-Japan alliance managers, politicians with differing visions and preferences, scholars, think tanks, and the actions of foreign governments have all played significant roles in influencing these changes. Along with these actors, the Japanese prime minister has played an important, if sometimes subtle, role in the realm of defense policy and politics. Japanese prime ministers, though significantly weaker than many heads of state, nevertheless play an important role in policy by empowering different actors (bureaucratic actors, independent commissions, or civil actors), through personal diplomacy, through agenda-setting, and through symbolic acts of state. The power of the prime minister to influence policy processes, however, has frequently varied by prime minister. My dissertation investigates how different political strategies and entrepreneurial insights by the prime minister have influenced defense policy and politics since the end of the Cold War. In addition, it seeks to explain how the quality of political strategy and entrepreneurial insight employed by different prime ministers was important in the success of different approaches to defense. My dissertation employs a comparative case study approach to examine how different prime ministerial strategies have mattered in the realm of Japanese defense policy and politics. Three prime ministers have been chosen: Prime Minister Hashimoto Ryutaro (1996-1998); Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro (2001-2006); and Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio (2009-2010). These prime ministers have been chosen to provide maximum contrast on issues of policy preference, cabinet management, choice of partners, and overall strategy. As my dissertation finds, the quality of political strategy has been an important aspect of Japan’s defense transformation. Successful strategies have frequently used the knowledge and accumulated personal networks of bureaucrats, supplemented bureaucratic initiatives with top-down personal diplomacy, and used a revitalized US-Japan strategic relationship as a political resource for a stronger prime ministership. Though alternative approaches, such as those that have looked to displace the influence of bureaucrats and the US in defense policy, have been less successful, this dissertation also finds theoretical evidence that alternatives may exist.
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Iancu, Oana. "The advocacy activities of the Japanese Rescue Movement (1997-2006) : to what extent did they impact Japanese foreign policy toward North Korea?" Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/15197/.
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Japanese foreign policy toward North Korea shifted over a relatively short period of time between 1998 and 2006. North Korea conducted missile tests close to Japan in 1998 and in 2006 but Japan`s reaction was different in each situation. In 1998, although the missile launch was considered regrettable from the viewpoint of security, and peace and stability of the region, the Japanese government did not impose long-term sanctions, nor respond with coercive accusations. However, in 2006, after an event similar to the one in 1998, Japan imposed unilateral sanctions on North Korea, therefore punishing a neighbouring state, for the first time since World War II. This thesis offers an explanation for this shift in the Japanese government`s policy toward North Korea focusing on civil society groups, and in particular on the Japanese Rescue Movement and the way in which the comprising groups advocated their cause to various audiences: government, public, media, and other state or non-state actors. Based on the findings of the research, the thesis argues that the Japanese Rescue Movement had an instrumental role in shaping the government's policy toward North Korea in 2006 to impose unilateral economic sanctions. Alongside the instrumentalization of the abduction issue and of Kazokukai by Sukuukai and Satō Katsumi, the Head of Modern Korea Research Institute and Chairman of Sukuukai, young, conservative politicians, who came to hold positions of power in the 2000s, used the Rescue Movement and its advocated goal as an instrument in the policy toward North Korea, in order to promote a certain political agenda. Moreover, the thesis highlights the strategies and tactics of the civil society groups towards various audiences, drawing on the concept of "advocacy" with its four types: political, social, media and transnational. Finally, the dissertation underlines the circumstances in which civil society can successfully contribute to policy-making in Japan.
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Yamaguchi, Hideka. "How sustainable is Japan's foreign aid policy? an analysis of Japan's official development assistance and funding for energy sector projects /." Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company; downloadable PDF file, 227 p, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1833646501&sid=2&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Ampiah, Kweku. "Japanese foreign policy towards sub-Saharan Africa, 1974-1990 : the dynamics of an immobilist economic diplomacy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.386488.
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Ashizawa, Kuniko P. "Building the Asia-Pacific : Japanese and U.S. foreign policy toward the creation of regional institutions, 1988-1994 /." Thesis, Connect to Dissertations & Theses @ Tufts University, 2005. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/123961345.html.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Tufts University, 2005.Submitted to the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 417-443). Access restricted to members of the Tufts University community. Also available via the World Wide Web;
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Gao, Bingyu. "Japanese conservatism and foreign policy : a focus on prime ministers Nakasone Yasuhiro, Koizumi Junichirō and Abe Shinzō." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2017. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/17916/.
