Journal articles on the topic 'Japanese american women – california – social conditions'

AbstractThis article examines two tutelage campaigns launched by Japanese social reformers targeting Japanese emigrant women in Manchuria and California in the first two decades of the twentieth century. It reveals how these two middle-class-based social campaigns jointly paved the way for the Japanese state's ‘continental bride’ policy in the late 1930s, which mobilized and exported women from across the nation to Manchuria on an unprecedented scale. Synthesizing the stories of Japan's colonialism in Manchuria and Japanese labour migration to the American Pacific coast, this study traces the convergence and flows between the women's education campaigns in Japanese communities on both sides of the Pacific. It moves the debate of Japanese imperialism beyond Asia and situates it in a transnational space encompassing the local, the national, and the global.

This article examines Japanese governmental responses to memorial statues dedicated to ‘comfort women’ – women across the Asia-Pacific whom the Japanese military forced into conditions now recognised as sexual slavery before and during World War Two. This article discusses four cases around the world in which Japanese government officials have demanded the removal of comfort women statues: 1) Glendale, California; 2) San Francisco; 3) Manila; and 4) Berlin. The global expansion of comfort women memorialisation is significant to contemporary statue politics and crises of memory in three ways. Firstly, East Asian diasporas have become important actors in the remembrance of Japanese colonialism and the Asia-Pacific War outside East Asia. Secondly, these statues constitute attempts by diasporas to recover and reclaim a traumatic past through material culture. Thirdly, despite the global geographical reach of comfort women memory activism, neither nationalism nor the power of the nation-state have declined in today’s transnational world.

The fairer sex takes over and the campus becomes a woman's world. They step in and fill the shoes of the departing men and they reveal a wealth of undiscovered ability. The fate of the A.S.U.C. [Associated Students of the University of California] and its activities rests in their hands and they assume the responsibility of their new tasks with sincerity and confidence. —Blue and Gold, University of California, Berkeley, 1943During World War II, female students at the University of California, Berkeley—then the most populous undergraduate campus in American higher education—made significant advances in collegiate life. In growing numbers, women enrolled in male-dominated academic programs, including mathematics, chemistry, and engineering, as they prepared for home-front employment in fields traditionally closed to them. Women also effectively opposed gendered restrictions on extracurricular participation, filling for the first time such influential campus leadership positions as the presidency of Berkeley's student government and editorship of the university's student newspaper. Female students at Berkeley also furthered activist causes during the war years, with the University Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) serving as one of the most popular outlets for their political engagement. Historically rooted in a mission of Christian fellowship, by the 1940s the University YWCA held progressive positions on many of the nation's central social, political, and economic issues. Throughout the war years, women dedicated to promoting civil liberties, racial equality, and international understanding led the organization in its response to two of the most egregious civil rights violations in U.S. history: racial segregation and Japanese internment.

Abstract This study identified and compared barriers to successful aging (SA) among older women and men living with HIV. Participants were recruited through 1) the Women’s Interagency HIV Study (WIHS), Atlanta and Brooklyn sites; and 2) the HIV Neurobehavioral Research Program at the University of California, San Diego. Our sample included 31 participants living with HIV: 17 women and 14 men, ages 52 to 73 years, 58% African American. We conducted semi-structured interviews, exploring SA with HIV. The interviews (~90 minutes long) were audio recorded, fully transcribed, and imported into MAXQDA software for analysis. Thematic and comparative analyses were conducted within a social-constructivist framework. We uncovered several themes related to SA barriers that were shared by women and men: challenging chronic conditions, stigmas, substance use, and lack of resources. We also found differences. While men stressed dreading old age and loneliness, women emphasized stress and ‘giving up’ as barriers to SA.

Purpose Racial/ethnic disparities in cancer survival in the United States are well documented, but the underlying causes are not well understood. We quantified the contribution of tumor, treatment, hospital, sociodemographic, and neighborhood factors to racial/ethnic survival disparities in California. Materials and Methods California Cancer Registry data were used to estimate population-based cancer-specific survival for patients diagnosed with breast, prostate, colorectal, or lung cancer between 2000 and 2013 for each racial/ethnic group (non-Hispanic black, Hispanic, Asian American and Pacific Islander, and separately each for Chinese, Japanese, and Filipino) compared with non-Hispanic whites. The percentage contribution of factors to overall racial/ethnic survival disparities was estimated from a sequence of multivariable Cox proportional hazards models. Results In baseline models, black patients had the lowest survival for all cancer sites, and Asian American and Pacific Islander patients had the highest, compared with whites. Mediation analyses suggested that stage at diagnosis had the greatest influence on overall racial/ethnic survival disparities accounting for 24% of disparities in breast cancer, 24% in prostate cancer, and 16% to 30% in colorectal cancer. Neighborhood socioeconomic status was an important factor in all cancers, but only for black and Hispanic patients. The influence of marital status on racial/ethnic disparities was stronger in men than in women. Adjustment for all covariables explained approximately half of the overall survival disparities in breast, prostate, and colorectal cancer, but it explained only 15% to 40% of disparities in lung cancer. Conclusion Overall reductions in racial/ethnic survival disparities were driven largely by reductions for black compared with white patients. Stage at diagnosis had the largest effect on racial/ethnic survival disparities, but earlier detection would not entirely eliminate them. The influences of neighborhood socioeconomic status and marital status suggest that social determinants, support mechanisms, and access to health care are important contributing factors.

Purpose To identify mammography screening prevalence and predictors in Asian American women, focusing on the potential disparities in race and its influence on screening behaviors. Design A secondary analysis utilized the California Health Interview Survey (CHIS) 2015–2016. Setting California, U.S. Sample Cisgender women who were non-Hispanic (NH) White, Chinese, Filipino, Vietnamese, Japanese, Korean, or “other Asian”, aged 40 or above (unweighted N=13 451). Measures Socioeconomics, chronic health conditions, and preventive care utilization were mesuared as potential risk factors, where up-to-date mammography screening as the outcome variable. Analysis Multivariable adjusted logistic regressions were generalized to identify the up-to-date mammography screening behaviors in relation to potential factors, stratified by race and ethnicity. Results The prevalence for up-to-date mammography screening in NH-White and Asian American women were 68.06% and 65.97%, respectively. In NH-White women, receiving an up-to-date mammogram was associated with age, birthplace, smoking status, diabetes, hypertension, health insurance coverage, and a preventive care visit in the past 12 months, whereas only age and a preventive care visit were significant predictors in Asian women. Conclusions The findings indicate that utilization disparities exist in mammogram in relation to socioeconomics, chronic health conditions, preventive care utilization, when comparing between race and ethnicity. Asian American women with borderline hypertension and no preventive care visits may require more public health outreach and cancer education.

Neither mere flesh nor mere thing, the yellow woman, straddling the person-thing divide, applies tremendous pressures on politically treasured notions of agency, feminist enfleshment, and human ontology. — Anne Anlin Cheng, OrnamentalismIn this (apparently) very versatile piece of clothing, she [Michelle Zauner] smokes, sings karaoke, rides motorcycles, plays a killer guitar solo … and much more. Is there anything you can’t do in a hanbok?— Li-Wei Chu, commentary, From the Intercom IntroductionAnne Anlin Cheng describes the anomaly of being “the yellow woman”, women of Asian descent in Western contexts, by underlining the haunting effects of this artificial identity on multiple politically valent forms, especially through Asian women’s conceived ambivalent relations to subject- and object-hood. Due to the entangled constructiveness conjoining Asiatic identities with objects, things, and ornaments, Cheng calls for new ways to “accommodate the deeper, stranger, more intricate, and more ineffable (con)fusion between thingness and personness instantiated by Asiatic femininity and its unpredictable object life” (14). Following this call, this essay articulates a creative combination of José Esteban Muñoz’s disidentification and Avery Gordon’s haunting theory to account for some hauntingly disidentificatory ways that the performance of diaspora sensibilities reimagines Asian American life and femininity.This essay considers “Everybody Wants to Love You” (2016) (EWLY), the music video of Michelle Zauner’s solo musical project Japanese Breakfast, as a ghostly performance, which features a celebration of the Korean culture and identity of Zauner (Song). I analyse it as a site for identifying the confrontational moments and haunting effects of the diaspora sensibilities performed by Zauner who is in fact Jewish-Korean-American. Directed by Zauner and Adam Kolodny, the music video of EWLY features the persona that I call the Korean woman orchestrated by Zauner, singing in a restroom cubicle, eating a Dunkin Donuts sandwich, shotgunning a beer, shredding a Fender electric guitar on the hood of a truck, riding a motorcycle with her queer lover, and partying with a crowd all in the traditional Korean attire hanbok that used to belong to her late mother. The story ends with Zauner waking up on a bench with a hangover and fleeing from the scene, conjuring up a journey of self-discovery, self-healing, and self-liberation through multiple sites and scenes of everyday life.What I call a ghostly performance is concerned with Avery Gordon’s creative intervention of haunting as a method of social analysis to study the intricate lingering impact of ghostly matters from the past on the present. Jacques Derrida develops hauntology to describe how Marxism continues to haunt Western societies even after its so-called failure. It refers to a status that something is neither present nor absent. Gordon develops haunting as a way of knowing and a method of knowledge production, “forcing a confrontation, forking the future and the past” (xvii). A ghostly performance is thus where ghostly matters are mobilised in “confrontational moments”:when things are not in their assigned places, when the cracks and rigging are exposed, when the people who are meant to be invisible show up without any sign of leaving, when disturbed feelings cannot be put away, when something else, something different from before, seems like it must be done. (xvi)The interstitiality that transgresses and reconfigures the geographical and temporal borders of nation, culture, and Eurocentric discourses of progression is important for understanding the diverse experiences of diaspora sensibilities as critical double consciousness (Dayal 48, 53). As Gordon suggests, confrontational moments force us to confront and expose the interstitial state of objects, subjects, feelings, and conditions. Hence, to understand this study identifies the confrontational moments in Zauner’s performance as a method to identify and deconstruct the triggering moments of diaspora sensibilities.While deconstructing the ghostly performances of diaspora sensibilities, the essay also adopts an object-oriented approach to serve as a focused entry point. Not only does this approach designate a more focused scope with regard to applying Gordon’s hauntology and Muñoz’s disidentification theory, it also taps into a less attended territory of object theories such as Graham Harman’s and Ian Bogost’s object-oriented ontology due to the overlooking of the relationship between objects and racialisation that is much explored in Asian American and critical race and ethnic studies (Shomura). Moreover, while diaspora as, or not as, an object of study has been a contested topic (e.g., Axel; Cho), the objects of diaspora have been less studied.This essay elaborates on two ghostly matters: the hanbok and the manicured nails. It uncovers two haunting effects throughout the analysis: the conjuring-up of the Korean diaspora and the troubling of everyday post-racial America. By defying the objectification of Asian bodies with objects of diaspora and refusing to assimilate into the American nightlife, Zauner’s Korean woman persona haunts a multiculturalist post-racial America that fails to recognise the specificities and historicity of Korean America and performs an alternative reality. Disidentificatory ghostly performance therefore, I suggest, thrives on confrontations between the past and the present while gesturing toward the futurities of alternative Americas. Mobilising the critical lenses of disidentification and ghostly performance, finally, I aver that disidentificatory ghostly performances have great potential for envisioning a better politics of performing and representing Asian bodies through the ghostly play of haunting objects/ghostly matters.The Embodied (Objects) and the Disembodied (Ghosts) of DisidentificationThe sonic-visual lifeworld constructed in the music video of EWLY is, first of all, a cultural public sphere, through which social norms are contested, reimagined, and reconfigured. A cultural public sphere reveals the imbricated relations between the political, the public, and the personal as contested through affective (aesthetic and emotional) communications (McGuigan 15). Considering the sonic-visual landscape as a cultural public sphere foregrounds two dimensions of Gordon’s hauntology theory: the psychological and the sociopolitical states. The emphasis on its affective communicative capacities enables the psychological reach of a cultural production. Meanwhile, the multilayered articulation of the political, the public, and the personal shows the inner-network of acts of haunting even when they happen chiefly on the sociopolitical level. What is crucial about cultural public spheres for minoritarian subjects is the creative space offered for negotiating one’s position in capacious and flexible ways that non-cultural publics may not allow. One of the ways is through imagination and disputation (McGuigan 16). The idea that imagination and disputation may cause a temporal and spatial disjunction with the present is important for Muñoz’s theorisation of disidentification. With such disjunction, Muñoz believes, queer of colour performances create future-oriented visions and coterminous temporality of the present and the future. These future-oriented visions and the coterminous temporality can be thought through disidentifications, which Muñoz identifies asa performative mode of tactical recognition that various minoritarian subjects employ in an effort to resist the oppressive and normalizing discourse of dominant ideology. Disidentification resists the interpellating call of ideology that fixes a subject within the state power apparatus. It is a reformatting of self within the social. It is a third term that resists the binary of identification and counteridentification. (97)Disidentification offers a method to identify specific moments of imagination and disputation and moments of temporal and spatial disjunction. The most distinct example of the co-nature of imagination and disputation residing in the EWLY lifeworld is the persona of the Korean woman orchestrated by Zauner, as she intrudes into the everyday field of American life in a hanbok, such as a bar, a basketball court, and a convenience store. Gordon would call these moments “confrontational moments” (xvi). When performers don’t perform in ways they are supposed to perform, when they don’t operate objects in ways they are supposed to operate, when they don’t mobilise feelings in ways they are supposed to feel, they resist and disidentify with “the oppressive and normalizing discourse of dominant ideology” (Muñoz 97).In addition to Muñoz’s disidentification and Gordon’s confrontational moments, I adopt an object-oriented approach to guide my analysis of disidentificatory ghostly performances. Object theory departs from objects and matters to rediscover identity and experience. My object-oriented approach follows new materialism more closely than object-oriented ontology because it is less about debating the ontology of Asian American experiences through the lens of objects. Instead, it is more about how re-orienting our attention towards the formation and operation of objecthood reveals and reconfigures the vexed articulation between Asian American experiences and racialised objectification. To this end, my oriented-object approach aligns particularly well with politically engaged frameworks such as Jane Bennett’s vital materialism and Eunjung Kim’s ethics of objects.Taking an object-oriented approach in inquiring Asian American identities could be paradoxically intervening because “Asian Americans have been excluded, exploited, and treated as capital because they have been more closely associated to nonhuman objects than to human subjects” (Shomura). Furthermore, this objectification is doubly performed onto the bodies of Asian American women due to the Orientalist conflations of Asia as feminine (Huang 187). Therefore, applying object theory in the case of EWLY requires special attention to the interplay between subject- and object-hood and the line between objecthood and objectification. To avoid the risk of objectification when exploring the objecthood of ghostly matters, I caution against an objects-define-subjects chain of signification and instead suggest a subjects-operate-objects route of inquiry by attending to both the haunting effects of objects and how subjects mobilise such haunting effects in their performance. From a new materialist perspective, it is also important to disassociate problems of objectification from exploration of objecthood (Kim) while excavating the world-making abilities of objects (Bennett). For diasporic peoples, it means to see objects as affective and nostalgic vessels, such as toys, food, family photos, attire, and personal items (e.g., Oum), where traumas of displacement can be stored and rehearsed (Turan 54).What is revealing from a racialised subject-object relationship is what Christopher Bush calls “the ethnicity of things”: things can have ethnicity, an identification that hinges on the articulation that “thingliness can be constituted in ways analogous and related to structures of racialization” (85). This object-oriented approach to inquiry can expose the artificial nature of the affinity between Asian bodies and certain objects, behind which is a confession of naturalised racial order of signification. One way to disrupt this chain of signification is to excavate the haunting objects that disidentify with the norms of the present, that conjure up what the present wants to be done. This “something-to-be-done” characteristic is critical to acts of haunting (Gordon xvii). Such disruptive performances are what I term as “disidentificatory ghostly performances”, connecting the embodied objects with Gordon’s disembodied ghosts through the lens of Muñoz’s disidentificatory reading with a two-fold impact: first exposing such artificial affinity and then suggesting alternative ways of knowing.In what follows, I expand upon two haunting objects/ghostly matters: the manicured nails and the hanbok. I contend that Zauner operates these haunting objects to embody the “something-to-be-done” characteristic by curating uncomfortable, confrontational moments, where the constituted affinity between Koreanness/Asianness and anomaly is instantiated and unsettled in multiple snippets of the mundane post-racial, post-globalisation world.What Can the Korean Woman (Not) Do with Those Nails and in That Hanbok?The hanbok that Zauner wears throughout the music video might be the single most powerful haunting object in the story. This authentic hanbok belonged to Zauner’s late mother who wore it to her wedding. Dressing in the hanbok while navigating the nightlife, it becomes a mediated, trans-temporal experience for both Zauner and her mother. A ghostly journey, you could call it. The hanbok then becomes a ghostly matter that haunts both the Orientalist gaze and the grieving Zauner. This journey could be seen as a process of dealing with personal loss, a process of “reckoning with ghosts” (Gordon 190). The division between the personal and the public, the historical and the present cease to exist as linear and clear-cut forces. The important role of ghosts in the performance are the efforts of historicising and specifying the persona of the Korean woman, which is a strategy for minoritarian performers to resist “the pull of reductive multicultural pluralism” (Muñoz 147). These ghostly matters haunt a pluralist multiculturalist post-racial America that refuses to see minor specificities and historicity.The Korean woman in an authentic hanbok, coupled with other objects of Korean roots, such as a traditional hairdo and seemingly exotic makeup, may invite the Orientalist gaze or the assumption that Zauner is self-commodifying and self-fetishising Korean culture, risking what Cheng calls “Oriental female objectification” operating through “the lenses of commodity and sexual fetishism” (14). However, she “fails” to do any of these. The ways Zauner acts in the hanbok manifests a self-negotiation with her Korean identity through disidentificatory sensibilities with racial fetishism. For example, in various scenes, the Korean woman appears to be drunk in a bar, gorging a sandwich, shotgunning a beer, smoking in a restroom cubicle, messing with strangers in a basketball court, rocking on a truck, and falling asleep on a bench. Some may describe what she does as abnormal, discomforting, and even disgusting in a traditional Korean garment which is usually worn on formal occasions. The Korean woman not only subverts her traditional Koreanness but also disidentifies with what the Asian fetish requires of Asian bodies: obedient, well-behaved model minority or the hypersexualised dragon lady (e.g., Hsu; Shimizu). Zauner’s performance foregrounds the sentimental, the messy, the frenetic, the aggressive, and the carnivalesque as essential qualities and sensibilities of the Korean woman. These rarely visible figurations of Asian femininities speak to the normalised public disappearance of “unwanted” sides of Asian bodies.Wavering public disappearance is a crucial haunting effect. The public disappearance is an “organized system of repression” (Gordon 72) and a “state-sponsored procedure for producing ghosts to harrowingly haunt a population into submission” (115). While the journey of EWLY evolves through ups and downs, the Korean woman does not maintain the ephemeral joy and takes offence at the people and surroundings now and then, such as at an arcade in the bar, at some basketball players, or at the audience or the camera operator. The performed disaffection and the conflicts substantiate a theory of “positive perversity” through which Asian American women claim the representation of their sexuality and desires (Shimizu), engendering a strong and visible presence of the ghostly matters operated by the Korean woman. This noticeable arrival of bodies disorients how things are arranged (Ahmed 163), revealing and disrupting whiteness, which functions as a habit and a background to actions (149). The confrontational performances of the encounters between Zauner and others cast a critique of the racial politics of disappearing by reifying disappearing into confrontational moments in the everyday post-racial world.What is also integral to Zauner’s antagonistic performance of wavering public disappearing and failure of “Oriental female objectification” is a punk strategy of negativity through an aesthetic of nihilism and a mediation of performing objects. For example, in addition to the traditional hairdo that goes with her makeup, Zauner also wears a nose ring; in addition to partying with a crowd, she adopts a moshing style of dancing, being carried over people’s heads in the hanbok. All these, in addition to her disaffectionate, aggressive, and impolite body language, express a negative punk aesthetics. Muñoz describes such a negative punk aesthetics as an energy that can be described “as chaotic, as creating a life without rhyme or reason, as quintessentially self-destructive” (97). What lies at the heart of this punk dystopia is the desire for “something else”, something “not the present time or place” (Muñoz). Through this desire for impossible time and place, utopian is reimagined, a race riot, in Mimi Thi Nguyen’s term.On the other hand, the manicured fingernails are also a major operating force, reminiscent of Korean American immigrant history along with the racialised labor relations that have marked Korean bodies as an alien anomaly (Liu). With “Japanese Breakfast” being written on the screen in neon pink with some dazzling effect, the music video begins in a warm tone. The story begins with Zauner selecting EWLY with her finger on a karaoke operation screen, the first of many shots on her carefully manicured nails, decorated with transparent nail extensions, sparkly ornaments, and hanging fine chains. These nails conjure up the nail salon business in the US that heavily depended on immigrant labor and Korean women immigrants have made significant economic contributions through the manicure business. In particular, differently from Los Angeles where nail salons have been predominantly Vietnamese and Chinese owned, Korean women immigrants in the 1980s were the first ones to open nail salons in New York City and led to the rapid growth of the business (Kang 51). The manicured nails first of all conjure up these recent histories associated with the nail salon business.Moreover, these fingernails haunt post-racial and post-globalisation America by revealing and subverting the invisible, normalised racial and ethnic nature of the labor and objects associated with fingernails cosmetic treatment. Ghostly matters inform “a method of knowledge production and a way of writing that could represent the damage and the haunting of the historical alternatives” (Gordon xvii). They function as a reminder of the damage that seems forgotten or normalised in modern societies and as an alternative embodiment of what modern societies could have become. In the universe of EWLY, the fingernails become a forceful ghostly matter by reminding us of the damage done onto Korean bodies by fixing them as service performers instead customers. The nail salon business as performed by immigrant labor has been a business of “buying and selling of deference and attentiveness”, where white customers come to exercise their privilege while not wanting anything associated with Koreaness or Otherness (Kang 134). However, as a haunting force, the fingernails subvert such labor relations by acting as a versatile agent operating varied objects, such as a karaoke machine, cigarettes, a sandwich, a Fender guitar, and a can of beer. Through such operating, an alternative labor relation is formed. This alternative is not entirely without roots. As promoted in Japanese Breakfast’s Instagram (@jbrekkie), Zauner’s look was styled by a nail artist who appears to be a white female, Celeste Marie Welch from the DnA Salon based in Philadelphia. This is a snippet of a field that is now a glocalised industry, where the racial and gender makeup is more diverse. It is increasingly easier to see non-Asian and non-female nail salon workers, among whom white nail salon workers outnumbered any other non-Asian racial/ethnic groups (Preeti et al. 23). EWLY’s alternative worldmaking is not only a mere reflection of the changing makeup of an industry but also calling out the societal tendency of forgetting histories. To be haunted, as Gordon explains, is to be “tied to historical and social effects” (190). The ghostly matters of the manicure industry haunt its workers, artists, consumers, and businesspeople of a past that prescribes racialised labor divisions, consumption relations, and the historical and social effects inflicted on the Othered bodies. Performing with the manicured nails, Zauner challenges now supposedly multicultural manicure culture by fusing oppositional, trans-temporal identities into the persona of the Korean woman. Not only does she conjure up the racialised labor relations as the child of a Korean mother, she also disidentifies with the worker identity of early Korean women immigrants as a consumer who receives service from an artist who would otherwise never perform such labor in the past.Conclusion: Toward a Disidentificatory Ghostly PerformanceThis essay suggests seeing the disidentificatory ghostly performance of the Korean woman as an artistic incarnation of her lived Othering experience, which Zauner may or may not navigate on an everyday basis. As Zauner lives through what looks like a typical Friday night in an American town, the journey represents an interrogation of the present and the past. When the ghostly matters move through public spaces – when she drinks in a bar, walks down the street, and parties with a crowd – the Korean woman neither conforms to what she is expected to do in a hanbok nor does she get fully assimilated into this American nightlife.Derrida avers that haunting, repression, and hegemony are structurally interlocked and that “haunting belongs to the structure of every hegemony” because “hegemony still organizes the repression” (46). This is why the creative capacity of disidentificatory performances is crucial for acts of haunting and for historically repressed groups of people. 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Abstract Background Few large cohort studies have examined the prevalence of diabetes mellitus (DM), hypertension (HTN), coronary artery disease (CAD), obesity, and smoking among middle-aged and older adults in the major Asian-American ethnic groups and Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islanders (PIs). The aim of this study was to evaluate how prevalence of these conditions and risk factors differs across Asian-American and PI ethnic groups and compares with an aggregated All Asian-American racial group. Methods This study used a cohort of 1.4 million adults aged 45 to 84 who were Kaiser Permanente Northern California health plan members during 2016. The cohort included approximately 274,910 Asian-Americans (Chinese, Filipino, Japanese, Korean, Southeast Asian, South Asian, other), 8450 PIs, 795,080 non-Hispanic whites, 107,200 blacks, and 210,050 Latinos. We used electronic health record data to produce age-standardized prevalence estimates of DM, HTN, CAD, obesity (using standard and Asian thresholds), and smoking for men and women in all racial/ethnic subgroups and compared these subgroups to an aggregated All Asian-American racial group and to whites, blacks, and Latinos. Results We found large differences in health burden across Asian-American ethnic subgroups. For both sexes, there were 16 and > 22 percentage point differences between the lowest and highest prevalence of DM and HTN, respectively. Obesity prevalence among Asian subgroups (based on an Asian BMI ≥ 27.5 kg/m2 threshold) ranged from 14 to 39% among women and 21 to 45% among men. Prevalence of smoking ranged from 1 to 4% among women and 5 to 14% among men. Across all conditions and risk factors, prevalence estimates for Asian-American and PI ethnic groups significantly differed from those for the All Asian-American group. In general, Filipinos and PIs had greater health burden than All Asians, with prevalence estimates approaching those of blacks. Conclusions In a population of middle-aged and older adult Northern California health plan members, we found substantive differences in prevalence of chronic cardiovascular conditions, obesity, and smoking across Asian-American ethnic groups and between Asian-American ethnic groups and an aggregated All Asian racial group. Our study confirms that reporting statistics for an aggregated Asian-American racial group masks meaningful differences in Asian-American ethnic group health.