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This dissertation investigates the influence of Japanese conservatism on the government’s foreign policy. The core set of questions of this research consists of the following: what is the position and status of conservatism in the spectrum of post-war Japanese political thinking? How has conservative thinking (especially conservative intellectuals) affected the perceptions and behaviour of the leaders and how has the leaders’ foreign policy-making reflected their conservative thinking? What is the mechanism by which conservative thinking exerts its influence on Japan’s foreign policy-making? What are the different ways in which different Japanese prime ministers exploited conservative intellectuals and vice versa? And, how did this double-way exploitation affect foreign policy-making? To address the research questions, first the place of conservatism among post-war Japanese ideologies is examined. Post-war Japan experienced a variety of ideological trends, including the partial revival of certain pre-war ideologies such as conservatism. Second, as the dominant ideology, how conservatism affected Japanese political practices, or what is the connection between conservative thinking and foreign policy is addressed. Third, Prime Ministers Nakasone Yasuhiro, Koizumi Junichirō and Abe Shinzō are taken up as cases to study the mechanism of how conservative thought affects foreign policy-making. The role of the concept of conservatism in the policy-making process has been extensively studied in political science and international relations. Likewise, “from concept to foreign policy” is the focal question of this study. Specifically, the aim is to find out how conservative intellectuals affect real politics (realpolitik) and foreign policy. Three paths are investigated: first, direct conversions from conservative intellectuals to conservative politicians; second, conservative intellectuals acting as political advisors to the three prime ministers, thereby providing them with intellectual support; and third, conservative intellectuals disseminating their thinking in Japanese society using their own influence, and eventually affecting government policy through the force of public opinion. This study draws on Robert A. Dahl’s pluralist theory of democracy, which suggests that political outcomes arise through competitive interest groups, rejecting the assumption that the state (or government) is the sole rational actor in politics. Using this insight, the dissertation examines the plural factors contributing to the origin and formation of the prime ministers’ conservative thought, including education, early environment, family legacy, and the relationships of the three prime ministers with their political advisors. In the Conclusions, a comparison of the conservative thought and foreign policies of the three prime ministers is carried out, examined in the context of the contemporary social ethos and international environment, leading to an elucidation of the causal mechanisms linking Japanese conservatism to Japanese foreign policy.
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Duho, Drapeau Dann. "The parameters of Japan's political economic strategy, impact of national identity, national interests, and role conceptions on Japanese foreign policy, 1980-1997." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0007/MQ43859.pdf.
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Funaiole, Matthew. "History and hierarchy : the foreign policy evolution of modern Japan." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/5843.
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This thesis examines the foreign policy evolution of Japan from the time of its modernization during the mid-nineteenth century though the present. It is argued that infringements upon Japanese sovereignty and geopolitical vulnerabilities have conditioned Japanese leaders towards power seeking policy objectives. The core variables of statehood, namely power and sovereignty, and the perception of state elites are traced over this broad time period to provide a historical foundation for framing contemporary analyses of Japanese foreign policy. To facilitate this research, a unique framework that accounts for both the foreign policy preferences of Japanese leaders and the external constraints of the international system is developed. Neoclassical realist understandings of self-help and relative power distributions form the basis of the presented analysis, while constructivism offers crucial insights into ideational factors that influence state elites. Social Identity Theory, a social psychology theory that examines group behavior, is integrated to conceptualize the available policy options. Surveying Japanese foreign policy through this framework clarifies the seemingly irreconcilable shifts in Japan's foreign policy history and clearly delineates between political groups that embody distinct policy strategies and norms. Consequently, the main contribution of this thesis lies in the development of a theoretical framework that is uniquely positioned to identify historical trends in foreign policy. Owing to the numerous shifts in modern Japan's foreign policy history, this research identifies and examines three distinguishable Japanese “states”: Meiji Japan (1868 - 1912), Imperial Japan (1912 - 1945), and postwar Japan (1945 - present).
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Stephens, Alexander John, and alex stephens@flinders edu au. "From Phoenix to Firehazard: Perceptions of Japanese Leadership in the Asia Pacific, 1960-2000." Flinders University. Political and International Studies, 2006. http://catalogue.flinders.edu.au./local/adt/public/adt-SFU20060830.175008.
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From the middle of the 1970s, an increasing amount of scholarly analysis centred around the concept of leadership in international relations at a time when US post-Second World War leadership began to decline. As a major beneficiary of this decline, Japan assumed the mantle of a replacement in the burgeoning field devoted to the study of changes in the international political economy. A major problem became the way in which the study of leadership in international relations became hostage to the singular example of the United States. The conflation between leadership on the one hand, with US interests and responsibilities on the other, rendered much of the analysis flawed. The growing disparities between the supply of international public goods and narrowly conceived US foreign policy interests undermined the overall study of international leadership.
Japan, as the country during the 1980s perceived most likely to supplant the US as the largest and most influential capitalist economy, became the centre of interest in this field. This thesis seeks to more comprehensively measure and analyse Japanese leadership in a more contextual and thorough means through the comparative use of case studies between 1960 and 2000. Through noting the differences in country and regional reactions to Japanese foreign policy, this study demonstrates that leadership perceptions are more often than not driven by national self interest rather than an ideal type of responsible leadership.
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Pohlkamp, Elli-Katharina [Verfasser], and Robert [Akademischer Betreuer] Horres. "Public Opinion and Japanese Foreign Policy Decision-Making Processes During the Koizumi Administration / Elli-Katharina Pohlkamp ; Betreuer: Robert Horres." Tübingen : Universitätsbibliothek Tübingen, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1162971568/34.
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Mizuno, Norihito. "Japan and its East Asian neighbors: Japan's perception of China and Korea and the making of foreign policy from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century." The Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1101744928.
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Imamoto, Shizuka. "Racial Equality Bill Japanese proposal at Paris Peace Conference : diplomatic manoeuvres and reasons for rejection /." Electronic version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/699.
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Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Honours) at Macquarie University.Thesis (MA (Hons))--Macquarie University (Division of Humanities, Dept. of Asian Languages), 2006.
Bibliography: leaves 137-160.
Introduction -- Anglo-Japanese relations and World War One -- Fear of Japan in Australia -- William Morris Hughes -- Japan's proposal and diplomacy at Paris -- Reasons for rejection : a discussion -- Conclusion.
Japan as an ally of Britain, since the signing of Anglo-Japanese Alliance in 1902, entered World War One at British request. During the Great War Japan fought Germany in Asia and afforded protection to Australia. After the conclusion of the War, a peace conference was held at Paris in 1919. As a victorious ally and as one of the Five Great Powers of the day, Japan participated at the Paris Peace Conference, and proposed racial equality to be enshrined in the Covenant of the League of Nations. This Racial Equality Bill, despite the tireless efforts of the Japanese delegates who engaged the representatives of other countries in intense diplomatic negotiations, was rejected. The rejection, a debatable issue ever since, has inspired many explanations including the theory that it was a deliberate Japanese ploy to achieve other goals in the agenda. This thesis has researched the reasons for rejection and contends that the rejection was not due to any one particular reason. Four key factors: a) resolute opposition from Australian Prime Minister Hughes determined to protect White Australia Policy, b) lack of British support, c) lack of US support, and d) lack of support from the British dominions of New Zealand, Canada and South Africa; converged to defeat the Japanese proposal. Japanese inexperience in international diplomacy evident from strategic and tactical mistakes, their weak presentations and communications, and enormous delays in negotiations, at Paris, undermined Japan's position at the conference, but the reasons for rejection of the racial equality proposal were extrinsic.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xii, 188 leaves
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Susai, Ayumi. "Health Care Migration in Japan: Immigration Policy in Terms of Language." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/190.
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This thesis argues the necessity of new standards for Japanese language teaching in Japan, responding to diversifying social needs. The current situation for foreign workers in Japan is a pressing issue in the light of declining fertility rates and a rapidly aging population. The focus of chapter 1 is this paper particularly focuses on issues regarding acceptance of nurses and certified care workers under the scheme of Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) between Japan and Indonesia in 2008, as a new policy to import more foreign skilled workers into Japan. This chapter demonstrates the nation's passive attitude toward accepting foreign workers as well as the growing demand for more consistent immigration policy in terms of language. Chapter 2 discusses the validity and accountability of the current major influential assessment tool in Japan, Japanese Language Proficiency Test (JLPT). It includes a discussion of how linguistic `proficiency' is understood in the JLPT and reveals its problems, comparing JLPT with other influential measurement tools in the world such as the American Council on the Teaching Foreign Language-Oral Proficiency Interview (ACTFL-OPI) and the Common European Framework of Reference for languages (CEFR).
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Kusaka, Laura Lee. "Negotiating Identities: An Interview Study and Autoethnography of Six Japanese American TESOL Professionals in Japan." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/280935.
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Applied LinguisticsEd.D
In this interview study involving the analysis of narratives collected from Japanese American professionals teaching English to speakers of other languages (TESOL) who have lived more than ten years in Japan, I focus on how the participants negotiated their often contested identities in the TESOL context in Japan. I use the notion of identity negotiation narrowly defined as "struggles which occur when certain identity options are imposed or devalued, and others are unavailable or misunderstood" (Pavlenko & Blackledge, 2004, p. 20). Most Japanese Americans share similar phenotypes with the majority of Japanese nationals, creating many misconceptions about our linguistic competence in Japanese and English and ability to act appropriately within Japanese cultural norms. Educational settings are also an arena contributing to a simplistic Japanese/non-Japanese, native speaker/non-native speaker (NS/NNS) framework within which such encounters are defined. I intend to illuminate the underlying assumptions responsible for the misconceptions that continue to challenge their authenticity. This is in line with inquiry into the role of race in TESOL (Curtis & Romney, 2006; Kubota & Lin, 2006). The six participants were two men and four women, including myself. I conducted multiple interviews individually and in groups over a period of four years. I transcribed the narrative data into numbered lines and reworked selected parts into stanza form (Gee, 2005) or used block quotes to analyze the identity negotiation processes. For the autoethnography, I used intensive reflective writings done throughout the course of this project in addition to interview data in which I am the interviewer who also shares stories. Through multi-layered analyses (Sorsoli, 2007), I hope to illuminate what the individuals' narratives reflect about the contested nature of values held about language, ethnicity, race, and identity in the context of English teaching, learning, and use in Japan today. I suggest that the findings and conclusions from this study can be applied to other contexts in the world as well. It is therefore important for the TESOL professional to become an actively critical observer of how her work is affecting all the stakeholders, including her own self.
Temple University--Theses
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Silva, Barbara Dantas Mendes da. "A atuação internacional do Japão no século XXI: as transformações da Doutrina Yoshida como norteadora do posicionamento internacional do país." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8157/tde-18102018-104340/.
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Este trabalho tem o objetivo de observar as alterações da Doutrina Yoshida como norteadora do posicionamento internacional do Japão no início do século XXI. Para isso, abordaremos a relevância que o Leste Asiático tem para a delimitação das ameaças e como a lógica regional influencia diretamente a atuação do país, principalmente quanto aos temas de segurança. Utilizar-se-á a teoria dos complexos regionais de segurança para compreender a forma de inserção internacional do Japão, bem como embasar o aspecto de instabilidade que levaram às alterações da Doutrina Yoshida. Dentre as principais ameaças ao país, destacamos a relação sino-japonesa e as disputas nas gray zones, bem como a nuclearização norte-coreana. A aliança com os EUA e outros países do entorno regional também serão analisadas a fim de corroborar com a atuação internacional do Japão. Abordaremos também como a criação da Estratégia Nacional de Segurança japonesa e o pacifismo proativo complementam os fundamentos da Doutrina Yoshida na manutenção dos interesses nacionais do país perante as crescentes instabilidades do entorno asiático.This paper aims to observe the changes of the Yoshida Doctrine as the guideline of Japans international performance in the beginning of the 21st century. In order to do it, we will focus on the threats of East Asia region as well as the relevance of the regional logic and how it directly influences the country\'s performance, especially regarding security issues. The theory of regional security complexes is used to understand Japan\'s international insertion, as well as to base the instability aspect that led to the changes in the Yoshida Doctrine. Among the main threats to the country, we highlight the Sino-Japanese relationship and the disputes in the gray zones, besides the North Korean nuclear program. The US alliance, as other regional countries alliances will also be analyzed in order to corroborate with the international performance of Japan. We will also address how the creation of the Japanese National Security Strategy and proactive pacifism complement the fundamentals principles of the Yoshida Doctrine in order to maintain the countrys interests in the growing instability of the Asian environment.