Introduction Fashion and beauty work are a part of identity that is shaped around normative, idealised, and often gendered bodies, and this has been the subject of much academic and popular attention. While much research focusses on fashion and beauty work as a way to highlight socially desirable traits or trends, it is important to note that fashion is equally important as a tool for the concealment of a visibly stigmatised identity. For people diagnosed with a visibly disfiguring illness, fashion and makeup practices became a way to either reinforce or negotiate stigma. In particular, writing by people diagnosed with Hansen’s disease in 1930s Japan reveals the way in which fashion—in the form of clothing issued by the institution—could reinforce the stigma of their condition, whereas clothing from home, and the use of makeup, allowed for concealment of some of the visible markers of their condition. So associated is the notion of stigma with the condition of Hansen’s disease that “leprosy” or “leper” are used as pejoratives in some languages, to indicate conditions or behaviour out of line with social norms. Yet, it is only relatively recently that stigma and Hansen’s disease have been the subject of academic attention. Since Zachary Gussow’s ground-breaking 1989 work, Leprosy, Racism, and Public Health, however, Hansen’s disease stigma has been extensively studied, with much of the recent scholarship focused on visible stigma and social reintegration. That is to say, much of the attention is focussed on stigma reduction, and creating policies and awareness to decrease stigma by third parties. Few studies have focussed on the way stigma, in the case of Hansen’s disease, has been either reinforced or resisted by the people suffering from Hansen’s disease. Stigma, as “degrading marks that are affixed to particular bodies, people, conditions and places within humiliating social interactions”, serves to mark bodies as abnormal or inferior (Tyler, 8). In the words of Erving Goffman from his classic study on stigma, the term refers to a “spoiled identity,” and limited social participation (Goffman, Stigma 11-15). More recently, in her ground-breaking book Stigma: The Machinery of Inequality, Imogen Tyler argued that stigma is both socially produced and negotiated, and that just as stigma can be leveraged to control unruly bodies, so too can it be a mode of resistance for those who are living with a stigmatised condition such as Hansen’s disease, an illness that was feared because prior to the discovery of Promin in 1943 the disease was incurable. The physical signs of illness, such as deformity of the limbs and loss of hair, made this stigma unmistakable. When sufferers were subject to quarantine, fashion was used to further mark their bodies: patients in public institutions were issued standard garments that identified them as belonging to an institution. At the same time, private clothing and makeup allowed sufferers to use fashion to conceal their stigmatised condition, to fashion liminal identities that in Goffman’s terms are not yet discredited, but “discreditable”, with their stigmatised condition hidden but social exclusion eminent should their diagnosis become clear to those around them (Goffman, Stigma 16). In the works I discuss below, we can see how clothing and makeup function to both reinforce and resist stigma in the case of writers with Hansen’s disease in Japan. This article explores the way in which illness intersected with beauty, fashion, stigma, and identity in the early years of the public institutions. First, I examine how changes in beauty marked sufferers as ill, and how that marked the sufferer as excluded from society. Makeup becomes a way to mask the visible signs of illness and inhabit a liminal space between health and marked by illness. Second, I discuss clothing as part of the process of institutionalisation to examine how clothing further demarcated sufferers. For many people admitted to a public institution, the issuance of standard clothing was another form of social death. The uniform clothing and marks of illness all reinforced patient bodies as abnormal. At the same time, even as their bodies were abject, I argue here that fashion, clothing and makeup could also allow them to inhabit a liminal space, separate from sufferers with advanced physical disfigurement, and allowed them to maintain an affective connection to society. Beauty, Making Up, and Masking Stigma While the study of physical, visible stigma and its intersections with issues of identity and social control have been the subject of renewed attention in recent years, few scholars have explored the way in which makeup is part of a masking, or resistance, of stigmatised conditions. While there is some scholarship that focusses on beauty work as biopolitics, such work often focusses on contemporary, voluntary beauty work, such as cosmetic surgery or makeup (Miller; Elfving-Hwang). At the same time, recently scholars have begun to examine the ways in which ableist standards of beauty and fashion mark physical difference as abnormal, or threatening (Davidson, 1-2). In the case of Hansen’s disease sufferers, facial changes as a manifestation of a stigmatised illness were for many writers a powerful symbol of their isolation from society. Makeup and fashion within the institution became a way for sufferers to resist the stigma associated with their disease. The application of makeup was a performance that signified inclusion in society, and its neglect was symbolic of social exclusion. This is clear in writing by women diagnosed with Hansen’s disease. For example, Hayashi Yukiko (1909-1993), in 1939, wrote that the disease first manifested on her face, in the form of a small red spot under her left eye. She wrote that she used powder to cover it, suspecting what it was. The use of makeup allowed her to continue her job at the post office until, despite her use of makeup, her co-worker noticed it (Hayashi, in Uchida, Seto no Akebono 143). After her subsequent diagnosis, she quit her job and went into isolation at home. Writing of her experience of this time, she again mentions makeup: Untouched since I got sickThe makeup case gathers dustOn the corner of the shelf病みてよりふれぬがままの化粧箱ほこり積りて棚隅にあり (Uchida, Hagi no satojima 61) A second poet, Seto Senshū, expresses similar feelings of hopelessness through an evocation of makeup: The powder that has not touchedMy hands for years Comes out of the jar with a dry rustle年久しく手にふれざりし白粉のかはきて瓶にかさと音立つ (Abe 72) For both of these authors, being quarantined because of their illness meant being cut off from society, and the discontinuance of makeup application became symbolic of social exclusion, an acknowledgement of the fact that fashion as a mode of concealment is no longer necessary. For many sufferers, an early sign of the illness was a loss of eyebrows. This was in part because Hansen's disease affects the nerve endings and the skin, the illness often manifested on the face of sufferers, and marked them as targets for discrimination or loss of social status. As eyebrows were an early sign of the illness, they were a point of concern for patients. Laura Miller and Higuchi Kiyoyuki have pointed to the importance of eyebrows in beauty work in Japan dating back to the Heian period (Miller, 141; Higuchi 81-84). Eyebrows, their shape, and the cosmetics used upon them, then, are important symbols of beauty. In Hansen’s disease literature, then, references to eyebrows and makeup are often indicators of the progress of the disease and how the illness specifically impacts the identity of women. Hayashi Yukiko wrote of her eyebrows: Every morning, every morningThe cloth with which I wipe my faceComes away with my eyebrow hairMy heart sinks朝な朝な我が顔拭ふ手拭に眉毛つき来て心が沈む Difficult to see my motherGaze anxiously at my faceI look down我が顔を気づかはしげに見る母のまみは見難く面ふせにけり (Uchida 61-62) In these poems, Hayashi’s changing appearance is tied to what it means to fashion gendered beauty in Japanese society. To have eyebrows altered in a way that is recognisable as “diseased” is a significant, traumatic impairment. This trauma is made more acute by the fact that the gaze of people is now directed at her with anxiety or fear, a response to her visibly altered body. Imogen Tyler has referred to similar phenomenon as “the stigmatising gaze”, a recognition of “stigmata on the bodies” that can no longer be masked (Tyler 12). This stigma of the illness and the gaze of those around them was particularly heavy on women. Even within the sanatorium, male patients sometimes remarked on the stigmatised beauty of the female patients. Ishikawa Kō (1906-1930), a poet who lived in Kyūshū Sanatorium, hints at the futility of makeup to hide the signs of the illness: In the waiting room in the morningWith sadness, seeing the woman patient, eyes downcastEyebrows pencilled inうつむきし女患者の書き眉をかなしく見たり朝の控所に (Kawamura and Uchida 9) Here, women pencil in their eyebrows to become invisible to the stigmatising gaze, to escape notice as being disfigured even in the hospital. They use makeup to escape the gaze of others rather than attract it, as is clear in the downcast eyes. While more women write about beauty work more than men, it was not only women applying makeup or aware of the gaze of those around them. The men also used makeup to disguise the disfigurement they suffered from their illness. Hōjō Tamio (1914-1937), one of the most famous authors of literature about his experience of illness and quarantine in the Tokyo district hospital, Tama Zenshō-en, writes of protagonist Oda’s process of institutionalisation in his most famous novella, Inochi no shoya (Life’s First Night). Describing Oda’s approach to the sanatorium, Hōjō writes: One eyebrow had thinned because of his illness, and Oda had pencilled it in. When the [local village] men came up next to him, they suddenly ceased to chatter, and as they passed by, they looked with eyes full of curiosity at … Oda … . While Oda looked down silently, he keenly felt their gaze. Similarly, in a haiku Kiyokawa Hachirō describes the act of making up his eyebrows. This poem picks up the seasonal word hatsukagami), referring to the first use of the mirror in the new year: Drawing my eyebrows heavier than usualReflected in the mirror for the first time in the New Year常よりも眉濃くひけり初鏡 (Abe 72) There is a disconnect between the poetic ideas of the first makeup application of the new year and the male author pencilling in thick eyebrows. Poems such as this make clear that eyebrow makeup was a means for both men and women to conceal the effects of their disease and conceal their illness through fashioning a discreditable but not yet discredited identity. At the same time, the poems also expose the futility of using makeup to fully conceal. The poems reveal a preoccupation with what Tyler calls the stigmatising gaze, and the scrutiny of others demonstrates the limits of makeup to conceal their stigmatised identity. Clothing, Institutionalisation, Identity After the 1931 Leprosy Prevention Law, hospitals were designed to be similar to what Erving Goffman calls “total institutions” (xiii). Total institutions such as prisons are characterised by physical boundaries separating residents from the outside world, restricting contact with that outside world, and by further boundaries within the institution separating residents from staff. Many of these elements were present in Japan’s Hansen’s Disease hospitals after 1931. Entrance into the institution involved the creation, or acceptance, of a new identity and new social status. Institutionalisation for the treatment of Hansen’s disease in the 1930s included a disinfectant bath in the presence of medical professionals. As the newly admitted patient bathed, their possessions were taken for disinfection and inspection and their money was confiscated. After this, patients were then issued hospital standard kimonos: typically a plain, vertically striped (referred to as udon shima), cotton garment that marked them clearly as patients. Although the colours or patterns varied across institutions, the garment was the same for all residents, regardless of assigned sex or age (Kimono 3). This served several purposes: first, because patients themselves made and cared for all their clothing, purchasing the same fabric in bulk was economical. At the same time, wearing the same clothing also eliminated class distinctions between residents, and served to downplay the femininity of the female residents (ibid). When working with patients, nurses and doctors dressed in head-to-toe white protective robes, complete with hats, gloves, and face masks. The seriously ill residents, confined to bed, were also issued thin, white cotton sick clothes (byōi). Thus, the boundaries between the sick and the healthy were inscribed on the clothing of individuals working and living in the hospital. The issuance of institutional clothing meant a clear severance with society, and some residents felt the clothing marked them, similar to the way prisoners in jail were identified by matching, stigmatised clothing (Kimono 3). Goffman’s notion of batch living is expressed through standardised kimono as Tamae, a poet at Seishō-en, the Shikoku area institution, expresses here: At the hot water stationThe matching yukataAll hung out to dry湯の宿に揃いの浴衣干してあり (Moshiogusa 20). Figs. 1 & 2: Examples of the standard-issue wear from the 1930s. Images courtesy of the National Hansen’s Disease Museum, Tokyo, Japan. Hōjō Tamio, again in Inochi no shoya, describes the kimono. Oda first glimpses the clothing in a voyeuristic scene, as he peeps at two young women through the hedge demarcating the institution: “Looking in the direction of the sound, he saw two women on the inside of the hedge … . Out of the corner of his eye, he saw that both women were wearing short-sleeved kimonos with the same striped pattern” (Hōjō n.p.). This scene is recalled when Oda is in the bath: a nurse showed him a new kimono as she said, “When you get out, put this on please”. The kimono was of the same striped pattern he had seen the two women wearing as he watched from outside the hedge. With its light sleeves, it looked like a kimono an elementary school student might wear, and when Oda got out of the bath and put it on, he felt he cut a shabby and ludicrous figure. He kept looking down at himself. (Hōjō n.p.) For many hospital residents in the 1930s, these issued garments would be all the clothing they had. The uniform clothing of the institution served as another way to mark the illness of the wearer on the body—fashion becomes an additional mark of stigma. Indeed, in images from that time, sufferers of Hansen’s disease are immediately identifiable not only through the manifestations of the illness on their bodies but through their clothing as well. In the three images shown below, residents wearing institutionally issued kimono are immediately identifiable through their clothing, making a resident wearing what is likely a chequered, personal kimono in the final image stand out. Furthermore, the doctors are also clearly identifiable amongst them, dressed in white and covered from head to toe. Fig. 3: Men sharing tea at a work station, wearing the standard issue kimono. Image courtesy of the National Hansen’s Disease Museum, Tokyo, Japan. Fig. 4: A group of blind patients together with medical professionals. Image courtesy of the National Hansen’s Disease Museum, Tokyo, Japan. Fig. 5: Promotional postcard from Zenshō-en in the early 1930s featuring patients, medical professionals, and an officer together on the veranda of a housing ward. Image from the author’s personal collection. Yet, as can also be seen above, there was still difference in clothing within the institution. First, because all work was performed by residents of the institution, patients would wear work-appropriate clothes, such as the aprons some women wear in fig. 4. Second, as can be seen in fig. 5 in the standing figure second from right, some patients did in fact have their own clothing within the hospital. This was, as I have discussed, fashion as resistance of a stigmatised identity, but for those within the institution personal kimono was also a performance of class and connection to home through their fashion. For example, Nogiku, a writer from Seishō-en, wrote: In the package sent to meA yukata handwoven by my mother送り来し母の手織の浴衣かな (Moshiogusa, 20) A second poem from Hayashi Michiko, also from Seishō-en, expressed similar sentiments years later: This was sewn for meBy my motherWhen it was decided I would go to the leprosarium癩園に行くが決まりしわがために母縫ひくれし単衣ぞこれは (Seishō 18) For many residents, institutionalisation meant a severing of ties with their families and communities. The stigma associated with the illness meant that a family would face discrimination in work and marriage prospects if it were widely known a relative had been diagnosed with Hansen’s disease. For many other patients, even if they were undeterred by the stigma, their families could not afford to send packages or visit. The receipt of a yukata, or Japanese summer garb, or special clothing handmade by the authors’ mothers are not only fashion; they also serve as a physical representation of a continued connection to family and society outside of the institution and of the social status of the poet. The privilege of wearing private clothes in the institution, then, was a marker of both class and continued connection to society beyond the hospital. In that sense, private fashion was also a way to resist the stigma of the disease through a clear association with the uniform of the institution. Conclusion Clothing and makeup are ephemeral objects, often things that are used every day and then discarded when they are worn out or used up. They are items that people often use as routine, without thinking. The fact that writers diagnosed with Hansen’s disease traced their experiences with illness and stigma through makeup and clothing indicates the deep, symbolic meaning these items were imbued with after a diagnosis. More than a way to express oneself, or play with identities, as other contributions in this issue discuss, for people diagnosed with Hansen’s disease, makeup, and clothing became a way to use fashion as concealment, as well as a physical connection to home and social status. Makeup and clothing were a way to resist stigma and fashion to a “not-yet-discredited” identity, to conceal the markers of illness and quarantine. The importance of makeup and fashion as a mode of concealment can be seen in writing by people who experienced illness and quarantine. All translations in this article are the author’s own. Acknowledgements The research for this article was conducted with the support of Grant-in-Aid for Early-Career Scientists 20K12936. References Abe, Masako, ed. Soka [Poems That Resonate]. Tokyo: Kōseisha, 2021. Burns, Susan. Kingdom of the Sick: A History of Leprosy and Japan. University of Hawai’i Press, 2019. Davidson, Michael. “Introduction: Women Writing Disability.” Legacy: A Journal of American Women Writers 30.1 (2013): 1-17. Elfving-Hwang, Joanna. “Cosmetic Surgery and Embodying the Moral Self in South Korean Popular Makeover Culture.” The Asia-Pacific Journal 11.24.2 (2013). 4 Aug. 2022 <https://apjjf.org/2013/11/24/Joanna-Elfving-Hwang/3956/article.html>. Goffman, Erving. Asylums: Essays on the Social Situation of Mental Patients and Other Inmates. New York: Anchor Books, Doubleday (1961). ———. Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity. New York: Simon & Schuster (1963). Gussow, Zachary. Leprosy, Racism, and Public Health: Social Policy in Chronic Disease Control. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1989. Higuchi Kiyoyuki. Keshō no bunka shi [A Cultural History of Cosmetics]. Tokyo: Kokusai shōgyō shuppan, 1982. Hirokawa, Waka. Kindai Nihon no Hansen-byō mondai to chiiki shakai [Modern Japan’s Hansen’s Disease Problem and Local Communities]. Osaka: Osaka daigaku shuppankai, 2011. Hōjō Tamio, translated and with an introduction by Kathryn M. Tanaka. “‘Life's First Night’ and the Treatment of Hansen's Disease in Japan.” The Asia-Pacific Journal .13.3 (2015). 4 Aug. 2022 <https://apjjf.org/2015/13/4/Hojo-Tamio/4256.html>. Kawamura Masayuki and Uchida Morito, eds. Hi no kage dai ni shū [The Shade of the Cypress 2]. Kumamoto: Hi no kage hakkojō, 1929. Kokuritsu Hansen-byō shiryōkan, ed. Kimono ni miru ryōyōjo no kurashi [Life in the Sanatoria as Seen through Clothing]. Tokyo: Nihon Kagaku gijutsu shinkō zaidan, 2010. Miller, Laura. Beauty Up: Exploring Contemporary Japanese Body Aesthetics. Los Angeles: U of California P, 2006. Moshiogusa [Eelgrass] 40 (Sep. 1937). Seishō [Young Pine] 21.6 (July 1964). Talley, Heather Laine. Saving Face: Disfigurement and the Politics of Appearance. New York: NYU P, 2014. Tyler, Imogen. Stigma: The Machinery of Inequality. London: Zed Books, 2020. Uchida Morito, ed. Seto no Akebono [Dawn over the Inland Sea]. Tokyo: Fujokaisha, 1939. Uchida Morito, ed. Hagi no satojima [Island of the Bushclover]. Tokyo: Fujokaisha, 1939.