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Chang, Edward Chul-ho. "Yen appreciation and the United States trade deficit with Japan : forecasting and yen/dollar exchange rate by traditional model and monetary model." Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/30422.
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Yang, Xiaomeng. "Bureaucratic politics and Japan's foreign aid policy-making." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq30834.pdf.
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Debroux, Tatsuro. "Japan's foreign policy under the Abe Administration: a role theory analysis of Japan's foreign policy initiatives between 2006-2007 and 2012-2016." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/587195.
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The thesis shows the result of the research on foreign policy during the first and second
Abe administration. It focuses on the relations with the US, China, India, Australia, the
Philippines, the New Komei Party and the Japan Conference. Role theory, centered on its
key concept of national role conceptions (NRC) is used as a theoretical framework. Using
Japanese and foreign political leaders’ statements, NRC analysis gives the opportunity to
grasp the degree of consistency between those of Japan and those of the targeted countries
and domestic political groups. Then, the results are interpreted to assess the possible
changes in foreign policy originating from role inconsistency and conflicts. Four Japan’s
key NRCs of reliable security partner, country putting emphasis on multilateralism, non
military pacifist country and world/regional leader, are utilized as grid of analysis. This
thesis argues that Prime Minister Abe’s attempts to reinforce the assertiveness of Japan’s
foreign policy have yielded limited results. Still, this outcome has not significantly altered
his initial strategies: the later decisions and actions of his government seek to build a more
assertive foreign policy. He has proceeded with them by adjusting NRCs and
accommodating role expectations.Esta tesis es el resultado de la investigación realizada sobre la política exterior de las dos administraciones de Abe en el Japón, en especial, frente a las relaciones con Estados Unidos, China, India, Australia, Filipinas, el Nuevo Partido Komei y la Conferencia japonesa. La teoría de roles, y en especial, su concepto de las concepciones del rol nacional (NRC) -entendido como las expectativas intersubjetivas compartidas frente a los viii roles apropiados del Estado en el mundo- es utilizada como marco teórico. A partir de las declaraciones de los políticos japoneses y extranjeros, el análisis de las NRC permite apreciar el grado de consistencia entre las expectativas del Japón y terceros países y los grupos políticos a nivel interno. Estos resultados son interpretados con el fin de identificar posibles cambios en la política exterior causados por la inconsistencia de los roles o por los conflictos existentes. El análisis se realiza tomando como referencia cuatro NCR claves en el Japón: la conveniencia de tener un aliado en seguridad confiable, la preferencia por el multilateralismo, una concepción pacifica no militarista del país y la pretensión de ser un líder regional o mundial. Esta tesis concluye que los esfuerzos del primer ministro Abe para reforzar la asertividad de la política exterior japonesa han tenido resultados limitados. Pese a ello, no se ha cambiado la estrategia. Las acciones y las decisiones posteriores adoptadas por su gobierno dejan en evidencia su intención de construir una política exterior más asertiva, no obstante, ha procedido a ajustar los NCR y las expectativas de los roles.
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Nakamura, Toshiya. "Japan's New Public Diplomacy : Coolness in Foreign Policy Objectives." 名古屋大学大学院国際言語文化研究科, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2237/17875.
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Kewley, S. J. "Japan's foreign-economic policy initiatives to the European Union." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.300868.
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Sato, Atsuko. "A Study of Japan's Foreign Policy Behavior: The Discrepancy between Japan's Foreign Policy and Its Voting Behavior in the United Nations General Assembly." PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4787.
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Japan has maintained a low profile in its diplomacy since the end of World War II, relying heavily on the United States for its security and prosperity. The cold war structure allowed Japan to maintain its passive foreign policy behavior. By the end of 1980s, West-East confrontations largely ended and global issues such as arms control, environmental problem, human rights, economic development, and ethnic conflicts became the main international concerns. It was expected that in this changed world environment, Japan as an economic power, would take on a more active international role. Yet Japan has not shown any significant political initiative despite of its willingness to contribute to international peace and prosperity. The primary purpose of this thesis is to identify the underlying factors that have kept Japan from being a strong voice and taking initiatives in world affairs. This study presents Japan's official guidelines on global issues as its foreign policy. The guidelines indicate that Japanese foreign policy is too general and broad; it aims at cooperation with everybody. Japan's foreign-policy behavior is represented by its voting behavior in the United Nations General Assembly. Inasmuch as it has adopted a U.N.-centered diplomacy, I believe that Japan's voting in the U.N. delineates its foreign-policy behavior. A statistical method of factor analysis I apply in this study delineates Japan's stance and voting cohesion issue by issue. The voting maps reveal Japan's ambivalent stance on most of the issues. Japan's voting pattern often does not follow its idealistic guidelines. The study further inquires into the discrepancy between Japan's foreign policy and its foreign-policy behavior. The main reasons seem to stem from its dependent security relations with the United States, the close economic ties with Asian countries and the oil-producing Middle East states, and historical constraints in relations with Asia. In addition, Japan's ambiguous foreign policy guidelines are themselves a factor which creates the discrepancy. These factors prevent Japan from independently reacting to international incidents. Yet given its financial and technological advances, Japan could play a leading role within the framework of international organizations, especially on global environmental issues.
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Zhou, Guanfeng, and 周冠峰. "Nationalism and Japan's China policy: a normative study of nationalism & foreign policy making." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2009. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42841598.
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Zhou, Guanfeng. "Nationalism and Japan's China policy a normative study of nationalism & foreign policy making /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2009. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B42841598.
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Tuke, Victoria. "Japan’s foreign policy towards India : a neoclassical realist analysis of the policymaking process." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2011. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/49539/.
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This thesis analyses the formation of Japanese foreign policy through the case study of relations with India. The study concentrates on three streams of Japanese diplomacy; namely economic relations, nuclear policy and security issues through the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism (NCR). This approach, considered the ‘third generation’ of the mainstream paradigm, utilises neo-realism’s focus on structural factors and ultimately places primacy on systemic forces. Yet NCR seeks a more nuanced appraisal of foreign policy and incorporates internal structures into analysis. The dissertation argues that structural factors including India’s economic growth, the rise of China and facilitation provided by the US, initiated interest in India and continues to shape the development of policy. ‘China-hedging’ does not provide the only rationale. Furthermore, whilst structure is vital, with differing influential weight dependent on policy, it is unable alone to explain the exact nature and timing of policy decisions. In order to achieve this, the domestic ‘black box’ needs to be explored through analysis of unit-level variables such as policymakers’ perceptions, business interests, public opinion and norms. Elites in Japan have been particularly slow to appreciate India’s strategic worth despite favourable environmental conditions. The business community is noted as an important influence but whilst public opinion plays a minimal role overall, the prevalence of norms is able to dictate how policy is framed. The scope of the research project is confined to approximately the past two decades, though attention is given to historical relations to place contemporary analysis in context. Empirical data was sourced from academic, government and media outlets in addition to extensive interview fieldwork in Tokyo, Delhi, London and Washington DC. This thesis contributes to a nascent literature on an increasingly important area of not only Japan’s diplomacy but the regional dynamics of region no scholar of international relations can ignore.
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Dobson, Hugo James. "Japan and United Nations peacekeeping : foreign policy formulation in the post-Cold War world." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1998. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14769/.
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This thesis investigates Japan's contribution to United Nations (UN)-sponsored peacekeeping operations (UNPKO) by locating sources of activism and passivism in Japan's foreign policymaking process. In particular, it examines the influence of factors, such as Japan's traditional post-W.W.II commitment to pacifism, its relationships with the US and its East Asian neighbours, and the role of the UN. The introduction provides a broad overview of the remit of the thesis as well as clarifying its ontological commitments and justifying the topics of focus, Japan and the UN. Chapter One constructs a detailed theoretical approach to this topic by rejecting traditional realist, liberal, and Marxist interpretations of international politics and, instead, highlighting the study of norms in international society. Chapter Two centres on the topic of UN peacekeeping operations and explains how this practice has become a norm of international society. Chapter Three introduces the topic of Japan's foreign policy by examining traditional approaches and interpretations. It also utilises the approach outlined in Chapter One and examines Japan's contribution to PKO from the time of admission to the UN in 1956 through to the eve of the outbreak of the Second Gulf War. Chapter Four looks at Japan's response to the Second Gulf War from the financial contribution through to the legislation adopted to facilitate the despatch of the Self-Defence Forces (SDF). It demonstrates the initial power of traditional norms in shaping policy and how this changed with the rise of the influence of the UN. Chapter Five takes the first despatch of the SDF to Cambodia as its case study and reveals how the traditional norms of domestic-rooted pacifism and the opposition of East Asian nations to Japanese re-militarisation continued to be eroded. Chapter Six looks at the most recent of the SDF's despatches to Mozambique, Rwanda and the Golan Heights and demonstrates the continued influence of the US as well as the consolidated power of the UN, in contrast to the declining influence of pacifism and Japan's East Asian neighbours. Taking this empirical investigation into account, the conclusion reappraises the importance of norms in Japan's foreign policy making process, and highlights the influence of the UN.
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Aragusuku, Juliano Akira de Souza. "A assistência oficial para o desenvolvimento na política externa japonesa." São Paulo : [s.n.], 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93728.