Objective: There is increasing recognition that cardiovascular disease (CVD) risk factors vary by Asian subgroups. We examined CVD risk factor prevalence among Vietnamese adults in a northern California health plan. Methods: We used electronic health record data to examine smoking, overweight/obesity (body mass index ≥23.0 kg/m2), obesity (body mass index ≥27.5 kg/m2), prediabetes, diabetes, and hypertension among middle-aged (n = 12 757; aged 45-64 years) and older (n = 3418; aged 65-84 years) Vietnamese adults, including 37.8% whose preferred language was Vietnamese. Findings were compared with East Asian adults. Results: Current smoking prevalence was 20.3% for middle-aged men, 7.0% for older men, and <1% for women in both age groups. Obesity prevalence was 12.0% for older men, 17.9% for middle-aged men, and 10% for women in both age groups. Among middle-aged men and women, 20.9% and 17.0% had hypertension and 13.5% and 8.5% had diabetes, respectively. Among older men and women, 64.0% and 60.0% had hypertension and 32.8% and 29.3% had diabetes, respectively. In both age groups, Vietnamese language preference was associated with higher risk of smoking (men only) and of diabetes and hypertension (women only). Compared with East Asian adults, Vietnamese adults had lower obesity prevalence but similar prevalence of diabetes, prediabetes, and hypertension. Vietnamese men were more likely and Vietnamese women less likely than East Asian adults to be current smokers. Conclusions: Study results suggest that more research on health conditions, lifestyle, and social factors among Vietnamese American adults is needed to develop culturally competent interventions to reduce CVD risk in this growing ethnic group.

Abstract This study investigates the social incorporation of unaccompanied, undocumented Latinx youth workers as they come of age in the United States. Based on research with undocumented Central American and Mexican young adults who grew up as unaccompanied minors in Los Angeles, California, the data reveal that the pressures of financial obligations to families in the sending country and their own sobrevivencia (survival) in the United States, along with limited financial and social resource and mobility, produce a social incorporation trajectory shaped by the primacy of work. Work primacy conditions youth’s educational opportunities, community embeddedness, and family relationships and limits unaccompanied, undocumented youth’s ability to establish and maintain social networks with consequences for their social incorporation. The precarious occupations within the secondary labor market that are characterized by long hours, low wages, labor market restrictions, and unsafe and unsanitary work conditions limit opportunities for socioeconomic mobility for all youth. Women and Indigenous youth are distinctly affected by work primacy. This research advances our understanding of immigrant youth’s lives by examining how institutional context, familial obligations across borders, and limited ethnic networks play a role in shaping the incorporation experiences of unaccompanied, undocumented Latinx immigrants as they come of age in the United States.

Background: This study assesses racial/ethnic differences in CVD outcomes among patients with hypertension (HTN) or type 2 diabetes (T2DM) across Asian American subgroups (Asian Indian, Chinese, Filipino, Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese), Mexican, non-Hispanic black (NHB), and non-Hispanic White (NHW) in a large, mixed payer ambulatory care setting in northern California. Study Design: We estimated the rate of CVD incidence among adult patients with HTN (N=171,864) or T2DM (N=10,570), or both (N=36,589) using electronic health records between 2000-2013. Average follow-up was 4.5 years. CVD, including CHD (410-414), PVD (415, 440.2, 440.3, 443.9, 451, 453), and stroke (430-434), was defined by ICD-9 codes; HTN and T2DM were defined by ICD-9 codes, medication history, or two or more elevated blood pressure measures/abnormal glucose lab test results. Cox proportional hazard models were used to estimate hazard ratios for CHD, PVD, and stroke across race/ethnicity. Results: Among these patients, 10.5% developed CVD by the end of year 2013 (5.4% CHD, 3.4%PVD, 3.6% stroke). There was a gender difference in the risk of incident CHD. Among males, the age-adjusted hazard ratios for CHD were significantly higher for Asian Indians (HR: 1.3, 95% CI: 1.2-1.5) and significantly lower for Chinese (HR: 0.6, CI: 0.5-0.7) and Japanese (HR: 0.8, CI: 0.6-0.9) compared to NHWs. Among females, the age-adjusted hazard ratios for CHD were significantly higher for Mexican (HR: 1.3, CI: 1.1-1.5) and NHBs (HR: 1.7, CI: 1.4-2.0) and significantly lower for Chinese (HR: 0.6, CI: 0.5-0.7) and Japanese (HR: 0.5, CI: 0.4-0.7). NHB men and women also had significantly higher age-adjusted hazard ratios for PVD (men: HR: 1.5, CI: 1.2-1.9; women: HR: 1.6, CI: 1.3-1.9) and stroke (men: HR: 1.3, CI: 1.1-1.7; women: HR: 1.3, CI: 1.1-1.6) compared to NHWs. The age-adjusted hazard ratios for PVD and stroke were lower or equivalent to NHWs for all Asian subgroups and Mexican men and women. Patients with both HTN and T2DM were at elevated risk to develop CVD compared to patients with only one of the two conditions, regardless of their race/ethnicity. Conclusions: Compared to previous studies, we found less racial/ethnic variation in CVD outcomes, in particular stroke, among patients with HTN or T2DM. Our finding suggests the higher stroke incidence rates in several races/ethnicities are likely to be explained by the higher prevalence of HTN and T2DM among these groups. However, Asian Indian men and NHB and Mexican women with HTN or T2DM were at elevated risk for CHD compared to NHWs. Since the majority of patients in the study cohort had health insurance, further studies are needed to better understand the reasons for the observed racial/ethnic differences beyond disparities in access to health care. Special attention needs to be paid to patients with multiple conditions.

Western images of Japan tell a seemingly incongruous story of love, sex and marriage – one full of contradictions and conflicting moral codes. We sometimes hear intriguing stories about the unique sexual culture of Japan – from vending machines that dispense soiled schoolgirl panties (Gerster 143), erotic manga (Ito 70; Newitz 2) to automated love hotels (Kersten 387) available for the discreet quickie. These Western portrayals seem to focus primarily on the unusual and quirky side of Japan’s culture constructing this modern Asian culture as simultaneously traditional and seemingly liberated. But what happens, when Japanese love goes global – when exotic others (Westerners) enter the picture? This article is shaped by an understanding of a new world space where cultural products and national images are becoming increasingly globalised, while at the same time more localised and “fragmented into contestatory enclaves of difference, coalition and resistance” (Wilson, 1). It examines ‘the local’, briefly exploring the racial and gender ideologies that pattern relationships between Western and Japanese adults living in Japan focussing on the unique perspective of Western women living and working in provincial Japan. Our research is based on four month’s ethnographic field work carried out within a small provincial Japanese city (which was home to 130 native English speakers, most of whom are employed as English language teachers) and interviews with 12 key participants. Japanese colloquialisms like sebun-irebun (seven eleven), burasagarizoku (arm hangers) and yellow cabs (women as easy to hail as taxis – by foreigners) are used to denote the sexual availability of some Japanese women (Kelskey, Flirting with the Foreign 178). Western women in this study have also invented a colloquialism to allude to sexual availability, with the term ‘zero to hero’ used to describe many Western men who, upon arrival in Japan, find themselves highly sought after by some Japanese women as prospective partners. Western women’s social appeal in the local heterosexual community, on the other hand, is in direct contrast to their male equivalents. A greater social distance exists between Japanese males and Western females, who report finding little genuine opportunity to date local males. Letting the c(h)at out of the bag While living and socialising with English language teachers we became privy to women’s conversation about interracial gender issues within Japan. Western women’s reflections about gender issues within Japan have, so far, been given little or no public voice. This is due, in part, to these women’s cultural and gender isolation while living in Japan, and a general reluctance to publicly voice their opinions, combined with issues about how much it is ‘politically correct’ to say. This reticence can be attributed to a genuine fear of being misconstrued as envious, either of their male colleagues’ newfound social status or Japanese women’s attractiveness. It may also be that, by voicing these observations about interracial gender relationships in Japan, these women will publicly position themselves as powerless and thus lose any voice they do have. Western women who arrive in Japan with expectations of living active (heterosexual) sex lives often find themselves left out in the cold (My Nippon), and while many of their male colleagues are busy pursuing and being pursued by Japanese women their own social interaction with Japanese males is often restricted to awkward conversations with seemingly wary, shy or aloof Japanese men or crude suggestive conversations at the hands of drunken Japanese males. Some women experience their sense of self-esteem, which relies partly on sexual identity and a sense of attractiveness, plummets in these circumstances. Clarissa, a 24-year-old Australian who spent a few months waiting for her partner to join her in Japan, noticed this happening to her. She was interviewed a week after her partner arrived in Japan. I noticed that a while ago I was feeling unattractive because nobody does anything to indicate desire or attractiveness but as soon as they get drunk they can’t get enough of you…. Sober they wouldn’t do anything but when they are drunk … they crack onto you like any Western guy. Participants in the study have proffered thoughtful explanations for this lack of Japanese male/Western female connection, other than in the comparatively uninhibited space of being ‘alcohol affected’. The reasons given include the independent personalities of those Western women who choose to move to Japan, patriarchal attitudes towards women in Japan and a general lack of communication due to cultural or language difficulties. A lot of the women who come over here are very strong and independent and they are feared [by Japanese men] the moment they get off the plane….We didn’t come over here because we are timid and shy and looking for men. Toni (above) also makes clear that her own Western expectations for romantic relationships may exclude her from having relationships with many Japanese males of less than fluent English speaking skills. I’m a talker and I like to talk about ideas and books and I would find it very difficult to have…. a more intense relationship with a person that I couldn’t communicate with on that level. Western notions of romance and marriage, particularly Western women’s expectations concerning sex and romance, involve demonstration of warmth and affection, as well as a meeting of minds or in-depth conversation. Lack of a shared language and different expectations of romantic liaisons and love are some of the factors that can combine to create cross-cultural distance and misunderstanding between Western women and Japanese men. Zero to heroes Japanese women often seek Western men living in this transnational borderland as an alternative to Japanese boyfriends and husbands (Kelskey, Japanese Women's Diaspora). Western women in this study used the term ‘zero to hero’ to depict sought-after Western men, specifically those Western males who misuse this rise in status and behave badly in Japan. These men, as reported, are greatly over-represented in Japan when compared to their respective home communities. Above average-looking European guy, with above average intelligence seeks above average-looking Japanese lady who can cook a little. (Tokyo classifieds) Open discussion about the appeal of Western men to Japanese women seems to elicit critical reactions on either side of the racial and gender divide. For instance online chat discussions about interracial gender issues in Japan evidences the fiercely defensive position many Western men take when confronted with this notion. (see Aldwinckle a, Aldwinkle b, Aldwinkle c). It is clear, therefore, that this phenomenon is not limited to our research location. Women participants in this particular study detailed many examples of ‘zero to heroes’ behaving badly including: overrated opinion of themselves; insulting and degrading behaviour towards women in public – particularly Japanese women; inability to work cooperatively with women superiors in the workplace; sexual liaisons outside of monogamous relationships and in some cases complicated webs of infidelity. You know one guy’s left his wife, his Japanese wife. I didn’t even realize he was married because he had a Japanese girlfriend. I thought he was playing up on his Japanese girlfriend when I saw him with someone else, but he was actually playing up on both his wife and his girlfriend…. I mean the guys are behaving in ways that they wouldn’t get away with in their own countries. So the women from those countries are, of course, appalled (Marie). Japanese women’s desire for the company of Western males seems based on essentialised notions of the Western male as being more gentle, romantic and egalitarian than Japanese males. Analysis by Creighton, along with our own observations, indicates that there is ‘prevalent use of foreigners, particularly white foreigners, or gaijin, in Japanese advertising (135)’, constructing a discourse of the ‘desirable other’. Western images and ideals are also communicated through media texts (particularly Japanese women’s magazines) and promote ideals like individuality, leisure, international sophistication and sexual expression. It is clear from this research and other studies (Kelskey, Japanese Women's Diaspora) that Japanese women (living in Japan) perceive Western men as being more affectionate, kind and egalitarian than Japanese males. However, the notion of a caring and romantic Western male does not seem to be based in the reality of the situation as described by in situ Western females. Here the zero to hero construction of Western masculinity holds sway. Western females in this transnational borderland portray many of their male counterparts as general losers. One participant explained the phenomenon thus: I think that consciously or subconsciously the reason a lot of these men come over here is because they can’t really find a relationship at home. [She explains further] somebody [Western male] told me that I remind them of everything that they are not back in their own country. Gerster describes the attraction Japanese women have for the West (America in particular) as a ‘fatal attraction’ because most of these women will not realize their desire to marry their Western boyfriends or lovers (146-148). These women’s desire for the West (which is accomplishable and articulated through a Western partner) seems doomed from the start and it is questionable as to whether these relationships fulfil the aspirations of many of these women. Nevertheless, some Japanese women and Western men are more aware of this and are relatively explicit about their own desires. Japanese cute girl seeking native speakers [native English speakers] who don’t lie, never betray, are funny and handsome. If you are a man like that, try me. (Tokyo classifieds) American, 33, from California looking for Japanese girl, 20s, for having fun together. No marriage-minded girls please. Japanese ok. (Tokyo classifieds) Conclusion The Japanese national desire to be viewed as progressive and modern is, as with most societies, closely aligned with material commodities, particularly Western commodities. This means that within Japan “Western images probably have more advantage over indigenous ones” (Gerster 165) particularly for Japanese women. The local assumptions and generalisations about the Western men and women living and teaching in this transnational borderland are seemingly constructed by essentialised understandings of Western masculinity and femininity and differentiating these with Japanese notions of masculinity and femininity. However, as Kelsky (Japanese Women's Diaspora) and the participants in this study suggest, those Japanese women (who desire the West) may find their expectations do not match the realities of dating Western males in Japan since many Western men do not seem to live up to this essentialized view of the Western male as a romantic and egalitarian male partner who is ready to commit to marriage. Works Cited Aldwinckle, Dave. ‘Gender Issues in Japan, Part one: The loneliness of the long-distance runner (Publication of Exerts from Postings on Issho Mailing List)’ Arudou Debito/Dave Aldwinckle's Activists’ Page (meaning information for people concerned with social issues who want to help make life better for everyone in Japan). 1998. http://www.debito.org/genderissues.html 21.02 2001. ----. ‘Gender Issues in Japan, Part two: greatest hits and apologia (Publication of Exerts from Postings on Issho Mailing List)’ Arudou Debito/Dave Aldwinckle's Activists’ Page (meaning information for people concerned with social issues who want to help make life better for everyone in Japan). 1998. http://www.debito.org/genderissuestwo.html 21.02 2001. ----. ‘Gender Issues in Japan Part three: my comeuppance (Publication of Exerts from Postings on Issho Mailing List)’ Arudou Debito/Dave Aldwinckle's Activists’ Page (meaning information for people concerned with social issues who want to help make life better for everyone in Japan). 1998. http://www.debito.org/genderissuesthree.... 21.02 2001. Creighton, Millie R. ‘Imaging the Other in Japanese Advertising Campaigns’. Occidentalism: Images of the West. Ed. James G. Carrier. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995. Gerster, Robin. Legless in Ginza: Orientating Japan. Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1999. Ito., Kinko. ‘The World of Japanese Ladies' Comics: From Romantic Fantasy to Lustful Perversion’. Journal of Popular Culture 36.1 (2002): 68--86. ‘Japan Lovers Sex Life in Japan? Really!’. My Nippon E-zine . 2001. http://www.mynippon.com/index.htm. 28.04 2001. Kelsky, Karen. ‘Intimate Ideologies: Transnational Theory and Japan's "Yellow Cabs"’. Public Culture 6 (1994): 465-78. ----. ‘Flirting with the Foreign: Interracial Sex in Japan's "International" Age’. Global/Local: Cultural Production and the Transnational Imagery. Eds. Rob Wilson and Winmal Dissanayake. Durham: Duke University Press, 1996. 173 - 92. ----. ‘Japanese Women's Diaspora: An Interview’. Intersections 4 (2000): http://wwwsshe.murdoch.edu.au/intersecti... . 26.02 2002 Kersten., Joachim. ‘Culture, Masculinities and Violence against Women. (Masculinities, Social Relations and Crime)’. British Journal of Criminology, Summer 36.3 (1996): 381-96. ‘Men looking for women’. Tokyo Metropolis (2002) http://www.metropolis.co.jp/tokyo/curren... 11.10.2002 Newitz, Annalee. "Magicial Girls and Atomic Bomb Sperm: Japanese Animation in America." Film quarterly 49.1 (1995): 2-15. Wilson, Rob, and Wimal Dissanayake. ‘Introduction: Tracking the Global/Local’. Global/Local: Cultural Production and the Transnational Imagery. Eds. Rob Wilson and Wimal Dissanayake. Durham: Duke University Press, 1996. 1-18. ‘Women looking for men’. Metropolis. (2002) http://www.metropolis.co.jp/tokyo/curren... 11.10.2002 Links http://www.debito.org/genderissues.html http://www.metropolis.co.jp/tokyo/current/classifieds/13.03_personals.asp http://www.metropolis.co.jp/tokyo/current/classifieds/13.02_personals.asp http://www.elle.co.jp/home/index2.php3 http://wwwsshe.murdoch.edu.au/intersections/ http://www3.tky.3web.ne.jp/~edjacob/hotels.html http://www.dnp.co.jp/museum/nmp/nmp_i/articles/manga/manga2-1.html http://www.debito.org/genderissuesthree.html http://www.sshe.murdoch.edu.au/intersections/ http://www.mynippon.com/index.htm http://www.debito.org/genderissuestwo.html Citation reference for this article Substitute your date of access for Dn Month Year etc... MLA Style Holloway, Donell and Holloway, David. "Zero to hero" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.6 (2002). Dn Month Year < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0211/zerotohero.php>. APA Style Holloway, D. & Holloway, D., (2002, Nov 20). Zero to hero. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 5,(6). Retrieved Month Dn, Year, from http://www.media-culture.org.au/0211/zerotohero.html

In May 1990, in the first case of its kind, the National Gay Rights Advocates (NGRA) secured a California court judgment prohibiting an insurance company from discriminating on the basis of sexual orientation. Great Republic Insurance Company had been using a supplemental questionnaire to screen out “occupations that do not require physical exertion … such as florists, interior decorators, and fashion designers,” as well as to use applicants’ marital status, “living arrangements,” and medical history to assess the likely risk of their exposure to the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) when denying health care coverage.1 That same year, Moblization for Youth (MFY) Legal Services in New York filed a class action lawsuit on behalf of women living with HIV who had been denied access to Social Security benefits because the government did not recognize their HIV-related conditions as qualifying for state health care coverage under the Medicaid program.2 In one sense, the cases were starkly different: one sought to protect the privately insured from discriminatory scrutiny on the basis of their sexuality while the other attempted to bring a protected class of people into public view to make a claim to health care. Yet both reveal an important truth about the concept of rights in an American context. The structure of the U.S. health care system, one based on private insurance for most and a threadbare, convoluted system of categorical assistance and public insurance for children, the disabled, and the elderly, has shaped Americans’ experience of their own sexuality and bodily autonomy in ways arguably unique to the United States. The public/private hybrid in health care has dramatically curtailed the capacity of those outside the heteronormative family structure to realize their demands for full equality in the wake of the rights revolutions. Efforts to secure a right to sexual or gender identity have foundered on the rocks of the health care system when faced, for example, with a public health crisis like HIV or a lack of health insurance plans willing to fund gender-affirming health care.

Introduction‘Dream’ has been researched across numerous fields in its multiplicity within both a physical and emotional capacity. For Pagel et al., there is no fixed definition of what ‘dream’ is or are. However, in an advertising context, ’dream’ is the idealised version of our desires, re-visualised in real life (Coombes and Batchelor 103). It could be said that for countless consumers, advertising imagery has elicited dreams of living the perfect life and procuring material pleasures (Manca et al.; Hood). Goodis asserts, “advertising doesn’t always mirror how people are acting but how they are dreaming, in a sense what we are doing is wrapping up your emotions and selling them back to you” (qtd. in Back and Quaade 65). One component of this notion of ‘dream’ in advertising is captured by wishful images of the face and body in their ‘perfect form’ presented in a field of other beauty ideals. For our purposes, ‘dream’ is a “philosophical concept” (Pagel et al. 14) by which dreams are a series of aspirations and desires that consumers internalise, while at the same time, find difficult to achieve. ‘Dream’, then, will be used to critically explore how the beauty and advertising industries collectively employ ethnic ambiguity in addition to other tactics and strategies to sell us dream-like visions of idealised beauty. Forever Dreaming: The Introduction of Ethnic AmbiguityWe can link dreams to beauty as both areas of analysis contain many cultural interpretations and can be deconstructed to reveal different meanings (Sontag). In many ways, beauty is another dream and Sontag notes that the concept of beauty is often linked to certain physical traits that an individual possesses. These physical traits are capitalised upon by product marketing by which Hood claims, aims to enhance one, or even more, of them. For example, lipstick is not marketed as simply as a mixture of wax and pigment but rather a way to “obtain beauty, find romance or gain confidence” (7). As a result, global beauty brands can find long term marketing success through meaningful product marketing. This long-term marketing success relies on influencing human behaviour and perceptions. As a result of meaningful marketing, consumers may find themselves driven to purchase implicit qualities in products advertised to reflect their dreams (Hood).Following the 1980s, this version of meaningful marketing has become a driving purpose for advertising agencies around the globe (Steel). Advertising agencies rely on deeper human insights, identifying latent desires to create a brief that must ultimately sell a dream (Steel). The ideal strategy needs to define something that will build brand loyalty and encourage consumers to have a symbiotic relationship connecting their dreams with the product being sold. As Hood argues, “advertising consists of selling not just things but also dreams”. While this concept is one that “some see as inherently damning”, it is also inherently necessary (7). We understand that people are emotional beings, investing in the artefacts they build, obtain or use with significance “beyond merely utilitarian” (7). For these reasons, beauty advertisers act as the purveyors of dreams in the form of physical perfection as an articulation of consumer’s own aspirations of beauty.These aspirations of dream beauty are a direct representation of our thoughts and feelings. As such, it should be noted that we as consumers are often encouraged to draw inspiration from imagery that is often times seen as ethnically ambiguous. “Ethnic ambiguity” is the absence of any one prominent ethnic or racial feature that is easily discernible to one specific group (Garcia 234; Harrison et al.). An example of this ethnic ambiguity can be seen in marketing campaigns by high end makeup artist and her eponymous range of cosmetics, Charlotte Tilbury. Most notably, in a 2015 launch for her “Makeup Wardrobe”, Tilbury’s makeup palettes boasted 10 aspirational ‘looks’ and personas that could be achieved simply through purchase. The images of women featured on a figurative ‘wheel of fortune’ digital display used to market products online. This digital ‘wheel of fortune’ comprised of ethnically ambiguous models against descriptive persona’s such as “The Dolce Vita” and “The Glamour Muse”. These kinds of digital marketing tools required consumers to make a decision based on what their dream ‘look’ is through an ethnically ambiguous lens and from here are guided to purchase their desired aesthetic. Like Charlotte Tilbury, the beauty industry has seen a growing body of cosmetic brands that employ ethnic ambiguity to sell dreams of homogenised beauty. We will see the ways in which modern day beauty brands, such as Kylie Jenner Cosmetics and Fenty Beauty have come to adopt ethnic ambiguity or embrace entire ethnic and racial groups in order to expand their consumer influence.Aspirational Ambiguity: Dreams of DisempowermentSince the early 2000s, beauty advertising has seen a prominent rise in the use of ethnically ambiguous models. Some see this as an effort to answer the global desire for diversity and inclusion. However, the notion that beauty standards transcend racial boundaries and is inclusive, is simply another form of appropriating and fetishising ethnicity (R. Sengupta). In many ways, these manufactured dream-like versions of beauty have evolved to reach wider markets, in the hope that consumers will be emboldened to both embrace their racial heritage, and at the same time conform to homogenised standards of beauty (Frith et al.; Harrison et al.).In this bid to diversify and extend consumer reach, there are three prominent reasons why ethnically ambiguous models are more likely to be featured over models whose African, Indigenous, and/or Asian heritage is more prominent. Firstly, ethnically ambiguous models do not seem to conform to a particular notion of what is considered beautiful. For many decades, popular culture has been saturated with images of thin, of young, of narrow noses and hips, of blonde, blue eyes, and Caucasian hair textures (Harrison et al.; Hunter; Saraswati). These Westernised beauty ideals have been historically shaped through years of colonial influence, grounded in an imbalance of power and imposed to create a culture of dominance and oppression (Saraswati). Secondly, ethnic models are featured to convey “the sense of the ‘exotic’, and their ‘otherness’ acts to normalise and entrench the dominant ideal of white beauty” (qtd. in Redmond 175). ‘Otherness’ can be defined as the opposite of the majority, in Westernised society this ‘other’ can mean “people who are other than white, male, able bodied, heterosexual” (qtd. in Graycar 74). This ‘otherness’ showcased by ethnically ambiguous models draws viewers in. Physical features that were possessed by one specific ethnic group such as African, Asian, Latinx or Indigenous peoples have now become blended and are no longer confined to one race. Additionally, ethnically ambiguous models enable white consumers to dream about an exotic local or lifestyle, while at the same time providing ethnic audiences a way to see themselves.Finally, it is undeniable that ethnically ambiguous and mixed-race models have become desirable due to a historical preference for light skin (Saraswati). The visual references of light-skinned beauty epitomise a colonial dream and this standardisation has been transferred to indigenous peoples, or ethnic minorities in Western countries. According to Harrison et al, “marketers use mixed-race representations as cultural currency by mythologising mixed-race bodies as the new beauty standard” to represent a racial bridge, “tailored to ameliorate perceived racial divides” (503). Therefore, ethnically ambiguous models have an assumed advantage over their racially dominant counterparts, because they appear to straddle various racial boundaries. They are constructed to embody whomever, from wherever and whenever, fetishising their roleplay for the industry, when it pleases. This further exoticises multi-racial beauty models and renders them a commodified fantasy for many consumers alike. The continued commodification of ethnic ambiguity is problematic as it exploits models with distinctly mixed-race heritage to continue to sell images of white-washed beauty (Solomon et al.). An argument could be made that scarcity contributes to mixed-race models’ value, and therefore the total number of advertising opportunities that are offered to mixed-race models remains limited. To date, numerous studies highlight a limited use of racially diverse models within the beauty industry and does not reflect the growing global body of diverse consumers with purchasing power (Wasylkiw et al.; Redmond; Johnson; Jung and Lee; Frith et al.). In fact, prior to globalisation, Yan and Bissell claim that “each culture had a unique standard of attractiveness, derived from traditional views about beauty as well as the physical features of the people” (197) and over time the construction of dream beauty is characterised using Western features combined with exoticised traits of indigenous ethnic groups. Akinro and Mbunyuza-Memani claim that this “trend of normalising white or 'western' feminine looks as the standard of beauty” has pervaded a number of these indigenous cultures, eventually disseminated through the media as the ultimate goal (308). It can also be argued that the “growing inclusion of mixed-race models in ads is driven less by the motivation to portray diversity and driven more by pragmatism,” and in a more practical sense has implications for the “financial future of the advertised brands and the advertising industry as a whole” (Harrison et al. 513). As a result, uses of mixed-race models “are rather understood as palatable responses within dominant white culture to racial and ethnic minority populations growing in … cultural prominence” (513) in a tokenistic bid to sell a dream of unified beauty.The Dream Girl: Normalisation of Mixed-RaceIn 2017, an article in CNN’s Style section highlighted the growing number of mixed-race models in Japan’s fashion and beauty industry as a modern-day phenomenon from Japan’s interlocking history with the United States (Chung and Ogura). These beauty and fashion influencers refer to themselves as hafu, an exclusionary term that historically represented an “othered” minority of mixed-race heritage in Japanese society signalling complex and troubled interactions with majority Japanese (Oshima). The complications once associated with the term ‘hafu’ are now being reclaimed by bi-racial beauty and fashion models and as such, these models are beginning to defy categorisation and, in some ways, national identity because of their chameleon-like qualities. However, while there is an increasing use of mixed-race Japanese models, everyday mixed-race women are regularly excluded within general society; which highlights the incongruent nature of ‘half’ identity. And yet there is an increasing preference and demand from fashion and beauty outlets to feature them in Japanese and Western popular culture (Harrison et al.; Chung and Ogura). Numéro Tokyo’s editorial director Sayumi Gunji, estimated that almost 30-40 per cent of runway models in present day Japan, identify as either bi-racial mixed-race or multi-racial (Chung and Ogura).Gunji claims:"Almost all top models in the their 20s are hafu, especially the top models of popular fashion magazines ... . [In] the Japanese media and market, a foreigner's flawless looks aren't as readily accepted -- they feel a little distant. But biracial models, who are taller, have bigger eyes, higher noses [and] Barbie-doll-like looks, are admired because they are dreamy looking but not totally different from the Japanese. That's the key to their popularity," she adds. (Qtd. in Chung and Ogura)The "dreamy look" that Gunji describes is attributed to a historical preference toward light skin and a kind of willingness and sensuality, that once, only white models could be seen to tout (Frith et al. 58). Frith et al. and O’Barr discuss that beauty in Japanese advertising mirrors “the way women are portrayed in advertising in the West” (qtd. in Frith et al. 58). The emergence of hafu in Japanese beauty advertising sees these two worlds, a mixture of doll-like and sensual beauty, converging to create a dream-like standard for Japanese consumers. The growing presence of Japanese-American models such as Kiko Mizuhara and Jun Hasegawa are both a direct example of the unattainable ‘dreamy look’ that pervades the Japanese beauty industry. Given this ongoing trend of mixed-race models in beauty advertising, a recent article on Refinery29 talks about the significance of how mixed-race models are disassembling their once marginalised status.A. Sengupta writes:In contrast to passing, in which mixedness was marginalized and hidden, visibly multiracial models now feature prominently in affirmative sites of social norms. Multiracial looks are normalized, and, by extension, mixed identity is validated. There’s no cohesive social movement behind it, but it’s a quiet sea change that’s come with broadened beauty standards and the slow dismantling of social hierarchies.Another example of the normalisation in multi-racial identity is Adwoa Aboah, a mixed-race British model and feminist activist who has been featured on the covers of numerous fashion publications and on runways worldwide. In British Vogue’s December 2017 issue, titled “Great BRITAIN”, Adwoa Aboah achieved front cover status, alongside her image featured other politically powerful names, perhaps suggesting that Aboah represents not only the changing face of a historically white publication but as an embodiment of an increasingly diverse consumer landscape. Not only is she seen as both as a voice for those disenfranchised by the industry, by which she is employed, but as a symbol of new dreams. To conclude this section, it seems the evolution of advertising’s inclusion of multi-racial models reveals a progressive step change for the beauty industry. However, relying simply on the faces of ethnically ambiguous talent has become a covert way to fulfil consumer’s desire for diversity without wholly dismantling the destructive hierarchies of white dominance. Over this time however, new beauty creations have entered the market and with it two modern day icons.Architecting Black Beauty through the American DreamAccording to Kiick, the conception of the ‘American Dream’ is born out of a desire to “seek out a more advantageous existence than the current situation” (qtd. in Manca et al. 84). As a result of diligent hard work, Americans were rewarded with an opportunity for a better life (Manca et al.). Kylie Jenner’s entry into the beauty space seemed like a natural move for the then eighteen-year-old; it was a new-age representation of the ‘American Dream’ (Robehmed 2018). In less than five years, Jenner has created Kylie Cosmetics, a beauty empire that has since amassed a global consumer base, helping her earn billionaire status. A more critical investigation into Jenner’s performance however illustrates that her eponymous range of beauty products sells dreams which have been appropriated from black culture (Phelps). The term cultural appropriation refers to the way dominant cultures “adopt and adapt certain aspects of another’s culture and make it their own” (qtd. in Han 9). In Jenner’s case, her connection to ethnic Armenian roots through her sisters Kourtney, Kim, and Khloe Kardashian have significantly influenced her expression of ‘othered’ culture and moreover ethnic beauty ideals such as curvier body shapes and textured hair. Jenner’s beauty advertisements have epitomised what it means to be black in America, cherry picking racialised features of black women (namely their lips, hips/buttocks and afro-braided hairstyles) and rearticulated them through a white lens. The omission of the ‘black experience’ in her promotion of product is problematic for three reasons. Firstly, representing groups or people without invitation enables room for systemic stereotyping (Han). Secondly, this stereotyping can lead to continued marginalisation of minority cultures (Kulchyski). And finally, the over exaggeration of physical attributes, such as Jenner’s lips, hips and buttocks, reinforces her complicity in exoticising and fetishising the “other”. As a result, consumers of social media beauty advertising may pay less attention to cultural appropriation if they are already unaware that the beauty imagery they consume is based on the exploitation of black culture.Another perspective on Jenner’s use of black culture is in large part due to her cultural appreciation of black beauty. This meaning behind Jenner’s cultural appreciation can be attributed to the inherent value placed on another person’s culture, in the recognition of the positive qualities and the celebration of all aspects of that culture (Han). This is evidenced by her recent addition of cosmetic products for darker complexions (Brown). However, Jenner’s supposed fascination with black culture may be in large part due to the environment in which she was nurtured (Phelps). As Phelps reveals, “consider the cultural significance of the Kardashian family, and the various ways in which the Kardashian women, who are tremendously wealthy and present as white, have integrated elements of black culture as seemingly “natural” in their public bodily performances” (9). Although the Kardashian-Jenner family have faced public backlash for their collective appropriation they have acquired a tremendous “capital gain in terms of celebrity staying power and hyper-visibility” (Phelps 9). Despite the negative attention, Kylie Jenner’s expression of black culture has resurfaced the very issues that had once been historically deemed insignificant. In spite of Jenner’s cultural appropriation of black beauty, her promotion through Kylie Cosmetics continues to sell dreams of idealised beauty through the white lens.In comparison, Rihanna Fenty’s cosmetic empire has been touted as a celebration of diversity and inclusion for modern-age beauty. Unlike Kylie Cosmetics, Fenty’s eponymous brand has become popular for its broader message of inclusivity across both skin tone, body shape and gender. Upon her product release, Fenty Beauty acknowledged a growing body of diverse consumers and as a direct response to feature models of diverse skin tones, cultural background and racial heritage. Perhaps more importantly, Fenty Beauty’s challenge to the ongoing debate around diversity and inclusion has been in stark contrast to Kylie Jenner’s ongoing appropriation of black culture. Images featured at the first brand and product launch of Fenty Beauty and in present day advertising, show South Sudanese model Duckie Thot and hijab-wearing model Halima Aden as central characters within the Fenty narrative, illustrating that inclusion need not remain ambiguous and diversity need not be appropriated. Fenty’s initial product line up included ninety products, but most notably, the Pro Filt’r foundation caused the most publicity. Since its introduction in 2017, the foundation collection contained range of 40 (now 50) inclusive foundation shades, 13 of these shades were designed to cater for much darker complexions, an industry first (Walters). As a result of the brand’s inclusion of diverse product shades and models, Fenty Beauty has been shown to push boundaries within the beauty industry and the social media landscape (Walters). Capitalising on all races and expanding beauty ideals, Fenty’s showcase of beauty subscribes to the notion that for women everywhere in the world, their dreams can and do come true. In conclusion, Fenty Beauty has played a critical role in re-educating global consumers about diversity in beauty (Walters) but perhaps more importantly Rihanna, by definition, has become a true embodiment of the ‘American Dream’.Conclusion: Future Dreams in BeautyIt is undeniable that beauty advertising has remained complicit in selling unattainable dreams to consumers. 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1991 An afternoon in late 1991 found me on a Sydney bus reading Brett Easton Ellis’ American Psycho (1991). A disembarking passenger paused at my side and, as I glanced up, hissed, ‘I don’t know how you can read that filth’. As she continued to make her way to the front of the vehicle, I was as stunned as if she had struck me physically. There was real vehemence in both her words and how they were delivered, and I can still see her eyes squeezing into slits as she hesitated while curling her mouth around that final angry word: ‘filth’. Now, almost fifteen years later, the memory is remarkably vivid. As the event is also still remarkable; this comment remaining the only remark ever made to me by a stranger about anything I have been reading during three decades of travelling on public transport. That inflamed commuter summed up much of the furore that greeted the publication of American Psycho. More than this, and unusually, condemnation of the work both actually preceded, and affected, its publication. Although Ellis had been paid a substantial U.S. $300,000 advance by Simon & Schuster, pre-publication stories based on circulating galley proofs were so negative—offering assessments of the book as: ‘moronic … pointless … themeless … worthless (Rosenblatt 3), ‘superficial’, ‘a tapeworm narrative’ (Sheppard 100) and ‘vile … pornography, not literature … immoral, but also artless’ (Miner 43)—that the publisher cancelled the contract (forfeiting the advance) only months before the scheduled release date. CEO of Simon & Schuster, Richard E. Snyder, explained: ‘it was an error of judgement to put our name on a book of such questionable taste’ (quoted in McDowell, “Vintage” 13). American Psycho was, instead, published by Random House/Knopf in March 1991 under its prestige paperback imprint, Vintage Contemporary (Zaller; Freccero 48) – Sonny Mehta having signed the book to Random House some two days after Simon & Schuster withdrew from its agreement with Ellis. While many commented on the fact that Ellis was paid two substantial advances, it was rarely noted that Random House was a more prestigious publisher than Simon & Schuster (Iannone 52). After its release, American Psycho was almost universally vilified and denigrated by the American critical establishment. The work was criticised on both moral and aesthetic/literary/artistic grounds; that is, in terms of both what Ellis wrote and how he wrote it. Critics found it ‘meaningless’ (Lehmann-Haupt C18), ‘abysmally written … schlock’ (Kennedy 427), ‘repulsive, a bloodbath serving no purpose save that of morbidity, titillation and sensation … pure trash, as scummy and mean as anything it depicts, a dirty book by a dirty writer’ (Yardley B1) and ‘garbage’ (Gurley Brown 21). Mark Archer found that ‘the attempt to confuse style with content is callow’ (31), while Naomi Wolf wrote that: ‘overall, reading American Psycho holds the same fascination as watching a maladjusted 11-year-old draw on his desk’ (34). John Leo’s assessment sums up the passionate intensity of those critical of the work: ‘totally hateful … violent junk … no discernible plot, no believable characterization, no sensibility at work that comes anywhere close to making art out of all the blood and torture … Ellis displays little feel for narration, words, grammar or the rhythm of language’ (23). These reviews, as those printed pre-publication, were titled in similarly unequivocal language: ‘A Revolting Development’ (Sheppard 100), ‘Marketing Cynicism and Vulgarity’ (Leo 23), ‘Designer Porn’ (Manguel 46) and ‘Essence of Trash’ (Yardley B1). Perhaps the most unambiguous in its message was Roger Rosenblatt’s ‘Snuff this Book!’ (3). Of all works published in the U.S.A. at that time, including those clearly carrying X ratings, the Los Angeles chapter of the National Organization for Women (NOW) selected American Psycho for special notice, stating that the book ‘legitimizes inhuman and savage violence masquerading as sexuality’ (NOW 114). Judging the book ‘the most misogynistic communication’ the organisation had ever encountered (NOW L.A. chapter president, Tammy Bruce, quoted in Kennedy 427) and, on the grounds that ‘violence against women in any form is no longer socially acceptable’ (McDowell, “NOW” C17), NOW called for a boycott of the entire Random House catalogue for the remainder of 1991. Naomi Wolf agreed, calling the novel ‘a violation not of obscenity standards, but of women’s civil rights, insofar as it results in conditioning male sexual response to female suffering or degradation’ (34). Later, the boycott was narrowed to Knopf and Vintage titles (Love 46), but also extended to all of the many products, companies, corporations, firms and brand names that are a feature of Ellis’s novel (Kauffman, “American” 41). There were other unexpected responses such as the Walt Disney Corporation barring Ellis from the opening of Euro Disney (Tyrnauer 101), although Ellis had already been driven from public view after receiving a number of death threats and did not undertake a book tour (Kennedy 427). Despite this, the book received significant publicity courtesy of the controversy and, although several national bookstore chains and numerous booksellers around the world refused to sell the book, more than 100,000 copies were sold in the U.S.A. in the fortnight after publication (Dwyer 55). Even this success had an unprecedented effect: when American Psycho became a bestseller, The New York Times announced that it would be removing the title from its bestseller lists because of the book’s content. In the days following publication in the U.S.A., Canadian customs announced that it was considering whether to allow the local arm of Random House to, first, import American Psycho for sale in Canada and, then, publish it in Canada (Kirchhoff, “Psycho” C1). Two weeks later, when the book was passed for sale (Kirchhoff, “Customs” C1), demonstrators protested the entrance of a shipment of the book. In May, the Canadian Defence Force made headlines when it withdrew copies of the book from the library shelves of a navy base in Halifax (Canadian Press C1). Also in May 1991, the Australian Office of Film and Literature Classification (OFLC), the federal agency that administers the classification scheme for all films, computer games and ‘submittable’ publications (including books) that are sold, hired or exhibited in Australia, announced that it had classified American Psycho as ‘Category 1 Restricted’ (W. Fraser, “Book” 5), to be sold sealed, to only those over 18 years of age. This was the first such classification of a mainstream literary work since the rating scheme was introduced (Graham), and the first time a work of literature had been restricted for sale since Philip Roth’s Portnoy’s Complaint in 1969. The chief censor, John Dickie, said the OFLC could not justify refusing the book classification (and essentially banning the work), and while ‘as a satire on yuppies it has a lot going for it’, personally he found the book ‘distasteful’ (quoted in W. Fraser, “Sensitive” 5). Moreover, while this ‘R’ classification was, and remains, a national classification, Australian States and Territories have their own sale and distribution regulation systems. Under this regime, American Psycho remains banned from sale in Queensland, as are all other books in this classification category (Vnuk). These various reactions led to a flood of articles published in the U.S.A., Canada, Australia and the U.K., voicing passionate opinions on a range of issues including free speech and censorship, the corporate control of artistic thought and practice, and cynicism on the part of authors and their publishers about what works might attract publicity and (therefore) sell in large numbers (see, for instance, Hitchens 7; Irving 1). The relationship between violence in society and its representation in the media was a common theme, with only a few commentators (including Norman Mailer in a high profile Vanity Fair article) suggesting that, instead of inciting violence, the media largely reflected, and commented upon, societal violence. Elayne Rapping, an academic in the field of Communications, proposed that the media did actively glorify violence, but only because there was a market for such representations: ‘We, as a society love violence, thrive on violence as the very basis of our social stability, our ideological belief system … The problem, after all, is not media violence but real violence’ (36, 38). Many more commentators, however, agreed with NOW, Wolf and others and charged Ellis’s work with encouraging, and even instigating, violent acts, and especially those against women, calling American Psycho ‘a kind of advertising for violence against women’ (anthropologist Elliot Leyton quoted in Dwyer 55) and, even, a ‘how-to manual on the torture and dismemberment of women’ (Leo 23). Support for the book was difficult to find in the flood of vitriol directed against it, but a small number wrote in Ellis’s defence. Sonny Mehta, himself the target of death threats for acquiring the book for Random House, stood by this assessment, and was widely quoted in his belief that American Psycho was ‘a serious book by a serious writer’ and that Ellis was ‘remarkably talented’ (Knight-Ridder L10). Publishing director of Pan Macmillan Australia, James Fraser, defended his decision to release American Psycho on the grounds that the book told important truths about society, arguing: ‘A publisher’s office is a clearing house for ideas … the real issue for community debate [is] – to what extent does it want to hear the truth about itself, about individuals within the community and about the governments the community elects. If we care about the preservation of standards, there is none higher than this. Gore Vidal was among the very few who stated outright that he liked the book, finding it ‘really rather inspired … a wonderfully comic novel’ (quoted in Tyrnauer 73). Fay Weldon agreed, judging the book as ‘brilliant’, and focusing on the importance of Ellis’s message: ‘Bret Easton Ellis is a very good writer. He gets us to a ‘T’. And we can’t stand it. It’s our problem, not his. American Psycho is a beautifully controlled, careful, important novel that revolves around its own nasty bits’ (C1). Since 1991 As unlikely as this now seems, I first read American Psycho without any awareness of the controversy raging around its publication. I had read Ellis’s earlier works, Less than Zero (1985) and The Rules of Attraction (1987) and, with my energies fully engaged elsewhere, cannot now even remember how I acquired the book. Since that angry remark on the bus, however, I have followed American Psycho’s infamy and how it has remained in the public eye over the last decade and a half. Australian OFLC decisions can be reviewed and reversed – as when Pasolini’s final film Salo (1975), which was banned in Australia from the time of its release in 1975 until it was un-banned in 1993, was then banned again in 1998 – however, American Psycho’s initial classification has remained unchanged. In July 2006, I purchased a new paperback copy in rural New South Wales. It was shrink-wrapped in plastic and labelled: ‘R. Category One. Not available to persons under 18 years. Restricted’. While exact sales figures are difficult to ascertain, by working with U.S.A., U.K. and Australian figures, this copy was, I estimate, one of some 1.5 to 1.6 million sold since publication. In the U.S.A., backlist sales remain very strong, with some 22,000 copies sold annually (Holt and Abbott), while lifetime sales in the U.K. are just under 720,000 over five paperback editions. Sales in Australia are currently estimated by Pan MacMillan to total some 100,000, with a new printing of 5,000 copies recently ordered in Australia on the strength of the book being featured on the inaugural Australian Broadcasting Commission’s First Tuesday Book Club national television program (2006). Predictably, the controversy around the publication of American Psycho is regularly revisited by those reviewing Ellis’s subsequent works. A major article in Vanity Fair on Ellis’s next book, The Informers (1994), opened with a graphic description of the death threats Ellis received upon the publication of American Psycho (Tyrnauer 70) and then outlined the controversy in detail (70-71). Those writing about Ellis’s two most recent novels, Glamorama (1999) and Lunar Park (2005), have shared this narrative strategy, which also forms at least part of the frame of every interview article. American Psycho also, again predictably, became a major topic of discussion in relation to the contracting, making and then release of the eponymous film in 2000 as, for example, in Linda S. Kauffman’s extensive and considered review of the film, which spent the first third discussing the history of the book’s publication (“American” 41-45). Playing with this interest, Ellis continues his practice of reusing characters in subsequent works. Thus, American Psycho’s Patrick Bateman, who first appeared in The Rules of Attraction as the elder brother of the main character, Sean – who, in turn, makes a brief appearance in American Psycho – also turns up in Glamorama with ‘strange stains’ on his Armani suit lapels, and again in Lunar Park. The book also continues to be regularly cited in discussions of censorship (see, for example, Dubin; Freccero) and has been included in a number of university-level courses about banned books. In these varied contexts, literary, cultural and other critics have also continued to disagree about the book’s impact upon readers, with some persisting in reading the novel as a pornographic incitement to violence. When Wade Frankum killed seven people in Sydney, many suggested a link between these murders and his consumption of X-rated videos, pornographic magazines and American Psycho (see, for example, Manne 11), although others argued against this (Wark 11). Prosecutors in the trial of Canadian murderer Paul Bernardo argued that American Psycho provided a ‘blueprint’ for Bernardo’s crimes (Canadian Press A5). Others have read Ellis’s work more positively, as for instance when Sonia Baelo Allué compares American Psycho favourably with Thomas Harris’s The Silence of the Lambs (1988) – arguing that Harris not only depicts more degrading treatment of women, but also makes Hannibal Lecter, his antihero monster, sexily attractive (7-24). Linda S. Kauffman posits that American Psycho is part of an ‘anti-aesthetic’ movement in art, whereby works that are revoltingly ugly and/or grotesque function to confront the repressed fears and desires of the audience and explore issues of identity and subjectivity (Bad Girls), while Patrick W. Shaw includes American Psycho in his work, The Modern American Novel of Violence because, in his opinion, the violence Ellis depicts is not gratuitous. Lost, however, in much of this often-impassioned debate and dialogue is the book itself – and what Ellis actually wrote. 21-years-old when Less than Zero was published, Ellis was still only 26 when American Psycho was released and his youth presented an obvious target. In 1991, Terry Teachout found ‘no moment in American Psycho where Bret Easton Ellis, who claims to be a serious artist, exhibits the workings of an adult moral imagination’ (45, 46), Brad Miner that it was ‘puerile – the very antithesis of good writing’ (43) and Carol Iannone that ‘the inclusion of the now famous offensive scenes reveals a staggering aesthetic and moral immaturity’ (54). Pagan Kennedy also ‘blamed’ the entire work on this immaturity, suggesting that instead of possessing a developed artistic sensibility, Ellis was reacting to (and, ironically, writing for the approval of) critics who had lauded the documentary realism of his violent and nihilistic teenage characters in Less than Zero, but then panned his less sensational story of campus life in The Rules of Attraction (427-428). Yet, in my opinion, there is not only a clear and coherent aesthetic vision driving Ellis’s oeuvre but, moreover, a profoundly moral imagination at work as well. This was my view upon first reading American Psycho, and part of the reason I was so shocked by that charge of filth on the bus. Once familiar with the controversy, I found this view shared by only a minority of commentators. Writing in the New Statesman & Society, Elizabeth J. Young asked: ‘Where have these people been? … Books of pornographic violence are nothing new … American Psycho outrages no contemporary taboos. Psychotic killers are everywhere’ (24). I was similarly aware that such murderers not only existed in reality, but also in many widely accessed works of literature and film – to the point where a few years later Joyce Carol Oates could suggest that the serial killer was an icon of popular culture (233). While a popular topic for writers of crime fiction and true crime narratives in both print and on film, a number of ‘serious’ literary writers – including Truman Capote, Norman Mailer, Kate Millet, Margaret Atwood and Oates herself – have also written about serial killers, and even crossed over into the widely acknowledged as ‘low-brow’ true crime genre. Many of these works (both popular or more literary) are vivid and powerful and have, as American Psycho, taken a strong moral position towards their subject matter. Moreover, many books and films have far more disturbing content than American Psycho, yet have caused no such uproar (Young and Caveney 120). By now, the plot of American Psycho is well known, although the structure of the book, noted by Weldon above (C1), is rarely analysed or even commented upon. First person narrator, Patrick Bateman, a young, handsome stockbroker and stereotypical 1980s yuppie, is also a serial killer. The book is largely, and innovatively, structured around this seeming incompatibility – challenging readers’ expectations that such a depraved criminal can be a wealthy white professional – while vividly contrasting the banal, and meticulously detailed, emptiness of Bateman’s life as a New York über-consumer with the scenes where he humiliates, rapes, tortures, murders, mutilates, dismembers and cannibalises his victims. Although only comprising some 16 out of 399 pages in my Picador edition, these violent scenes are extreme and certainly make the work as a whole disgustingly confronting. But that is the entire point of Ellis’s work. Bateman’s violence is rendered so explicitly because its principal role in the novel is to be inescapably horrific. As noted by Baelo Allué, there is no shift in tone between the most banally described detail and the description of violence (17): ‘I’ve situated the body in front of the new Toshiba television set and in the VCR is an old tape and appearing on the screen is the last girl I filmed. I’m wearing a Joseph Abboud suit, a tie by Paul Stuart, shoes by J. Crew, a vest by someone Italian and I’m kneeling on the floor beside a corpse, eating the girl’s brain, gobbling it down, spreading Grey Poupon over hunks of the pink, fleshy meat’ (Ellis 328). In complete opposition to how pornography functions, Ellis leaves no room for the possible enjoyment of such a scene. Instead of revelling in the ‘spine chilling’ pleasures of classic horror narratives, there is only the real horror of imagining such an act. The effect, as Kauffman has observed is, rather than arousing, often so disgusting as to be emetic (Bad Girls 249). Ellis was surprised that his detractors did not understand that he was trying to be shocking, not offensive (Love 49), or that his overall aim was to symbolise ‘how desensitised our culture has become towards violence’ (quoted in Dwyer 55). Ellis was also understandably frustrated with readings that conflated not only the contents of the book and their meaning, but also the narrator and author: ‘The acts described in the book are truly, indisputably vile. The book itself is not. Patrick Bateman is a monster. I am not’ (quoted in Love 49). Like Fay Weldon, Norman Mailer understood that American Psycho posited ‘that the eighties were spiritually disgusting and the author’s presentation is the crystallization of such horror’ (129). Unlike Weldon, however, Mailer shied away from defending the novel by judging Ellis not accomplished enough a writer to achieve his ‘monstrous’ aims (182), failing because he did not situate Bateman within a moral universe, that is, ‘by having a murderer with enough inner life for us to comprehend him’ (182). Yet, the morality of Ellis’s project is evident. By viewing the world through the lens of a psychotic killer who, in many ways, personifies the American Dream – wealthy, powerful, intelligent, handsome, energetic and successful – and, yet, who gains no pleasure, satisfaction, coherent identity or sense of life’s meaning from his endless, selfish consumption, Ellis exposes the emptiness of both that world and that dream. As Bateman himself explains: ‘Surface, surface, surface was all that anyone found meaning in. This was civilisation as I saw it, colossal and jagged’ (Ellis 375). Ellis thus situates the responsibility for Bateman’s violence not in his individual moral vacuity, but in the barren values of the society that has shaped him – a selfish society that, in Ellis’s opinion, refused to address the most important issues of the day: corporate greed, mindless consumerism, poverty, homelessness and the prevalence of violent crime. Instead of pornographic, therefore, American Psycho is a profoundly political text: Ellis was never attempting to glorify or incite violence against anyone, but rather to expose the effects of apathy to these broad social problems, including the very kinds of violence the most vocal critics feared the book would engender. Fifteen years after the publication of American Psycho, although our societies are apparently growing in overall prosperity, the gap between rich and poor also continues to grow, more are permanently homeless, violence – whether domestic, random or institutionally-sanctioned – escalates, and yet general apathy has intensified to the point where even the ‘ethics’ of torture as government policy can be posited as a subject for rational debate. The real filth of the saga of American Psycho is, thus, how Ellis’s message was wilfully ignored. While critics and public intellectuals discussed the work at length in almost every prominent publication available, few attempted to think in any depth about what Ellis actually wrote about, or to use their powerful positions to raise any serious debate about the concerns he voiced. Some recent critical reappraisals have begun to appreciate how American Psycho is an ‘ethical denunciation, where the reader cannot but face the real horror behind the serial killer phenomenon’ (Baelo Allué 8), but Ellis, I believe, goes further, exposing the truly filthy causes that underlie the existence of such seemingly ‘senseless’ murder. But, Wait, There’s More It is ironic that American Psycho has, itself, generated a mini-industry of products. A decade after publication, a Canadian team – filmmaker Mary Harron, director of I Shot Andy Warhol (1996), working with scriptwriter, Guinevere Turner, and Vancouver-based Lions Gate Entertainment – adapted the book for a major film (Johnson). Starring Christian Bale, Chloë Sevigny, Willem Dafoe and Reese Witherspoon and, with an estimated budget of U.S.$8 million, the film made U.S.$15 million at the American box office. The soundtrack was released for the film’s opening, with video and DVDs to follow and the ‘Killer Collector’s Edition’ DVD – closed-captioned, in widescreen with surround sound – released in June 2005. Amazon.com lists four movie posters (including a Japanese language version) and, most unexpected of all, a series of film tie-in action dolls. The two most popular of these, judging by E-Bay, are the ‘Cult Classics Series 1: Patrick Bateman’ figure which, attired in a smart suit, comes with essential accoutrements of walkman with headphones, briefcase, Wall Street Journal, video tape and recorder, knife, cleaver, axe, nail gun, severed hand and a display base; and the 18” tall ‘motion activated sound’ edition – a larger version of the same doll with fewer accessories, but which plays sound bites from the movie. Thanks to Stephen Harris and Suzie Gibson (UNE) for stimulating conversations about this book, Stephen Harris for information about the recent Australian reprint of American Psycho and Mark Seebeck (Pan Macmillan) for sales information. References Archer, Mark. “The Funeral Baked Meats.” The Spectator 27 April 1991: 31. Australian Broadcasting Corporation. First Tuesday Book Club. First broadcast 1 August 2006. Baelo Allué, Sonia. “The Aesthetics of Serial Killing: Working against Ethics in The Silence of the Lambs (1988) and American Psycho (1991).” Atlantis 24.2 (Dec. 2002): 7-24. Canadian Press. “Navy Yanks American Psycho.” The Globe and Mail 17 May 1991: C1. Canadian Press. “Gruesome Novel Was Bedside Reading.” Kitchener-Waterloo Record 1 Sep. 1995: A5. Dubin, Steven C. “Art’s Enemies: Censors to the Right of Me, Censors to the Left of Me.” Journal of Aesthetic Education 28.4 (Winter 1994): 44-54. Dwyer, Victor. “Literary Firestorm: Canada Customs Scrutinizes a Brutal Novel.” Maclean’s April 1991: 55. Ellis, Bret Easton. American Psycho. London: Macmillan-Picador, 1991. ———. Glamorama. New York: Knopf, 1999. ———. The Informers. New York: Knopf, 1994. ———. Less than Zero. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1985. ———. Lunar Park. New York: Knopf, 2005. ———. The Rules of Attraction. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1987. Fraser, James. :The Case for Publishing.” The Bulletin 18 June 1991. Fraser, William. “Book May Go under Wraps.” The Sydney Morning Herald 23 May 1991: 5. ———. “The Sensitive Censor and the Psycho.” The Sydney Morning Herald 24 May 1991: 5. Freccero, Carla. “Historical Violence, Censorship, and the Serial Killer: The Case of American Psycho.” Diacritics: A Review of Contemporary Criticism 27.2 (Summer 1997): 44-58. Graham, I. “Australian Censorship History.” Libertus.net 9 Dec. 2001. 17 May 2006 http://libertus.net/censor/hist20on.html>. Gurley Brown, Helen. Commentary in “Editorial Judgement or Censorship?: The Case of American Psycho.” The Writer May 1991: 20-23. Harris, Thomas. The Silence of the Lambs. New York: St Martins Press, 1988. Harron, Mary (dir.). American Psycho [film]. Edward R. Pressman Film Corporation, Lions Gate Films, Muse Productions, P.P.S. Films, Quadra Entertainment, Universal Pictures, 2004. Hitchens, Christopher. “Minority Report.” The Nation 7-14 January 1991: 7. Holt, Karen, and Charlotte Abbott. “Lunar Park: The Novel.” Publishers Weekly 11 July 2005. 13 Aug. 2006 http://www.publishersweekly.com/article/CA624404.html? pubdate=7%2F11%2F2005&display=archive>. Iannone, Carol. “PC & the Ellis Affair.” Commentary Magazine July 1991: 52-4. Irving, John. “Pornography and the New Puritans.” The New York Times Book Review 29 March 1992: Section 7, 1. 13 Aug. 2006 http://www.nytimes.com/books/97/06/15/lifetimes/25665.html>. Johnson, Brian D. “Canadian Cool Meets American Psycho.” Maclean’s 10 April 2000. 13 Aug. 2006 http://www.macleans.ca/culture/films/article.jsp?content=33146>. Kauffman, Linda S. “American Psycho [film review].” Film Quarterly 54.2 (Winter 2000-2001): 41-45. ———. Bad Girls and Sick Boys: Fantasies in Contemporary Art and Culture. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998. Kennedy, Pagan. “Generation Gaffe: American Psycho.” The Nation 1 April 1991: 426-8. Kirchhoff, H. J. “Customs Clears Psycho: Booksellers’ Reaction Mixed.” The Globe and Mail 26 March 1991: C1. ———. “Psycho Sits in Limbo: Publisher Awaits Customs Ruling.” The Globe and Mail 14 March 1991: C1. Knight-Ridder News Service. “Vintage Picks up Ellis’ American Psycho.” Los Angeles Daily News 17 November 1990: L10. Lehmann-Haupt, Christopher. “Psycho: Wither Death without Life?” The New York Times 11 March 1991: C18. Leo, John. “Marketing Cynicism and Vulgarity.” U.S. News & World Report 3 Dec. 1990: 23. Love, Robert. “Psycho Analysis: Interview with Bret Easton Ellis.” Rolling Stone 4 April 1991: 45-46, 49-51. Mailer, Norman. “Children of the Pied Piper: Mailer on American Psycho.” Vanity Fair March 1991: 124-9, 182-3. Manguel, Alberto. “Designer Porn.” Saturday Night 106.6 (July 1991): 46-8. Manne, Robert. “Liberals Deny the Video Link.” The Australian 6 Jan. 1997: 11. McDowell, Edwin. “NOW Chapter Seeks Boycott of ‘Psycho’ Novel.” The New York Times 6 Dec. 1990: C17. ———. “Vintage Buys Violent Book Dropped by Simon & Schuster.” The New York Times 17 Nov. 1990: 13. Miner, Brad. “Random Notes.” National Review 31 Dec. 1990: 43. National Organization for Women. Library Journal 2.91 (1991): 114. Oates, Joyce Carol. “Three American Gothics.” Where I’ve Been, and Where I’m Going: Essays, Reviews and Prose. New York: Plume, 1999. 232-43. Rapping, Elayne. “The Uses of Violence.” Progressive 55 (1991): 36-8. Rosenblatt, Roger. “Snuff this Book!: Will Brett Easton Ellis Get Away with Murder?” New York Times Book Review 16 Dec. 1990: 3, 16. Roth, Philip. Portnoy’s Complaint. New York: Random House, 1969. Shaw, Patrick W. The Modern American Novel of Violence. Troy, NY: Whitson, 2000. Sheppard, R. Z. “A Revolting Development.” Time 29 Oct. 1990: 100. Teachout, Terry. “Applied Deconstruction.” National Review 24 June 1991: 45-6. Tyrnauer, Matthew. “Who’s Afraid of Bret Easton Ellis?” Vanity Fair 57.8 (Aug. 1994): 70-3, 100-1. Vnuk, Helen. “X-rated? Outdated.” The Age 21 Sep. 2003. 17 May 2006 http://www.theage.com.au/articles/2003/09/19/1063625202157.html>. Wark, McKenzie. “Video Link Is a Distorted View.” The Australian 8 Jan. 1997: 11. Weldon, Fay. “Now You’re Squeamish?: In a World as Sick as Ours, It’s Silly to Target American Psycho.” The Washington Post 28 April 1991: C1. Wolf, Naomi. “The Animals Speak.” New Statesman & Society 12 April 1991: 33-4. Yardley, Jonathan. “American Psycho: Essence of Trash.” The Washington Post 27 Feb. 1991: B1. Young, Elizabeth J. “Psycho Killers. Last Lines: How to Shock the English.” New Statesman & Society 5 April 1991: 24. Young, Elizabeth J., and Graham Caveney. Shopping in Space: Essays on American ‘Blank Generation’ Fiction. London: Serpent’s Tail, 1992. Zaller, Robert “American Psycho, American Censorship and the Dahmer Case.” Revue Francaise d’Etudes Americaines 16.56 (1993): 317-25. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Brien, Donna Lee. "The Real Filth in : A Critical Reassessment." M/C Journal 9.5 (2006). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0610/01-brien.php>. APA Style Brien, D. (Nov. 2006) "The Real Filth in American Psycho: A Critical Reassessment," M/C Journal, 9(5). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0610/01-brien.php>.