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O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"Orientador: Henrique Altemani de Oliveira
Banca: Alexandre Ratsuo Uehara
Banca: Reginaldo Mattar Nasser
Resumo: O Japão é um dos principais atores do Sistema Internacional, com expressiva capacidade na dimensão econômica e baixa expressão nas dimensões política e estratégica. Destarte, o Japão enfatizou sua atuação no cenário internacional por meio da via econômica, destacando-se, até o presente momento, como um dos principais atores na cooperação internacional para o desenvolvimento por intermédio dos mecanismos de Assistência Oficial para o Desenvolvimento (ODA). No entanto, seria ingênuo supor que o fornecimento de assistência aos países em desenvolvimento ocorre em razão de posturas altruístas. Dessa forma, o objetivo deste trabalho consiste em analisar como a ODA se insere no contexto da política externa japonesa no período de 2003 a 2008. Inicialmente serão avaliadas as explicações teóricas desenvolvidas no campo das Relações Internacionais para o fornecimento de ajuda por parte de países desenvolvidos, dando-se ênfase ao caso do Japão. Em seguida, procurar-se-á identificar as motivações que sustentam a oferta de ODA por parte do Japão, tomando por base uma pesquisa empírica. Pretende-se, por fim, o entendimento de como o Japão utiliza a ODA para promover seus interesses e/ou marcar suas posições no jogo das relações internacionais
Abstract: Japan is one of the main actors at the International System, with expressive capacity in the economic dimension and low expression in the strategic and political dimensions. Thus, Japan emphasized its performance in the international scene through the economic way, being distinguished, until the present moment, as one of the main actors in the international cooperation for development disbursing Official Development Assistance (ODA). However, it would be ingenuous to assume that the supply of assistance to the developing countries occurs in reason of altruistic positions. Therefore, the objective is to analyze how the ODA is inserted in the context of the Japanese foreign policy. Initially we will evaluate the theoretical explanations developed in the field of the International Relations on the developed countries‟ aid disburses, emphasizing the case of Japan. Thus, this research seeks to identify the motivations that support the Japanese ODA, using an empirical research. It is intended, finally, the comprehension about the Japanese uses of ODA to promote its interests, marking its position in the game of the international relations
Mestre
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Winberg, William. "Japan’s Remilitarization : Assessing Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s Foreign Policy Legacy through the Surrounding Academic Debate." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-438676.
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The premiership of Shinzo Abe has had a significant impact on the debate surrounding Japanese foreign policy. In the autumn of 2020, Shinzo Abe resigned, ending what would become the country’s longest consecutive tenure in history, lasting from 2012 to 2020. Following the Second World War, Japan has per its 1947 constitution constrained its foreign policy unlike that of any other country of comparable size. During Shinzo Abe’s tenure, from 2012 to 2020, the academic debate surrounding the potential dismantling of said constraints has moved significantly towards finding a so-called remilitarization a likely outcome. International relations schools of realism and to some extent liberalism find that predictions of remilitarization might strike true while constructivist scholars find that this might be the case despite prior reservations. This is a significant shift in the debate consensus, especially on the part of constructivist analysis which often held that Japan’s unique character, be it norms or institutions, was inherently antimilitaristic. Through previous literature we learn that there was long a divide between authors arguing for a remilitarization being imminent while others take the opposite stance. A shift in Japanese foreign policy has a number of implications for international relations theory, previously a hallmark of constructivist argumentation surrounding identity and a thorn in the side of realist assumptions of power politics. A methodical approach of theory comparison sheds light on the empirical case of Japanese foreign policy by the means of assessing each relevant perspective’s arguments against each respective set of expectations in the event of a remilitarization. Through this study we find that contributions to the debate overwhelmingly argue for an increased possibility of a remilitarization taking place. Likewise, we find that this may come to play into the hands of both realism and liberalism as well as potentially doing so for constructivist analysis. Despite the case of an antimilitarist Japan being an example showcasing the strengths of constructivist analysis, it might instead provide an opportunity wherein it is able to showcase the flexibility and adaptability of constructivism as an analytical approach. The study also explores the possibility of whether there is room for employing a theoretically eclectic approach to the case at hand as a means to break the deadlock within the debate on the topic and offer analysis that escapes the pitfalls inherent in each theoretical perspective when employed on its own.
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Numata, Yuki. "Why Foreign Policy Principles Persist: Understanding the Reinterpretations of Japan’s Article 9 and Switzerland’s Neutrality." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/157.
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This study examines why Japan and Switzerland have chosen to keep the vocabulary of Article 9 and neutrality, respectively, and to reinterpret their definitions to suit their needs (policy reinterpretation), instead of simply abandoning the original policy and replacing it with a new, more suitably worded policy that clarifies the changing policy position of the government (policy abandonment). By analyzing the legal history of the overseas capabilities of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces and the Swiss Armed Forces, as well as the actions and influences of the government, political parties, and the public, this study finds the following trends. First, the government tends to refrain from policy abandonment either due to perceived public opposition or benefits in international negotiations. Second, party resistance is not an significantly influential factor in the choice of policy abandonment over policy reinterpretation. Finally, public opinion is influential, but self-contradictory; often supporting the change in policy (increased overseas capabilities of armed forces) but opposing the concept of policy abandonment due to high attachment to the respective policies of Article 9 and neutrality.
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Van, Wyk Heste. "Human security as an influence on Japan’s contemporary Africa policy: principles, patterns and implications." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2054.