Photo by niu niu on Unsplash ABSTRACT Shackling prisoners has been implemented as standard procedure when transporting prisoners in labor and during childbirth. This procedure ensures the protection of both the public and healthcare workers. However, the act of shackling pregnant prisoners violates the principles of ethics that physicians are supposed to uphold. This paper will explore how shackling pregnant prisoners violates the principle of justice and beneficence, making the practice unethical. INTRODUCTION Some states allow shackling of incarcerated pregnant women during transport and while in the hospital for labor and delivery. Currently, only 22 states have legislation prohibiting the shackling of pregnant women.[1] Although many states have anti-shackling laws prohibiting restraints, these laws also contain an “extraordinary circumstances” loophole.[2] Under this exception, officers shackle prisoners if they pose a flight risk, have any history of violence, and are a threat to themselves or others.[3] Determining as to whether a prisoner is shackled is left solely to the correctional officer.[4] Yet even state restrictions on shackling are often disregarded. In shackling pregnant prisoners during childbirth, officers and institutions are interfering with the ability of incarcerated women to have safe childbirth experiences and fair treatment. Moreover, physicians cannot exercise various ethical duties as the law constrains them. In this article, I will discuss the physical and mental harms that result from the use of restraints under the backdrop of slavery and discrimination against women of color particularly. I argue that stereotypes feed into the phenomenon of shackling pregnant women, especially pregnant women of color. I further assert that shackling makes it difficult for medical professionals to be beneficent and promote justice. BACKGROUND Female incarceration rates in the United States have been fast growing since the 1980s.[5] With a 498 percent increase in the female incarceration population between 1981 and 2021, the rates of pregnancy and childbirth by incarcerated people have also climbed.[6],[7] In 2021, over 1.2 million women were incarcerated in the United States.[8] An estimated 55,000 pregnant women are admitted to jails each year.[9],[10] Many remain incarcerated throughout pregnancy and are transported to a hospital for labor and delivery. Although the exact number of restrained pregnant inmates is unclear, a study found that 83 percent of hospital prenatal nurses reported that their incarcerated patients were shackled.[11] I. Harms Caused by Shackling Shackling has caused many instances of physical and psychological harm. In the period before childbirth, shackled pregnant women are at high risk for falling.[12] The restraints shift pregnant women’s center of gravity, and wrist restraints prevent them from breaking a fall, increasing the risk of falling on their stomach and harming the fetus.[13] Another aspect inhibited by using restraints is testing and treating pregnancy complications. Delays in identifying and treating conditions such as hypertension, pre-eclampsia, appendicitis, kidney infection, preterm labor, and especially vaginal bleeding can threaten the lives of the mother and the fetus.[14] During labor and delivery, shackling prevents methods of alleviating severe labor pains and giving birth.[15] Usually, physicians recommend that women in labor walk or assume various positions to relieve labor pains and accelerate labor.[16] However, shackling prevents both solutions.[17] Shackling these women limits their mobility during labor, which may compromise the health of both the mother and the fetus.[18] Tracy Edwards, a former prisoner who filed a lawsuit for unlawful use of restraints during her pregnancy, was in labor for twelve hours. She was unable to move or adjust her position to lessen the pain and discomfort of labor.[19] The shackles also left the skin on her ankles red and bruised. Continued use of restraints also increases the risk of potentially life-threatening health issues associated with childbirth, such as blood clots.[20] It is imperative that pregnant women get treated rapidly, especially with the unpredictability of labor. Epidural administration can also become difficult, and in some cases, be denied due to the shackled woman’s inability to assume the proper position.[21] Time-sensitive medical care, including C-sections, could be delayed if permission from an officer is required, risking major health complications for both the fetus and the mother.[22] After childbirth, shackling impedes the recovery process. Shackling can result in post-delivery complications such as deep vein thrombosis.[23] Walking prevents such complications but is not an option for mothers shackled to their hospital beds.[24] Restraints also prevent bonding with the baby post-delivery and the safe handling of the baby while breast feeding.[25] The use of restraints can also result in psychological harm. Many prisoners feel as though care workers treat them like “animals,” with some women having multiple restraints at once— including ankles, wrists, and even waist restraints.[26] Benidalys Rivera describes the feeling of embarrassment as she was walking while handcuffed, with nurses and patients looking on, “Being in shackles, that make you be in stress…I about to have this baby, and I’m going to go back to jail. So it’s too much.”[27] Depression among pregnant prisoners is highly prevalent. The stress of imprisonment and the anticipation of being separated from their child is often overwhelming for these mothers.[28] The inhumane action has the potential to add more stress, anxiety, and sadness to the already emotionally demanding process of giving birth. Shackling pregnant prisoners displays indifference to the medical needs of the prisoner.[29] II. Safety as a Pretense While public safety is an argument for using shackles, several factors make escape or violence extremely unlikely and even impossible.[30] For example, administering epidural anesthesia causes numbness and eliminates flight risk.[31] Although cited as the main reason for using shackles, public safety is likely just an excuse and not the main motivator for shackling prisoners. I argue that underlying the shackling exemplifies the idea that these women should not have become pregnant. The shackling reflects a distinct discrimination: the lawmakers allowing it perhaps thought that people guilty of crimes would make bad mothers. Public safety is just a pretense. The language used to justify the use of restraint of Shawanna Nelson, the plaintiff in Nelson v. Correctional Medical Services, discussed below, included the word “aggressive.”[32] In her case, there was no evidence that she posed any danger or was objectively aggressive. Officer Turnesky, who supervised Nelson, testified that she never felt threatened by Nelson.[33] The lack of documented attempts of escape and violence from pregnant prisoners suggests that shackling for flight risk is a false pretense and perhaps merely based on stereotypes.[34] In 2011, an Amnesty International report noted that “Around the USA, it is common for restraints to be used on sick and pregnant incarcerated women when they are transported to and kept in hospital, regardless of whether they have a history of violence (which only a minority have) and regardless of whether they have ever absconded or attempted to escape (which few women have).”[35] In a 2020 survey of correctional officers in select midwestern prisons, 76 percent disagreed or strongly disagreed with restraining pregnant women during labor and delivery.[36] If a correctional officer shackles a pregnant prisoner, it is not because they pose a risk but because of a perception that they do. This mindset is attributed to select law enforcement, who have authority to use restraints.[37] In 2022, the Tennessee legislature passed a bill prohibiting the use of restraints on pregnant inmates. However, legislators amended the bill due to the Tennessee Sherriff Association’s belief that even pregnant inmates could pose a “threat.”[38] Subjecting all prisoners to the same “precautions” because a small percentage of individuals may pose such risks could reflect stereotyping or the assumption that all incarcerated people pose danger and flight risk. To quell the (unjustified) public safety concern, there are other options that do not cause physical or mental harm to pregnant women. For example, San Francisco General Hospital does not use shackles but has deputy sheriffs outside the pregnant women’s doors.[39] III. Historical Context and Race A. Slavery and Post-Civil War The treatment of female prisoners has striking similarities to that of enslaved women. Originally, shackling of female slaves was a mechanism of control and dehumanization.[40] This enabled physical and sexual abuses. During the process of intentionally dehumanizing slaves to facilitate subordination, slave owners stripped slave women of their feminine identity.[41] Slave women were unable to exhibit the Victorian model of “good mothering” and people thought they lacked maternal feelings for their children.[42] In turn, societal perception defeminized slave women, and barred them from utilizing the protections of womanhood and motherhood. During the post-Civil War era, black women were reversely depicted as sexually promiscuous and were arrested for prostitution more often than white women.[43] In turn, society excluded black women; they were seen as lacking what the “acceptable and good” women had.[44] Some argue that the historical act of labeling black women sexually deviant influences today’s perception of black women and may lead to labeling them bad mothers.[45] Over two-thirds of incarcerated women are women of color.[46] Many reports document sexual violence and misconduct against prisoners over the years.[47] Male guards have raped, sexually assaulted, and inappropriately touched female prisoners. Some attribute the physical abuse of black female prisoners to their being depicted or stereotyped as “aggressive, deviant, and domineering.”[48] Some expect black women to express stoicism and if they do not, people label them as dangerous, irresponsible, and aggressive.[49] The treatment of these prisoners mirrors the historical oppression endured by black women during and following the era of slavery. The act of shackling incarcerated pregnant women extends the inhumane treatment of these women from the prison setting into the hospital. One prisoner stated that during her thirty-hour labor, while being shackled, she “felt like a farm animal.”[50] Another pregnant prisoner describes her treatment by a guard stating: “a female guard grabbed me by the hair and was making me get up. She was screaming: ‘B***h, get up.’ Then she said, ‘That is what happens when you are a f***ing junkie. You shouldn’t be using drugs, or you wouldn’t be in here.”[51] Shackling goes beyond punishing by isolation from society – it is an additional punishment that is not justified. B. Reproductive Rights and “Bad Mothers” As with slaves not being seen as maternal, prisoners are not viewed as “real mothers.” A female prison guard said the following: “I’m a mother of two and I know what that impulse, that instinct, that mothering instinct feels like. It just takes over, you would never put your kids in harm’s way. . . . Women in here lack that. Something in their nature is not right, you know?”[52] This comment implies that incarcerated women lack maternal instinct. They are not in line with the standards of what society accepts as a “woman” and “mother” and are thought to have abandoned their roles as caretakers in pursuit of deviant behaviors. Without consideration of racial discrimination, poverty issues, trauma, and restricted access to the child right after delivery, these women are stereotyped as bad mothers simply because they are in prison. Reminiscent of the treatment of female black bodies post-civil war and the use of reproductive interventions (for example, Norplant and forced sterilization) in exchange for shorter sentences, I argue that shackles are a form of reproductive control. Justification for the use of shackles even includes their use as a “punitive instrument to remind the prisoner of their punishment.”[53] However, a prisoner’s pregnancy should have no relevance to their sentence.[54] Using shackles demonstrates to prisoners that society tolerates childbirth but does not support it.[55] The shackling is evidence that women are being punished “for bearing children, not for breaking the law.”[56] Physicians and healthcare workers, as a result, are responsible for providing care for the delivery and rectifying any physical problems associated with the restraints. The issues that arise from the use of restraints place physicians in a position more complex than they experience with regular healthy pregnancies. C. Discrimination In the case of Ferguson v. City of Charleston, a medical university subjected black woman to involuntary drug testing during pregnancy. In doing so, medical professionals collaborated with law enforcement to penalize black women for their use of drugs during pregnancy.[57] The Court held the drug tests were an unreasonable search and violated the Fourth Amendment. Ferguson v. City of Charleston further reveals an unjustified assumption: the medical and legal community seemed suspicious of black women and had perhaps predetermined them more likely to use drugs while pregnant. Their fitness to become mothers needed to be proven, while wealthy, white women were presumed fit.[58] The correctional community similarly denies pregnant prisoners’ medical attention. In the case of Staten v. Lackawanna County, an African American woman whose serious medical needs were treated indifferently by jail staff was forced to give birth in her cell.[59] This woman was punished for being pregnant in prison through the withholding of medical attention and empathy. IV. Failure to Follow Anti-Shackling Laws Despite 22 states having laws against shackling pregnant prisoners, officers do not always follow these laws. In 2015, the Correctional Association of New York reported that of the 27 women who gave birth under state custody, officers shackled 23 women in violation of the anti-shackling laws.[60] The lawyer of Tracy Edwards, an inmate who officers shackled unlawfully during her twelve-hour labor stated, “I don’t think we can assume that just because there’s a law passed, that’s automatically going to trickle down to the prison.”[61] Even with more restrictions on shackling, it may still occur, partly due to the stereotype that incarcerated women are aggressive and dangerous. V. Constitutionality The Eighth Amendment protects people from cruel and unusual punishment. In Brown vs. Plata, the court stated, “Prisoners retain the essence of human dignity inherent in all persons.”[62] In several cases, the legal community has held shackling to be unconstitutional as it violates the Eighth Amendment unless specifically justified. In the case of Nelson v. Correctional Medical Services, a pregnant woman was shackled for 12 hours of labor with a brief respite while she pushed, then re-shackled. The shackling caused her physical and emotional pain, including intense cramping that could not be relieved due to positioning and her inability to get up to use a toilet.[63] The court held that a clear security concern must justify shackling. The court cited a similar DC case and various precedents for using the Eighth Amendment to hold correctional facilities and hospitals accountable.[64] An Arkansas law similarly states that shackling must be justified by safety or risk of escape.[65] If the Thirteenth Amendment applied to those convicted of crimes, shackling pregnant incarcerated people would be unconstitutional under that amendment as well as the Eighth. In the Civil Rights Cases, Congress upheld the right “to enact all necessary and proper laws for the obliteration and prevention of slavery with all its badges and incidents.”[66] Section two of the Thirteenth Amendment condemns any trace or acts comparable to that of slavery. Shackling pregnant prisoners, stripping them of their dignity, and justification based on stereotypes all have origins in the treatment of black female slaves. Viewed through the lens of the Thirteenth Amendment, the act of shackling would be unconstitutional. Nonetheless, the Thirteenth Amendment explicitly excludes people convicted of a crime. VI. Justice As a result of the unconstitutional nature of shackling, physicians should have a legal obligation, in addition to their ethical duty, to protect their patients. The principle of justice requires physicians to take a stand against the discriminatory treatment of their patients, even under the eye of law enforcement.[67],[68] However, “badge and gun intimidation,” threats of noncompliance, and the fear of losing one’s license can impede a physician’s willingness to advocate for their patients. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG) finds the use of physical restraints interferes with the ability of clinicians to practice medicine safely.[69] ACOG, The American Medical Association, the National Commission on Correctional Health Care, and other organizations oppose using restraints on pregnant incarcerated people.[70] Yet, legislators can adopt shackling laws without consultation with physicians. The ACOG argues that “State legislators are taking it upon themselves to define complex medical concepts without reference to medical evidence. Some of the penalties [faced by OBGYNs] for violating these vague, unscientific laws include criminal sentences.”[71] Legislation that does not consider medical implications or discourages physicians’ input altogether is unjust. In nullifying the voice of a physician in matters pertaining to the patient’s treatment, physicians are prevented from fulfilling the principle of justice, making the act of shackling patients unethical. VII. Principle of Beneficence The principle of beneficence requires the prevention of harm, the removal of harm, and the promotion of good.[72] Beneficence demands the physician not only avoid harm but benefit patients and promote their welfare.[73] The American Board of Internal Medicine Foundation states that physicians must work with other professionals to increase patient safety and improve the quality of care.[74] In doing so, physicians can adequately treat patients with the goal of prevention and healing. It is difficult to do good when law enforcement imposes on doctors to work around shackles during labor and delivery. Law enforcement leaves physicians and healthcare workers responsible not only to provide care for the delivery, but also rectify any ailments associated with the restraints. The issues arising from using restraints place physicians in a position more complex than they experience with other pregnancies. Doctors cannot prevent the application of the shackles and can only request officers to take them off the patient.[75] Physicians who simply go along with shackling are arguably violating the principle of beneficence. However, for most, rather than violating the principle of beneficence overtly, physicians may simply have to compromise. Given the intricate nature of the situation, physicians are tasked with minimizing potential harm to the best of their abilities while adhering to legal obligations.[76] It is difficult to pin an ethics violation on the ones who do not like the shackles but are powerless to remove them. Some do argue that this inability causes physicians to violate the principle of beneficence.[77] However, promoting the well-being of their patients within the boundaries of the law limits their ability to exercise beneficence. For physicians to fulfill the principle of beneficence to the fullest capacity, they must have an influence on law. Protocols and assessments on flight risks made solely by the officers and law enforcement currently undermine the physician’s expertise. These decisions do not consider the health and well-being of the pregnant woman. As a result, law supersedes the influence of medicine and health care. CONCLUSION People expect physicians to uphold the four major principles of bioethics. However, their inability to override restraints compromises their ability to exercise beneficence. Although pledging to enforce these ethical principles, physicians have little opportunity to influence anti-shackling legislation. Instead of being included in conversations regarding medical complexities, legislation silences their voices. Policies must include the physician's voice as they affect their ability to treat patients. Officers should not dismiss a physician's request to remove shackles from a woman if they are causing health complications. A woman's labor should not harm her or her fetus because the officer will not remove her shackles.[78] A federal law could end shackling pregnant incarcerated people. Because other options are available to ensure the safety of the public and the prisoner, there is no ethical justification for shackling pregnant prisoners. An incarcerated person is a human being and must be treated with dignity and respect. To safeguard the well-being of incarcerated women and the public, it is essential for advocates of individual rights to join forces with medical professionals to establish an all-encompassing solution. - [1] Ferszt, G. G., Palmer, M., & McGrane, C. (2018). 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Obstet Gynecol. 2020;135(5):1177-1183. doi:10.1097/AOG.0000000000003834 [9] Kramer, C., Thomas, K., Patil, A., Hayes, C. M., & Sufrin, C. B. (2022). Shackling and pregnancy care policies in US prisons and jails. Maternal and Child Health Journal, 27(1), 186–196. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10995-022-03526-y [10] House, K. T., Kelley, S., Sontag, D. N., & King, L. P. (2021). Ending restraint of incarcerated individuals giving birth. AMA Journal of Ethics, 23(4). https://doi.org/10.1001/amajethics.2021.364 [11] Goshin, L. S., Sissoko, D. R., Neumann, G., Sufrin, C., & Byrnes, L. (2019). Perinatal nurses’ experiences with and knowledge of the care of incarcerated women during pregnancy and the postpartum period. Journal of Obstetric, Gynecologic &amp; Neonatal Nursing, 48(1), 27–36. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jogn.2018.11.002 [12] Shackling and separation: Motherhood in prison. (2013). 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UCLA Women's Law Journal, 18(1). https://doi.org/10.5070/l3181017816 [29] Chris DiNardo (2018) [30] Griggs, Claire Louise (2011). [31] Allen, J. E. (2010, October 21). Shackled: Women Behind Bars Deliver in Chains. ABC News. https://abcnews.go.com/Health/WomensHealth/pregnant-shackled-women-bars-deliver-chains/story?id=11933376&page=1 [32] Nelson v. Correctional, 533 F.3d 958 (8th Cir. 2009) [33] Nelson v. Correctional(2009) [34] House, K. T., Kelley, S., Sontag, D. N., & King, L. P. (2021). Ending restraint of incarcerated individuals giving birth. AMA Journal of Ethics, 23(4). https://doi.org/10.1001/amajethics.2021.364 [35] Amnesty International USA. (1999, March). “Not part of my sentence” Violations of the Human Rights of Women in Custody. Amnesty International USA. Retrieved March 12, 2023, from https://www.amnestyusa.org/reports/usa-not-part-of-my-sentence-violations-of-the-human-rights-of-women-in-custody/ [36] Pendleton, V., Saunders, J. B., & Shlafer, R. (2020). Corrections officers' knowledge and perspectives of maternal and child health policies and programs for pregnant women in prison. Health & justice, 8(1), 1. https://doi.org/10.1186/s40352-019-0102-0 [37] Elizabeth Alexander, Unshackling Shawanna: The Battle Over Chaining Women Prisoners during Labor and Delivery, 32 U. ARK. LITTLE ROCK L. REV. 435 (2010). Available at: https://lawrepository.ualr.edu/lawreview/vol32/iss4/1 [38] Hernandez, J. (2022, April 22). More states are restricting the shackling of pregnant inmates, but it still occurs. NPR. Retrieved March 12, 2023, from https://www.npr.org/2022/04/22/1093836514/shackle-pregnant-inmates-tennessee [39] Sufrin, C. (2012, June 24). End practice of shackling pregnant inmates. SFGATE. Retrieved March 12, 2023, from https://www.sfgate.com/opinion/openforum/article/End-practice-of-shackling-pregnant-inmates-3176987.php [40] Mullings, L. (1997). On our own terms: Race, class, and gender in the lives of African American women. Routledge [41] Ocen, Priscilla A., (2011). [42] Ladd-Taylor, M. (1998). "Bad" mothers: The politics of blame in Twentieth-century America. New York Univ. Press. [43] Hine, D. C. (1998). Hine Sight: Black women and the re-construction of American history. Indiana University Press. [44] Baldwin, L. (2019). Excluded from good motherhood and the impact of prison: Motherhood and Social Exclusion, 129–144. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvk12qxr.13 [45] Ocen, Priscilla A., Punishing Pregnancy: Race, Incarceration, and the Shackling of Pregnant Prisoners (October 3, 2011). California Law Review, Vol. 100, 2012, Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=1937872 [46] Johnson, P. C. (2004). Inner lives: Voices of african american women in prison. New York University Press. [47] Thomas, D. Q. (1996). All too familiar: Sexual abuse of women in U.S. state prisons. Human Rights Watch. [48] Ocen, Priscilla A., (2011). [49] Ashley W. The angry black woman: the impact of pejorative stereotypes on psychotherapy with black women. Soc Work Public Health. 2014;29(1):27-34. doi: 10.1080/19371918.2011.619449. PMID: 24188294. [50] CBS Interactive. (2019, March 13). Shackling pregnant inmates is still a practice in many states. CBS News. Retrieved March 12, 2023, from https://www.cbsnews.com/news/shackling-pregnant-inmates-is-still-a-practice-in-many-states/ [51] Guardian News and Media. (2020, January 24). Pregnant and shackled: Why inmates are still giving birth cuffed and bound. The Guardian. Retrieved March 25, 2023, from https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2020/jan/24/shackled-pregnant-women-prisoners-birth [52] Oparah, J. C. (2015). Birthing justice: Black women, pregnancy, and childbirth. Routledge. [53] Chris DiNardo (2018) [54] Griggs, Claire Louise (2011). [55] Chris DiNardo (2018) [56] Griggs, Claire Louise (2011). [57] Song, Ji Seon, Policing the Emergency Room (June 10, 2021). 134 Harvard Law Review 2646 (2021), Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3864225 [58] Ocen, Priscilla A., (2011). [59] Staten v. Lackawanna Cnty., No. 4:07-CV-1329, 2008 WL 249988, at *2 (M.D. Pa. Jan. 29, 2008) [60] Lovett, K. (2018, April 9). Pregnant inmates at New York prisons will no longer be shackled under new law. New York Daily News. Retrieved March 12, 2023, from https://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/new-york-pregnant-inmates-no-longer-shackled-article-1.2474021 [61] Thompson, E. (2022, August 30). Woman sues NC state prison system for mistreatment while pregnant. North Carolina Health News. Retrieved March 12, 2023, from https://www.northcarolinahealthnews.org/2022/05/25/woman-sues-nc-state-prison-system-for-mistreatment-while-pregnant/ [62] Brown v. Plata, 563 U.S. 493 (2011) [63] Nelson v. Correctional Medical Serices, et al., Nelson v. Correctional Med. Servs, 583 F.3d 522 (8th Cir. 2009) [64] Nelson citing Women Prisoners of D.C. Dep't of Corr. v. District of Columbia, 877 F.Supp. 634, 668-69 (D.D.C. 1994), modified in part on other grounds, 899 F.Supp. 659 (D.D.C. 1995). [65] Ark. Dep't of Corr. Admin. Reg. 403 § V (1992) [66] Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 3 (1883) [67] Physician charter. ABIM Foundation. (2022, October 18). Retrieved March 10, 2023, from https://abimfoundation.org/what-we-do/physician-charter#:~:text=Principle%20of%20social%20justice.&text=Physicians%20should%20work%20actively%20to,or%20any%20other%20social%20category. [68] Riddick FA Jr. The code of medical ethics of the american medical association. Ochsner J. 2003 Spring;5(2):6-10. PMID: 22826677; PMCID: PMC3399321. [69] American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists’ Committee on Health Care for Underserved Women (2021). Reproductive Health Care for Incarcerated Pregnant, Postpartum, and Nonpregnant Individuals: ACOG Committee Opinion, Number 830. Obstetrics and gynecology, 138(1), e24–e34. https://doi.org/10.1097/AOG.0000000000004429 [70] American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists’ Committee on Health Care for Underserved Women (2021). [71] American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists’ Committee on Health Care for Underserved Women (2021). [72] Beauchamp, T. L., & Childress, J. F. (2019). Principles of Biomedical Ethics. Oxford University Press. [73] Varkey, B. (2020). Principles of clinical ethics and their application to practice. Medical Principles and Practice, 30(1), 17–28. https://doi.org/10.1159/000509119 [74] Medical professionalism in the new millennium: A physician charter. (2002). Annals of Internal Medicine, 136(3), 243. https://doi.org/10.7326/0003-4819-136-3-200202050-00012 [75] Allen, J. E. (2010, October 21). Shackled: Women Behind Bars Deliver in Chains. ABC News. https://abcnews.go.com/Health/WomensHealth/pregnant-shackled-women-bars-deliver-chains/story?id=11933376&page=1 [76] Jonsen, A. R. (2010). The Birth of Bioethics. Oxford University Press. [77] Beauchamp, T. L., & Childress, J. F. (2019). [78] Amnesty International USA. (1999, March). “Not part of my sentence” Violations of the Human Rights of Women in Custody. Amnesty International USA. Retrieved March 12, 2023, from https://www.amnestyusa.org/reports/usa-not-part-of-my-sentence-violations-of-the-human-rights-of-women-in-custody/

Food is not a trifling matter on Japanese television. More visible than such cultural staples as sumo and enka, food-related talk abounds. Aired year-round and positioned on every channel in every time period throughout the broadcast day, the lenses of food shows are calibrated at a wider angle than heavily-trafficked samurai dramas, beisboru or music shows. Simply, more aspects of everyday life, social history and cultural values pass through food programming. The array of shows work to reproduce traditional Japanese cuisine and cultural mores, educating viewers about regional customs and history. They also teach viewers about the "peculiar" practices of far-away countries. Thus, food shows engage globalisation and assist the integration of outside influences and lifestyles in Japan. However, food-talk is also about nihonjinron -- the uniqueness of Japanese culture1. As such, it tends toward cultural nationalism2. Food-talk is often framed in the context of competition and teaches viewers about planning and aesthetics, imparting class values and a consumption ethic. Food discourse is also inevitably about the reproduction of popular culture. Whether it is Jackie Chan plugging a new movie on a "guess the price" food show or a group of celebs are taking a day-trip to a resort town, food-mediated discourse enables the cultural industry and the national economy to persist -- even expand. To offer a taste of the array of cultural discourse that flows through food, this article serves up an ideal week of Japanese TV programming. Competition for Kisses: Over-Cooked Idols and Half-Baked Sexuality Monday, 10:00 p.m.: SMAP x SMAP SMAP is one of the longest-running, most successful male idol groups in Japan. At least one of their members can be found on TV every day. On this variety show, all five appear. One segment is called "Bistro SMAP" where the leader of the group, Nakai-kun, ushers a (almost always) female guest into his establishment and inquires what she would like to eat. She states her preference and the other four SMAP members (in teams of two) begin preparing the meal. Nakai entertains the guest on a dais overlooking the cooking crews. While the food is being prepared he asks standard questions about the talento's career; "how did you get in this business", "what are your favorite memories", "tell us about your recent work" -- the sort of banal banter that fills many cooking shows. Next, Nakai leads the guest into the kitchen and introduces her to the cooks. Finally, she samples both culinary efforts with the camera catching the reactions of anguish or glee from the opposing team. Each team then tastes the other group's dish. Unlike many food shows, the boys eat without savoring the food. The impression conveyed is that these are everyday boys -- not mega CD-selling pop idols with multiple product endorsements, commercials and television commitments. Finally, the moment of truth arrives: which meal is best. The winners jump for joy, the losers stagger in disappointment. The reason: the winners receive a kiss from the judge (on an agreed-upon innocuous body part). Food as entrée into discourse on sexuality. But, there is more than mere sex in the works, here. For, with each collected kiss, a set of red lips is affixed to the side of the chef's white cap. Conquests. After some months the kisses are tallied and the SMAPster with the most lips wins a prize. Food begets sexuality which begets measures of skill which begets material success. Food is but a prop in managing each idol's image. Putting a Price-tag on Taste (Or: Food as Leveller) Tuesday 8:00 p.m.: Ninki mono de ikou (Let's Go with the Popular People) An idol's image is an essential aspect of this show. The ostensible purpose is to observe five famous people appraising a series of paired items -- each seemingly identical. Which is authentic and which is a bargain-basement copy? One suspects, though, that the deeper aim is to reveal just how unsophisticated, bumbling and downright stupid "talento" can be. Items include guitars, calligraphy, baseball gloves and photographs. During evaluation, the audience is exposed to the history, use and finer points of each object, as well as the guest's decision-making process (via hidden camera). Every week at least one food item is presented: pasta, cat food, seaweed, steak. During wine week contestants smelled, tasted, swirled and regarded the brew's hue. One compared the sound each glass made, while another poured the wines on a napkin to inspect patterns of dispersion! Guests' reasoning and behaviors are monitored from a control booth by two very opinionated hosts. One effect of the recurrent criticism is a levelling -- stars are no more (and often much less) competent (and sacrosanct) than the audience. Technique, Preparation and Procedure? Old Values Give Way to New Wednesday 9:00: Tonerus no nama de daradara ikasette (Tunnels' Allow Us to Go Aimlessly, as We Are) This is one of two prime time shows featuring the comedy team "Tunnels"3. In this show both members of the duo engage in challenging themselves, one another and select members of their regular "team" to master a craft. Last year it was ballet and flamenco dance. This month: karate, soccer and cooking. Ishibashi Takaaki (or "Taka-san") and his new foil (a ne'er-do-well former Yomiuri Giants baseball player) Sadaoka Hiyoshi, are being taught by a master chef. The emphasis is on technique and process: learning theki (the aura, the essence) of cooking. After taking copious notes both men are left on their own to prepare a meal, then present it to a young femaletalento, who selects her favorite. In one segment, the men learned how to prepare croquette -- striving to master the proper procedure for flouring, egg-beating, breading, heating oil, frying and draining. In the most recent episode, Taka prepared his shortcake to perfection, impressing even the sensei. Sadaoka, who is slow on the uptake and tends to be lax, took poor notes and clearly botched his effort. Nonetheless, the talento chose Sadaoka's version because it was different. Certain he was going to win, Taka fell into profound shock. For years a popular host of youth-oriented shows, he concluded: "I guess I just don't understand today's young people". In Japanese television, just as in life, it seems there is no accounting for taste. More, whatever taste once was, it certainly has changed. "We Japanese": Messages of Distinctiveness (Or: Old Values NEVER Die) Thursday, 9:00 p.m.: Douchi no ryori shiou: (Which One? Cooking Show) By contrast, on this night viewers are served procedure, craft and the eternal order of things. Above all, validation of Japanese culinary instincts and traditions. Like many Japanese cooking showsDouchi involves competition between rival foods to win the hearts of a panel of seven singers, actors, writers and athletes.Douchi's difference is that two hosts front for rival dishes, seeking to sway the panel during the in-studio preparation. The dishes are prepared by chefs fromTsuji ryori kyoshitsu, a major cooking academy in Osaka, and are generally comparable (for instance, beef curry versus beef stew). On the surface Douchi is a standard infotainment show. Video tours of places and ingredients associated with the dish entertain the audience and assist in making the guests' decisions more agonising. Two seating areas are situated in front of each chef and panellists are given a number of opportunities to switch sides. Much playful bantering, impassioned appeals and mock intimidation transpire throughout the show. It is not uncommon for the show to pit a foreign against a domestic dish; and most often the indigenous food prevails. For, despite the recent "internationalisation" of Japanese society, many Japanese have little changed from the "we-stick-with-what-we-know-best" attitude that is a Japanese hallmark. Ironically, this message came across most clearly in a recent show pitting spaghetti and meat balls against tarako supagetei (spicy fish eggs and flaked seaweed over Italian noodles) -- a Japanese favorite. One guest, former American, now current Japanese Grand Sumo Champion, Akebono, insisted from the outset that he preferred the Italian version because "it's what my momma always cooked for me". Similarly the three Japanese who settled on tarako did so without so much as a sample or qualm. "Nothing could taste better than tarako" one pronounced even before beginning. A clear message in Douchi is that Japanese food is distinct, special, irreplaceable and (if you're not opposed by a 200 kilogram giant) unbeatable. Society as War: Reifying the Strong and Powerful Friday, 11:00 p.m.: Ryori no tetsujin. (The Ironmen of Cooking) Like sumo this show throws the weak into the ring with the strong for the amusement of the audience. The weak in this case being an outsider who runs his own restaurant. Usually the challengers are Japanese or else operate in Japan, though occasionally they come from overseas (Canada, America, France, Italy). Almost without exception they are men. The "ironmen" are four famous Japanese chefs who specialise in a particular cuisine (Japanese, Chinese, French and Italian). The contest has very strict rules. The challenger can choose which chef he will battle. Both are provided with fully-equipped kitchens positioned on a sprawling sound stage. They must prepare a full-course meal for four celebrity judges within a set time frame. Only prior to the start are they informed of which one key ingredient must be used in every course. It could be crab, onion, radish, pears -- just about any food imaginable. The contestants must finish within the time limit and satisfy the judges in terms of planning, creativity, composition, aesthetics and taste. In the event of a tie, a one course playoff results. The show is played like a sports contest, with a reporter and cameras wading into the trenches, conducting interviews and play-by-play commentary. Jump-cut editing quickens the pace of the show and the running clock adds a dimension of suspense and excitement. Consistent with one message encoded in Japanese history, it is very hard to defeat the big power. Although the ironmen are not weekly winners, their consistency in defeating challengers works to perpetuate the deep-seated cultural myth4. Food Makes the Man Saturday 12:00: Merenge no kimochi (Feelings like Meringue) Relative to the full-scale carnage of Friday night, Saturdays are positively quiescent. Two shows -- one at noon, the other at 11:30 p.m. -- employ food as medium through which intimate glimpses of an idol's life are gleaned.Merenge's title makes no bones about its purpose: it unabashedly promises fluff. In likening mood to food -- and particularly in the day-trip depicted here -- we are reminded of the Puffy's famous ditty about eating crab: "taking the car out for a spin with a caramel spirit ... let's go eat crab!"Merengue treats food as a state of mind, a many-pronged road to inner peace. To keep it fluffy,Merenge is hosted by three attractive women whose job it is to act frivolous and idly chat with idols. The show's centrepiece is a segment where the male guest introduces his favorite (or most cookable) recipe. In-between cutting, beating, grating, simmering, ladling, baking and serving, the audience is entertained and their idol's true inner character is revealed. Continuity Editing Running throughout the day, every day, on all (but the two public) stations, is advertising. Ads are often used as a device to heighten tension or underscore the food show's major themes, for it is always just before the denouement (a judge's decision, the delivery of a story's punch-line or a final tally) that an ad interrupts. Ads, however, are not necessarily departures from the world of food, as a large proportion of them are devoted to edibles. In this way, they underscore food's intimate relationship to economy -- a point that certain cooking shows make with their tie-in goods for sale or maps to, menus of and prices for the featured restaurants. While a considerable amount of primary ad discourse is centred on food (alcoholic and non-alcoholic beverages, coffees, sodas, instant or packaged items), it is ersatz food (vitamin-enriched waters, energy drinks, sugarless gums and food supplements) which has recently come to dominate ad space. Embedded in this commercial discourse are deeper social themes such as health, diet, body, sexuality and even death5. Underscoring the larger point: in Japan, if it is television you are tuned into, food-mediated discourse is inescapable. Food for Conclusion The question remains: "why food?" What is it that qualifies food as a suitable source and medium for filtering the raw material of popular culture? For one, food is something that all Japanese share in common. It is an essential part of daily life. Beyond that, though, the legacy of the not-so-distant past -- embedded in the consciousness of nearly a third of the population -- is food shortages giving rise to overwhelming abundance. Within less than a generation's time Japanese have been transported from famine (when roasted potatoes were considered a meal and chocolate was an unimaginable luxury) to excess (where McDonald's is a common daily meal, scores of canned drink options can be found on every street corner, and yesterday's leftover 7-Eleven bentos are tossed). Because of food's history, its place in Japanese folklore, its ubiquity, its easy availability, and its penetration into many aspects of everyday life, TV's food-talk is of interest to almost all viewers. Moreover, because it is a part of the structure of every viewer's life, it serves as a fathomable conduit for all manner of other talk. To invoke information theory, there is very little noise on the channel when food is involved6. For this reason food is a convenient vehicle for information transmission on Japanese television. Food serves as a comfortable podium from which to educate, entertain, assist social reproduction and further cultural production. Footnotes 1. For an excellent treatment of this ethic, see P.N. Dale, The Myth of Japanese Uniqueness. London: Routledge, 1986. 2. A predilection I have discerned in other Japanese media, such as commercials. See my "The Color of Difference: Critiquing Cultural Convergence via Television Advertising", Interdisciplinary Information Sciences 5.1 (March 1999): 15-36. 3. The other, also a cooking show which we won't cover here, appears on Thursdays and is called Tunnerusu no minasan no okage deshita. ("Tunnels' Because of Everyone"). It involves two guests -- a male and female -- whose job it is to guess which of 4 prepared dishes includes one item that the other guest absolutely detests. There is more than a bit of sadism in this show as, in-between casual conversation, the guest is forced to continually eat something that turns his or her stomach -- all the while smiling and pretending s/he loves it. In many ways this suits the Japanese cultural value of gaman, of bearing up under intolerable conditions. 4. After 300-plus airings, the tetsujin show is just now being put to bed for good. It closes with the four iron men pairing off and doing battle against one another. Although Chinese food won out over Japanese in the semi-final, the larger message -- that four Japanese cooks will do battle to determine the true iron chef -- goes a certain way toward reifying the notion of "we Japanese" supported in so many other cooking shows. 5. An analysis of such secondary discourse can be found in my "The Commercialized Body: A Comparative Study of Culture and Values". Interdisciplinary Information Sciences 2.2 (September 1996): 199-215. 6. The concept is derived from C. Shannon and W. Weaver, The Mathematical Theory of Communication. Urbana, Ill.: University of Illinois Press, 1949. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Todd Holden. "'And Now for the Main (Dis)course...': Or, Food as Entrée in Contemporary Japanese Television." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.7 (1999). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/entree.php>. Chicago style: Todd Holden, "'And Now for the Main (Dis)course...': Or, Food as Entrée in Contemporary Japanese Television," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 7 (1999), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/entree.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Todd Holden. (1999) "And now for the main (dis)course...": or, food as entrée in contemporary Japanese television. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(7). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/entree.php> ([your date of access]).