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Thesis MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.The end of the Cold War, marked by the shift from a bipolar to multipolar security order, prompted a significant change in Japan’s relations with Africa. New political and economic challenges, which are accelerated by the process of globalisation, have forced Japan to adjust its foreign policies accordingly- especially in the African context. The primary goal of this study is to analyse how the concept of human security has influenced Japan’s foreign policy towards Africa since 1998. This research question focuses on Official Development Assistance (ODA) and peacekeeping through the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations in Africa. The methodological nature of this study is qualitative. Secondary sources are mainly used. This study makes use of the two contending theoretical perspectives in the security paradigm, namely Neo- Realism and the Human Security Approach. An important part of the analysis is Japan’s middlepowership and why it has chosen human security as its niche diplomacy in the new security order. The findings of this study suggest that the reasons for this are, firstly that Japan has had to justify its continuing ODA cuts to Africa over the last decade, as well as its pacifist stance on peacekeeping, which sees it refraining from directly intervening in conflict situations. Other key findings of this study are that Japan’s motives for providing ODA to Africa prior to 1989 were mainly economic in nature and that diplomatic relations were limited. What also emerged from this study is that Japan’s most prominent foreign policy goals include a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council, establishing itself as a prominent global player both in political and economic realms, and securing favourable relations with states whose resources are vital to its expanding economy. Japan’s more recent relations with Africa can also be characterised by its multilateral approach, particularly through organisations such as the United Nations and the African Union. Important initiatives such as the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) have also played an important role in promoting African development. However, its future success will depend on coordinating TICAD and The New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) policies, with human security as a common goal. The implications of the findings of this study are that Japan will have to formulate a more coherent foreign policy on security, especially towards Africa. Secondly, since Japan is no longer the ODA giant that it used to be, it will have to find new ways of defining its relationship with Africa, particularly in terms of TICAD and the G8. Future research could expand the analysis to an investigation of Japan’s ODA disbursements to all Africa countries. Additional attention should also be given to Japan’s foreign policy in terms of peacebuilding, and how the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) is formulating these policies. Lastly, more research can be conducted on human security in general, and other aspects of it that are promoted through Japan’s foreign policy.
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Shimada, Yuki. "Japan's role in United Nations Peace Keeping Operations in the 1990's : a step toward an evolution of Japan's foreign policy? /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1998. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09arms556.pdf.
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Klenke, Carsten. "Japan's comprehensive National Security and the European Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy convergence towards global cooperation? /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2000. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA380827.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2000.Thesis advisor(s): Olsen, Edward A. ; Abenheim, Donald. "June 2000." Includes bibliographical references (p. 97-101). Also available online.
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Kuroki, Maiko. "Nationalism in Japan's contemporary foreign policy : a consideration of the cases of China, North Korea, and India." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/595/.
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Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. The methodology employs discourse analysis on five case studies. It will be explored how the two administrations both used nationalism but in the pursuit of contrasting policies: an uncompromising stance to China and a conciliatory approach toward North Korea under the Koizumi administration, a hard-line attitude against North Korea and the rapprochement with China by Abe, accompanied by a friendship-policy toward India. These case studies show how the nationalism is used in the competition between political leaders by articulating national identity in foreign policy. Whereas this often appears as a kind of assertiveness from outside China, in the domestic context leaders use nationalism to reconstruct Japan’s identity as a ‘peaceful nation’ through foreign policy by highlighting differences from ‘other’s or by achieving historic reconciliation. Such identity constructions are used to legitimize policy choices that are in themselves used to marginalize other policy options and political actors. In this way, nationalism is utilized as a kind of political capital in a domestic power relationship, as can be seen by Abe’s use of foreign policy to set an agenda of ‘departure from the postwar regime’. In a similar way, Koizumi’s unyielding stance against China was used to calm discontents among right-wing traditionalists who were opposed to his reconciliatory approach to Pyongyang. On the other hand, Abe also utilized a hard-line policy to the DPRK to offset his rapprochement with China whilst he sought to prevent the improved relationship from becoming a source of political capital for his rivals. The major insights of this thesis is thus to explain how Japan’s foreign policy is shaped by the attempts of its political leaders to manipulate nationalism so as articulating particular forms of national identity that enable them to achieve legitimacy for their policy agendas, boost domestic credentials and marginalize their political rivals.
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Fatton, Lionel P. "Explaining unilateralism in foreign security policy : the case of Japan’s withdrawal from the Washington System, 1922-1936." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015IEPP0044.
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Cette thèse analyse les raisons qui ont poussé le Japon à se retirer en 1936 du système de contrôle des armements navals établis en 1922. La littérature sur le sujet est particulièrement pauvre pour ce qui est de la science politique et ne parvient pas à systématiser les différentes variables afin de mieux comprendre l’extrême complexité du processus de décision japonais. Appréhender ce processus permet d'aborder une problématique plus générale, qui est de comprendre pourquoi les états mettent fin à des relations de nature coopérative, préférant poursuivre une politique de sécurité unilatérale malgré les coûts que cela peut engendrer. Le modèle théorique de cette thèse propose l’hypothèse suivante: certains changements dans le système international affectent l'influence relative des différentes institutions domestiques prenant part à la formulation des politiques étrangères. En cas de tensions internationales, l'expertise des forces armées prend de l’importance pour la formulation des politiques étrangères. Dans un tel scénario, il est probable que le pays se retire de l'accord de contrôle des armements si ses forces armées s’opposent au maintien de cet accord. Les forces armées désavouent l'accord si ce dernier est intrusif dans des domaines relevant de l'expertise de l’institution militaire au point de menacer sa capacité à répondre à une nouvelle menace extérieure. Le degré d'influence des forces armées et l'intensité du conflit entre militaires et civils pour ce qui concerne la politique de défense nationale constituent les deux variables qui déterminent la propension d'un état à privilégier une approche unilatérale de sa politique étrangère en matière de sécuritéThis thesis aims at assessing the causes of Japan's decision to withdraw in 1936 from the so-called Washington system of naval arms control. The existing literature is weak in the field of political science and fails to efficiently systematize the different variables to understand the highly complex Japanese decision-making process. To better understand this process helps in addressing a more general question: Why do states choose to pursue an independent and unilateral foreign security policy instead of a cooperative approach, despite the cost a withdrawal may engender? This thesis' theoretical framework is based on the academic literature on civil-military relations, and proposes the following hypothesis: Changes in the international system affect the relative influence different domestic institutions have on the formulation of foreign policy. In case of emerging international tensions, the military’s expertise acquires new importance for the formulation of foreign policy. In such a scenario, the arms control agreement does not survive if the military establishment advocates against the maintenance of the agreement. The military establishment opposes the agreement if it is so intrusive into its traditional sphere of responsibility that it negatively affects its ability to deal with a worsening security environment. The level of influence the military establishment possesses over the formulation of foreign security policy and the intensity of conflict in civil-military relations are the two variables of the thesis, which account for a state's propensity to privilege a unilateral approach to its foreign security policy
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Amato, Daniel. "Japan's Security: Post Cold War Trends and Prospects for the Future." Thesis, Boston College, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/456.