Photo by Hédi Benyounes on Unsplash ABSTRACT The current incarceration facilities for the growing number of women are depriving expecting mothers of adequate care crucial for the child’s mental and physical development. Programs need to be established to counteract this. INTRODUCTION Currently, Diana Sanchez was eight months pregnant when she was arrested for identity theft and put in a prison cell in Denver. At five a.m., two weeks after being incarcerated, she announced to a deputy outside her cell that she was going into labor. Footage from a camera in her cell shows her pacing anxiously or writhing in her bed for the five hours preceding the arrival of her son. She banged on the door and begged for help. All she received was an absorbent pad. She gave birth alone in her prison cell on July 31, 2015, around 10:45 am. At 11:00 am, a prison nurse walked in to cut the umbilical cord and take Sanchez’s newborn baby without offering postnatal care. Sanchez was later sent to a hospital, and her baby was separated from her until she was put on probation. In 2018, on behalf of her three-year-old son, Sanchez sued Denver Health and Denver Sheriff Department and won a $480,000 settlement.[1] Though many more men are incarcerated than women, the rate of growth of female incarceration has exceeded that of male incarceration for decades. One study estimated that 231,000 women are currently incarcerated in the US,[2] 80 percent of whom are mothers, and 150,000 pregnant.[3] Another recent study of 1,396 incarcerated pregnant women found that 92 percent had live births, 6.5 percent had stillbirths or miscarriages, and 4 percent terminated the pregnancy. The authors found that there is no system of reporting pregnancy outcomes in US prisons. There is a noteworthy ethical lapse in mental, emotional, and medical care that threatens the well-being of pregnant women in prison. According to Carolyn Sufrin, “Pregnant incarcerated people are one of the most marginalized and forgotten groups in our country… and women who don't get counted don't count.” [4] Poor documentation, visibility, and transparency contribute to the systemic abuse of incarcerated women. Studies document women giving birth alone in cells and shackles in solitary confinement. Their complaints regarding contractions, bleeding, and other pains of labor are often ignored.[5] l. Prenatal Care in American Prisons Diana Sanchez was not offered any prenatal care after she was incarcerated. And neither she nor her son received appropriate postnatal care.[6] Sanchez was on medication for opioid withdrawal while pregnant, which could have been detrimental to her baby’s health.[7] There is an unacceptable absence of pre- and postnatal care in most US prisons. A lack of regulation makes the availability of perinatal care unpredictable and unreliable. Several studies confirmed that there is not a standard for prenatal care for women incarcerated during pregnancy. [8] Knowledge of the appropriate mental and physical care pregnant women require, addiction support, and support for maternal-infant bonding all exists outside the prison system and ought to be used as a benchmark. At the very least, pregnant women, birthing women, and new mothers should not be placed in solitary confinement or shackled.[9] In the prenatal arena, depriving an individual of adequate healthcare is not appropriate and could be cruel and unusual. Only 18 percent of funding in prisons goes to health care for the prisoners. That is roughly $5.7 thousand per prisoner, according to an NIH study done in 2015.[10] There should be an adequate amount of funding for the health needs of incarcerated pregnant women. By depriving pregnant women of healthcare, the prisons are depriving the fetus of adequate care. ll. Respect for Autonomy During Incarceration Women maintain healthcare autonomy even when incarcerated. The purpose of a prison sentence is retribution for crimes and rehabilitation to prevent reoffending.[11] The separation of a mother and newborn causes significant developmental and psychological harm to the child and the parent. Parent-child separation does not serve the purpose of retribution or rehabilitation and is authorized only due to prisons’ limited space and resources that make it difficult to accommodate children, as well as a state interest in children’s best interests or the custody rights of the other parent. When it is possible to keep a family together, prisons should make every effort to do so for the health of the mother-child relationship. Incarcerated people may become a burden to family or society due to prison medical neglect. For example, diabetes and hypertension, which can occur during pregnancy, can worsen without treatment. The inability to access the care they would otherwise want and need endangers women and poses a burden to the healthcare system after incarceration, Depersonalizing individuals convicted of crimes must be placed in the context of historical eugenics practices. State-sanctioned sterilization and efforts to prevent women from reproducing were widespread during the early 20th century.[12] Cases of coerced and nonconsensual sterilization of incarcerated women and men evidence the history of eugenics.[13]Abortions are offered to some incarcerated women.[14] However, many incarcerated women are denied the right to see healthcare providers to thoroughly discuss abortion or other options.[15] Although the abortions are consensual, the quality of consent is questionable. lll. Prison Nursery Programs, “I need something to live for…” Indiana Women’s Prison (IWP), a max security female prison, has a program called Wee Ones that enables women convicted of nonviolent crimes to spend 30 months bonding with their newborn child. It is one of eight programs in the country that allows pregnant mothers to spend the last few months of their sentence with their children. It is a voluntary program that allows pregnant offenders a private room in a housing unit. It offers parent education, resources that are accessible after release, and career education. The program application process and the rules to which women must adhere to remain in the program are stringent. The programs generally have a zero-tolerance policy. Even simply sleeping in the same bed as the child or arguing with other mothers can result in termination from the program. Kara, a pregnant woman incarcerated for drug possession, had a history of abuse in her family and tended to act out in anger against her peers in the program. She was learning how to have healthy reactions to anger when handling her child, but her temper ultimately led to her removal from the program. Her son was placed in foster care, and Kara returned to the regular cells. In an interview before her transfer, she told the camera that Charlie gave her a purpose. With tears in her eyes, she said, “Charlie was my way of life here [...] I need something to live for [,] and I screwed up.”[16] Pregnancy in prison can be a way to improve quality of life for some women. Studies demonstrate that nursery programs improve mental health of the incarcerated women.[17] The secure attachment of the infant to its primary caregiver promotes healthy development in the child and a bonded relationship with the mother.[18] The close bond between mother and child in prisons has been shown to decrease recidivism and to reduce the burden on the foster care system.[19] Women who do not qualify for these programs, or are incarcerated in prisons without them, are separated from their newborn babies and their other children. The disconnect can lead to the child rejecting the incarcerated mother once she is released.[20] Programs like Wee Ones honor women’s autonomy while they are incarcerated. During interviews, the women expressed that although raising a child in that environment is difficult, it was better than not being with their children. While rocking a baby in her lap, one inmate expressed her frustrations with Wee Ones but then paused to express gratitude and said, “After all, it’s prison. And prison ain’t supposed to be nice.”[21] The ethical issue of autonomy reflects a more difficult dilemma in the prison landscape. lV. Counter Arguments: Do the Nursery Programs Work for the Children and the Women Typically, newborns are taken from their incarcerated mothers within two to three days of birth and sent to live with a relative or placed in foster care. Many women are never reunited with their babies. There is much debate over whether the programs are beneficial to the children. One ethical issue is whether children, as innocents, are being punished either by being in the prison system or by being separated from their mothers. Skeptics, like James Dwyer, have argued against keeping innocent babies in the custody of incarcerated mothers asserting that there is little evidence demonstrating that the programs rehabilitate the women.[22] Dwyer commented on the “reckless” hopefulness the programs provide: "It might, in fact, be the babies distract them from rehabilitation they should be doing instead. […] They're so focused on childcare and have this euphoria — they think they'll be just fine when they get out of prison and they're not. We just don't know."[23] One study showed that 58 percent of incarcerated women are arrested again after release, 38 percent are reconvicted, and 30 percent return to prison within three years.[24] Dwyer uses this data to argue that the programs are not worthwhile. However, the data is not limited to the special population that had the prison nursery experience. The data applies to all incarcerated women limiting its applicability. More importantly, there is compelling evidence to support prison nursery programs.[25] The programs do decrease recidivism[26] and prison misconduct,[27] and they allow women to create stronger bonds with their children.[28] Bev Little argues that allowing mothers to bond with their babies only delays the inevitable separation and will cause trauma and have other ill effects on the baby. [29] But others feel that stronger maternal-fetal attachment is best for both parties. There is evidence that the bond, once formed, is long-lasting. Later in life, there is less drug addiction among children who stayed in the nursery rather than being separated from their mothers.[30] Another counterargument is that the policies in prison nurseries are not as useful for motherhood outside of the facility; thus, an issue with recidivism occurs because the women are less prepared for motherhood upon release from prison. Prison nursery programs establish methods and procedures for successful motherhood that are unique to operation within correctional environments. Yet, fortunately, parenting classes offered by prisons and jails emphasize sacrifice, self-restraint, and dedicated attention to the baby. These classes aptly apply to motherhood outside of prison.[31] One incarcerated mother experiencing addiction, Kima, was described as ambivalent toward her pregnancy. “It’s something about knowing but not knowing that makes me not accountable or makes me think I’m not accountable,” Kima shared.[32] After the nurse confirmed her pregnancy, she acknowledged fear and knew she would be held accountable to the baby. The occurrence of pregnancy ambivalence is common.[33] A study of a population of prisoners from Rhode Island found that 41 percent of the women expressed ambivalent attitudes about pregnancy. 70 of the women from a population in San Francisco expressed ambivalent or negative attitudes towards pregnancy.[34] But the ambivalence of some women toward pregnancy is not a reason to prevent women who feel differently from reaping the full benefits of programs that support them during pregnancy. Another counterargument is that prison is becoming a comfort that women might seek if they are homeless or housing insecure. For example, Evelyn was released from a San Francisco jail after being arrested for using cocaine. She was 26 weeks pregnant and had a four-year-old son in the custody of her aunt. Following her release, she was homeless and using drugs in the streets. She felt that her only hope of keeping her baby safe was to go back to jail. Like Kima, she had been in and out of jail from a young age. She grew accustomed to and dependent on the care provided there. While incarceration can provide a home and a nursery, there is no ethical reason to argue for making prison less comfortable by separating babies and children from incarcerated women. Instead, these facts suggest we are not doing enough for women outside prisons either. CONCLUSION Many experts stress the dearth of research and information on these women and their babies. There is no empirical data to show how big the problem is, but there is evidence that programs providing nursery care for the children of incarcerated women have many benefits. Because the research is not largescale enough, many pregnant women in the prison system are ignored. Many women give birth in unacceptable conditions, and their children are taken from them the moment the umbilical cord is cut. While the US incarcerates too many women, a movement to expand prison nurseries could help new mothers bond with their children. Strong educational programs could aid in lowering the rates of recidivism by providing therapeutic resources for mothers.[35] There is a growing problem of mass incarceration in the US as many women are placed in correctional facilities. Most of these women are convicted of possession or use of illegal substances.[36] Many women come from disadvantaged backgrounds, poverty, and have experienced addiction. Depriving an expectant mother of adequate care is cruel and irresponsible both to the mother and her innocent child. The criminal justice system is harming children both mentally and physically. Reform of the system is needed to provide the basic care those children need. Programs like IWP’s Wee Ones are necessary for physical, psychological, and social development. A program that offers a place for mothers to raise their babies in the community of other mothers would incentivize and facilitate healthy parental habits. Further programs for mothers who are released from prison would give them valuable resources to keep them from returning and encourage healthy relationships between the mother and the baby. - [1] Li, D. K. Video allegedly shows woman giving birth in Denver jail cell alone, with no assistance. Denver: NBC News, 2019. [2] Kajstura, Aleks. “Women's Mass Incarceration: The Whole Pie 2019.” Prison Policy Initiative, 29 Oct. 2019, https://www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/pie2019women.html. (“Including those in prisons, jails, and other correctional facilities.”) [3] Swavola, E, K Riley and R Subramanian. "Overlooked: Women and Jails in an Era of Reform." Vera Institute of Justice August 2016. [4] Sufrin, C. Pregnant Behind Bars: What We Do and Don't Know About Pregnancy and Incarceration Allison Chang. 21 March 2019. Transcript. [5] Sufrin, C., 2019. (Suffrin expressed that she had seen such practices firsthand working as an OB/GYN for incarcerated women.) [6] Padilla, M. “Woman Gave Birth in Denver Jail Cell Alone, Lawsuit Says,” New York Times, Sep. 1, 2019. [7] Li, D. “Video allegedly shows woman giving birth in Denver jail cell alone, with no assistance,” NBC U.S. News, Apr. 29. 2019. [8] Knittel, A. and C. Sufrin. "Maternal Health Equity and Justice for Pregnant Women Who Experience Incarceration." JAMA Network Open 3.8 (2020). A study in Ontario, Canada, coincided with a study done in Australia. [9] Sufrin, C., et al. "Pregnancy Outcomes in US Prisons, 2016–2017." p. 803-804. [10] Sridhar, S., R. Cornish and S. Fazel. "The Costs of Healthcare in Prison and Custody: Systematic Review of Current Estimates and Proposed Guidelines for Future Reporting." Frontiers in Psychiatry 9.716 (2018). [11] Kifer, M., Hemmens, C., Stohr, M. K. “The Goals of Corrections: Perspectives from the Line” Criminal Justice Review. 1 May 2003 [12] Perry, D. M. "Our Long, Troubling History of Sterilizing the Incarcerated." The Marshall Project: Sterilization of Women in Prison 26 July 2017. [13] Rachel Roth & Sara L. Ainsworth, If They Hand You a Paper, You Sign It: A Call to End the Sterilization of Women in Prison, 26 Hastings WOMEN's L.J. 7 (2015); See Skinner v. Oklahoma ex rel. Williamson, 316 U.S. 535 (1942) (procreation considered a fundamental right; fact pattern of male sterilization in prison based on type of crime.) [14] Sufrin, C., M. D. Creinin, J. C. Chang. “Incarcerated Women and Abortion Provision: A Survey of Correctional Health Providers.” Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health. p. 6-11. 23 March 2009. [15] Kasdan, D. “Abortion Access for Incarcerated Women: Are Correctional Health Practices in Conflict with Constitutional Standards?” Guttmacher Institute. 26 March 2009. [16] Born Behind Bars. Season 1, Episode 5, “They Can Take Your Baby Away,” produced by Luke Ellis, Francis Gasparini, & Jen Wise, aired on 15 Nov. 2017 A&E Networks [17] Bick, J., & Dozier, M. (2008). Helping Foster Parents Change: The Role of Parental State of Mind. In H. Steele & M. Steele (Eds.), Clinical applications of the Adult Attachment Interview (pp. 452–470). New York: Guilford Press. [18]Sroufe, L. A., B. Egeland, E. A. Carlson, W. A. Collins. (2005). The Development of the Person: The Minnesota Study of Risk and Adaptation from Birth to Adulthood. New York: Guilford Press. [19] Goshin, L. S., & Byrne, M. W. “Converging Streams of Opportunity for Prison Nursery Programs in the United States.” Journal of Offender Rehabilitation. 15 Apr 2009. [20] Babies Behind Bars. Dirs. W. Serrill and S. O'Brien. 2015. Another IWP pregnant woman is Taylor. At the time of the show, she was pregnant and expecting twins. In interviews throughout the episode, she expressed how her pregnancies in prison had put her in a better mood and felt beneficial to her. She had tried to sign up for the nursery program for her previous pregnancy, but her sentence was too long to get it. Her child was sent to live with a caregiver, and when Taylor was on probation, Taylor’s daughter didn’t want to be around Taylor. Taylor was so distraught that she messed up and went back, this time, pregnant with twins. After she was reincarcerated, she was able to be accepted into Wee Ones. She expressed to the camera man that the program might help her feel more like a mother so that when she gets out, she will have someone to care for. Taylor, Kara, and many other women depend on their children or their pregnancy for a purpose while behind bars. They relied on their babies to be a boon for them. [21] Babies Behind Bars. Dirs. W. Serrill and S. O'Brien. 2015. [22] Corley, C. "Programs Help Incarcerated Moms Bond with Their Babies in Prison." Criminal Justice Collaborative (2018). [23] Corley, C. "Programs Help Incarcerated Moms Bond with Their Babies in Prison." Criminal Justice Collaborative (2018). [24] Owen, B. & Crow, J. “Recidivism among Female Prisoners: Secondary Analysis of the 1994 BJS Recidivism Data Set” Department of Criminology California State University (2006) p. 28 [25] Prison Nursery Programs: Literature Review and Fact Sheet for CT. Diamond Research Consulting, 2012, www.cga.ct.gov/2013/JUDdata/tmy/2013HB-06642-R000401-Sarah Diamond - Director, Diamond Research Consulting-TMY.PDF. [26] New York Department of Correction Services (NYDOCS). (1993). Profile of Participants: The Bedford and Taconic Nursery Program in 1992. Albany, NY. Department of Correction Services.Rowland, M., & Watts, A. (2007). Washington State’s effort to the generational impact on crime. Corrections Today. Retrieved September 12, 2007, from http://www. aca.org/publications/pdf/Rowland_Watts_Aug07.pdf. [27] Carlson, J. R. (2001). Prison nursery 2000: A five-year review of the prison nursery at the Nebraska Correctional Center for Women. Journal of Offender Rehabilitation, 33, 75–97. [28] Carlson, J.R. [29] Little, B. "What Happens When a Woman Gives Birth Behind Bars?" A+E Networks, 29 October 2019. <https://www.aetv.com/real-crime/what-happens-when-a-woman-gives-birth-in-jail-or-prison>. [30] Margolies, J. K., & Kraft-Stolar, T. When “Free” Means Losing Your Mother: The Collision of Child Welfare and the Incarceration of Women in New York State 1, 9 (Correctional Association of N.Y. Women in Prison Project 2006) [31] Sufrin, C. Jailcare: Finding the Safety Net for Women Behind Bars. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2017. [32] Sufrin, C. Jailcare: p. 155. [33] Peart, M. S. & Knittel, A. K. “Contraception need and available services among incarcerated women in the United States: a systematic review.” Contraception and Reproductive Medicine. 17 March 2020 [34] LaRochelle, F., C. Castro, J. Goldenson, J. P. Tulsky, D.L. Cohan, P. D. Blumenthal, et al. “Contraceptive use and barriers to access among newly arrested women.” J Correct Health Care. (2012) p. 111–119. [35] Goshin, L., & Byrne, M. (2009). “Converging streams of opportunity for prison nursery programs in the United States.” Journal of Offender Rehabilitation. 2009. p.271–295. [36] Elizabeth Swavola, Kristine Riley, Ram Subramanian. Overlooked: Women and Jails in an Era of Reform. New York: Vera Institute of Justice, 2016.