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Thesis advisor: Kenji HayaoThis paper uses a case study approach to analyze changes in Japan's post-Cold War security policy. While many observers feel that these changes are the result of the 1997 Defense Guidelines Review, the argument forwarded here is that it is the result of a series of unique domestic circumstances in Japan. It traces these factors starting with the Persian Gulf War and then the War on Terrorism and the current North Korean nuclear crisis. Finally, this paper assesses the prospects for the future of Japan's security policy. While Japan will continue to be a strong ally for the United States, there are distinct limits on how far it will go to provide for collective security
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Ito, Yukari. "Identity, Ideology, and Cinema: Making Sense of Japan's Foreign and Security Policies in the 1950s and 2000s." FIU Digital Commons, 2015. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1835.
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Japan is an important ally of the United States–the world’s third biggest economy, and one of the regional great powers in Asia. Making sense of Japan’s foreign and security policies is crucial for the future of peace and stability in Northeast Asia, where the possible sources of conflict such as territorial disputes or the disputes over Japan’s war legacy issues are observed.
This dissertation explored Japan’s foreign and security policies based on Japan’s identities and unconscious ideologies. It employed an analysis of selected Japanese films from the late 1940s to the late 1950s, as well as from the late 1990s to the mid-2000s. The analysis demonstrated that Japan’s foreign and security policies could be understood in terms of a broader social narrative that was visible in Japanese popular cultural products, including films and literatures. Narratives of Japanese families from the patriarch’s point of view, for example, had constantly shaped Japan’s foreign and security policies. As a result, the world was ordered hierarchically in the eyes of the Japan Self. In the 1950s, Japan tenaciously constructed close but asymmetrical security relations with the U.S. in which Japan willingly subjugated itself to the U.S. In the 2000s, Japan again constructed close relations with the U.S. by doing its best to support American responses to the 9/11 terrorist attacks by mobilizing Japan’s SDFs in the way Japan had never done in the past.
The concepts of identity and unconscious ideology are helpful in understanding how Japan’s own understanding of self, of others, and of the world have shaped its own behaviors. These concepts also enable Japan to reevaluate its own behaviors reflexively, which departs from existing alternative approaches. This study provided a critical analytical explanation of the dynamics at work in Japan’s sense of identity, particularly with regard to its foreign and security policies.
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David, Adebahr. "THE DOMESTIC FOUNDATIONS OF TOKYO’S CHANGING SECURITY POLICY STRATEGY TOWARDS THE ASIA-PACIFIC IN THE 21ST CENTURY AND THE ROLE OF JAPAN’S FOREIGN POLICY EXECUTIVE." Kyoto University, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/244505.
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Matthews, Aaron Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "Japan's approach to missile defence cooperation from 1993 to 2003 : examining the structure of cooperation to determine the relative influence of key security objectives." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. Humanities & Social Sciences, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40520.
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The intent of this study is to assess the role of fundamental Japanese security policy objectives in driving the significant shifts in Japan???s approach towards missile defence cooperation with the United States from 1993 to 2003. In studying the relative influence of the objectives that guided Japan???s approach towards missile defence cooperation, this thesis seeks to address a gap in the literature. A debate has occurred over the direction of Japanese security policy that is based on widely different assumptions on the importance attached to various fundamental security objectives. At the same time, Japan???s approach to missile defence has been the subject of considerable analysis that identified the crucial importance of the issue for the attainment of these fundamental security policy objectives. But no linkage has been established between these two levels of analysis. In particular, there has been an absence of assessments of what Japan???s decisions on missile defence cooperation indicate about the relative influence of the various objectives. This thesis developed an analytical framework to enable such an assessment by examining the structure of missile defence cooperation undertaken. Japan possessed a range of options in the level and type of involvement in missile defence cooperation. That involvement would determine the eventual type of benefits and costs incurred against the affected objectives. Cooperation agreed to (or rejected) over the ten year period thereby provides a means to determine the influence of key objectives on Japan???s approach, and in particular those objectives that restrained involvement. The thesis finds that a clear hierarchy existed in the influence of the various objectives on Japan???s approach with changes in their influence explaining the evolution of Japan???s commitment. The desire to strengthen the alliance, weakening domestic political constraints, and disregard of China???s opposition provide the key explanations. These findings not only point towards the respective strengths and weaknesses of the various approaches employed to explain Japanese security policy, but they also suggest the value of greater attention to the state???s ability to overcome domestic constraints in determining policy in order to fully understand the broader transformation of Japanese security policy.