Pornography is a fictional media genre that depicts sexual fantasies and explicitly presents naked bodies and sexual activities for the purpose of sexual arousal (Williams, 1989; McKee et al., 2020). Regarding media ethics and media effects, pornography has traditionally been viewed as highly problematic. Pornographic material has been accused of portraying sexuality in unhealthy, morally questionable and often sexist ways, thereby harming performers, audiences, and society at large. In the age of the Internet, pornography has become more diverse, accessible, and widespread than ever (Döring, 2009; Miller et al., 2020). Consequently, the depiction of sexuality in pornography is the focus of a growing number of content analyses of both mass media (e.g., erotic and pornographic novels and movies) and social media (e.g., erotic and pornographic stories, photos and videos shared via online platforms). Typically, pornography’s portrayals of sexuality are examined by measuring the prevalence and frequency of sexual practices or relational dynamics and related gender roles via quantitative content analysis (for research reviews see Carrotte et al., 2020; Miller & McBain, 2022). This entry focuses on the representation of performer demographics (such as sex/gender, age, and race/ethnicity) as one of eight important dimensions of the portrayals of sexuality in pornography. Field of application/theoretical foundation: In the field of pornographic media content research, different theories are used, mainly 1) general media effects theories, 2) sexual media effects theories, 3) gender role, feminist and queer theories, 4) sexual fantasy and desire theories, and different 5) mold theories versus mirror theories. The DOCA entry “Conceptual Overview (Portrayals of Sexuality in Pornography)” introduces all these theories and explains their application to pornography. The respective theories are applicable to the analysis of the depiction of performer demographics as one dimension of portrayals of sexuality in pornography. References/combination with other methods of data collection: Manual quantitative content analyses of pornographic material can be combined with qualitative (e.g., Keft-Kennedy, 2008) as well as computational (e.g., Seehuus et al., 2019) content analyses. Furthermore, content analyses can be complemented with qualitative interviews and quantitative surveys to investigate perceptions and evaluations of the portrayals of sexuality in pornography among pornography’s creators and performers (e.g., West, 2019) and audiences (e.g., Cowan & Dunn, 1994; Hardy et al., 2022; Paasoonen, 2021; Shor, 2022). Additionally, experimental studies are helpful to measure directly how different dimensions of pornographic portrayals of sexuality are perceived and evaluated by recipients, and if and how these portrayals can affect audiences’ sexuality-related thoughts, feelings, and behaviors (e.g., Kohut & Fisher, 2013; Miller et al., 2019). Example studies for manual quantitative content analyses: Common research hypotheses in relation to performer demographics state that pornography portrays sexuality in a sexist manner entailing violence towards and degradation of women, usually perpetrated by men. In addition, it is hypothesized that pornographic portrayals of sexuality are asymmetric in terms of showing men in superior and dominating, and women in subordinate and submissive, positions. This sex/gender asymmetry can be reflected in demographic variables such as social status (difference) or age (difference). Furthermore, mainstream pornography is critized for its racist portrayal of sexuality. This means that non-White performers are underrepresented and if they are represented are often depicted according to racial/ethnic stereotypes. To test such hypotheses and code pornographic material accordingly, it is necessary to clarify demographic concepts such as sex/gender, age, and race/ethnicity and use valid and reliable measures. It is important to note that in the context of pornographic content research, researchers conceptualize demographic characteristics differently and that two different approaches to coding are available: Direct coding based on the person’s appearance (e.g., apparent sex/gender, age or skin color) versus indirect coding based on meta-information about the material, such as the sub-genre category the material belongs to (e.g., pornography category “Asian” displaying Asian-looking performers or “Teen” displaying adult performers who look very young). If applying an intersectional theoretical framework (see DOCA entry “Conceptual Overview (Portrayals of Sexuality in Pornography)”) the researcher would need to code each performer in terms of multiple demographic variables. Coding Material Measure Operationalization (excerpt) Reliability Source Sex/gender: Most analyses of the way sexuality is portrayed in pornography hypothesize (or, at least, acknowledge the possibility) that men and women are depicted differently (e.g., that men are more likely to be depicted as the perpetrators of violent behaviors and that women are more likely to be depicted as recipients of violent behaviors). Accordingly, coding the sex/gender of performers is often essential to addressing research questions in this area. The term gender is often preferred when referring to people as groups, as gender reflects a social categorization, whereas sex reflects a biological categorization (American Psychological Association, 2020). While many content analyses of pornography address sex/gender differences they do not present any standardized measures for the demographic variable of sex/gender. The measure presented below is one of the rare exceptions, but it remains vague in its coding instructions and the meanings of the value “other”. N=50 segments (length 20 min. each) from a random sample of 50 bestselling pornographic films (1 segment per film) depicting a total of 1,109 sexual behaviors Sex/gender (based on performer appearance) “Coder’s perception of character’s sex based on primary and secondary sex characteristics.” Polytomous coding (1: male; 2: female; 3: other). Cohen’s Kappa: 1.0 Willis et al. (2020) Age: Performer age may be a variable of interest in its own right (e.g., if investigating whether pornography has a bias toward depicting performers in their early 20s). Alternatively, performer age may be recorded to investigate differential depictions by age group (e.g., investigating whether younger female performers are more likely to be depicted as submissive than older female performers). It should be noted that a performer’s age may be different to their character’s age (as is often the case in the legal pornography category “Teen”, where young characters are played by adult performers; Willis et al, 2020). It should be noted that reliable coding of age (of the performer or of the performed character) is difficult as tools such as make-up, costume, lighting, filters can greatly bias impressions. This problem is reflected in the available measures that cannot ensure sufficient reliability. N=50 best-selling pornographic videos and DVDs in Australia in 2003 with 838 sexual scenes Age of performer (based on performer appearance) Performer age. Polytomous coding (1: 18-30 years; 2: 31-40 years; 3: 41-50 years; 4: 51+ years). Not available McKee et al. (2008) N=50 segments (length 20 min. each) from a random sample of 50 bestselling pornographic films (1 segment per film) depicting a total of 1,109 sexual behaviors Age of character (based on character appearance) “Coder’s perception of character’s age—not the actor’s—based on physical appearance.” Note: some characters were clearly intended to be under 18 years of age, but their actors were likely older. Polytomous coding (1: <18; 2: 18-20; 3: 21-30; 4: 31-40; 5: 41-50; 6: >50 years). Cohen’s Kappa: .47 Willis et al. (2020) Race/Ethnicity: Critical analyses of racism in pornography address the mere visibility of different races/ethnicities as well as racial/ethnic stereotypes, such as Black men being depicted as sexually aggressive and well-endowed or Asian women being depicted as petite, submissive and docile (Miller & McBain, 2022). N=269 popular pornographic videos from different PornHub.com sub-genre categories Race/ethnicity (based on pornographic sub-genre category) Videos selected/coded according to race/ethnicity-related sub-genre categories on PornHub. Polytomous coding (1: “Asian/Japanese” PornHub categeory; 2: “Interracial” PornHub category; 3: “Ebony” PornHub category; 4: “Latina” PornHub category). Not applicable Shor & Seida (2019) N=45 pornographic videos from 15 different adult websites (3 videos per website) Race/ethnicity (based on performer appearance) Performers coded according to physical appearance. Binary coding (1: White; 2: non-White/other race). Not available Gorman et al. (2010) N=50 segments (length 20 min. each) from a random sample of 50 bestselling pornographic films (1 segment per film) depicting a total of 1,109 sexual behaviors Race/ethnicity (based on performer appearance) “Coder’s perception of character’s race based on physical appearance.” Polytomous coding (1: White; 2: Black; 3: Asian; 4: Latina/o; 5: Native American; 6: other). Cohen’s Kappa: .94 Willis et al. (2020) ReferencesAmerican Psychological Association. (2020). Publication manual of the American Psychological Association (7th ed.).Carrotte, E. R., Davis, A. C., & Lim, M. S. (2020). Sexual behaviors and violence in pornography: Systematic review and narrative synthesis of video content analyses. Journal of Medical Internet Research, 22(5), Article e16702. https://doi.org/10.2196/16702Cowan, G., & Dunn, K. F. (1994). What themes in pornography lead to perceptions of the degradation of women? Journal of Sex Research, 31(1), 11–21. https://doi.org/10.1080/00224499409551726Döring, N. (2009). The Internet’s impact on sexuality: A critical review of 15 years of research. Computers in Human Behavior, 25(5), 1089–1101. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2009.04.003Gorman, S., Monk-Turner, E., & Fish, J. N. (2010). Free adult internet web sites: How prevalent are degrading acts? Gender Issues, 27(3-4), 131–145. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12147-010-9095-7Hardy, J., Kukkonen, T., & Milhausen, R. (2022). Examining sexually explicit material use in adults over the age of 65 years. The Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality, 31(1), 117–129. https://doi.org/10.3138/cjhs.2021-0047Keft-Kennedy, V. (2008). Fantasising masculinity in Buffyverse slash fiction: Sexuality, violence, and the vampire. Nordic Journal of English Studies, 7(1), 49–80.Kohut, T., & Fisher, W. A. (2013). The impact of brief exposure to sexually explicit video clips on partnered female clitoral self-stimulation, orgasm and sexual satisfaction. The Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality, 22(1), 40–50. https://doi.org/10.3138/cjhs.935McKee, A. (2015). Methodological issues in defining aggression for content analyses of sexually explicit material. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 44(1), 81–87. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-013-0253-3McKee, A., Byron, P., Litsou, K., & Ingham, R. (2020). An interdisciplinary definition of pornography: Results from a global Delphi panel. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 49(3), 1085–1091. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-019-01554-4Miller, D. J., & McBain, K. A. (2022). The content of contemporary, mainstream pornography: A literature review of content analytic studies. American Journal of Sexuality Education, 17(2), 219–256. https://doi.org/10.1080/15546128.2021.2019648Miller, D. J., McBain, K. A., & Raggatt, P. T. F. (2019). An experimental investigation into pornography’s effect on men’s perceptions of the likelihood of women engaging in porn-like sex. Psychology of Popular Media Culture, 8(4), 365–375. https://doi.org/10.1037/ppm0000202Miller, D. J., Raggatt, P. T. F., & McBain, K. (2020). A literature review of studies into the prevalence and frequency of men’s pornography use. American Journal of Sexuality Education, 15(4), 502–529. https://doi.org/10.1080/15546128.2020.1831676Paasonen, S. (2021). “We watch porn for the fucking, not for romantic tiptoeing”: Extremity, fantasy and women’s porn use. Porn Studies, 1–14. https://doi.org/10.1080/23268743.2021.1956366Seehuus, M., Stanton, A. M., & Handy, A. B. (2019). On the content of "real-world" sexual fantasy: Results from an analysis of 250,000+ anonymous text-based erotic fantasies. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 48(3), 725–737. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-018-1334-0Shor, E. (2022). Who seeks aggression in pornography? Findings from interviews with viewers. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 51(2), 1237–1255. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-021-02053-1Shor, E., & Seida, K. (2019). "Harder and harder"? Is mainstream pornography becoming increasingly violent and do viewers prefer violent content? Journal of Sex Research, 56(1), 16–28. https://doi.org/10.1080/00224499.2018.1451476West, C. (2019). Pornography and ethics: An interview with porn performer Blath. Porn Studies, 6(2), 264–267. https://doi.org/10.1080/23268743.2018.1505540Williams, L. (1989). Hard Core: Power, pleasure, and the frenzy of the visible. University of California Press.Willis, M., Canan, S. N., Jozkowski, K. N., & Bridges, A. J. (2020). Sexual consent communication in best-selling pornography films: A content analysis. Journal of Sex Research, 57(1), 52–63. https://doi.org/10.1080/00224499.2019.1655522

Photo by 193001056 © Yee Xin Tan on Dreamstime.com ABSTRACT Suicide and overdose, associated with perinatal mental health conditions, are the leading causes of maternal mortality in the United States. Experts in the field of perinatal mental health are using perinatal mood and anxiety disorders (PMAD) as an umbrella term that includes many mental health conditions and bring to light the lack of screening and treatment for perinatal mental health in the United States. There is a growing need to equip Obstetricians and Gynecologist (OB-GYN) providers with better tools to screen, triage, and refer to mental health services that are equitable and immediately accessible to their patients. Integrating a tech-enabled perinatal collaborative care model with peer-to-peer coaching as the driver of behavior change is a novel approach to addressing the maternal mental health crisis by improving outcomes, reducing disparities, and lowering costs. INTRODUCTION Over the past two decades, maternal mortality and other maternal health outcomes have worsened in the United States disproportionately to those in other developed countries.[1] In 2021, 1,205 pregnant women died in the US, representing a 40 percent increase in maternal death from 2020 and the highest rise in rates since the 1960s.[2] Suicide and overdose associated with perinatal mental health conditions are the leading causes of maternal mortality.[3] Mental health-related deaths are most likely to occur after six weeks postpartum.[4] Despite the postpartum period representing a higher risk for mental health conditions, historically, only a single postpartum visit is performed between 4 and 6 weeks after delivery. 40 percent of women do not attend a postpartum visit.[5] Recent data from Maternal Mortality Review Committees reveal that 80 percent of maternal deaths are preventable. The maternal mental health crisis represents a unique ethical dilemma. For perinatal women, the current healthcare system is unjust. There is a growing need to equip obstetricians and gynecologists (OB-GYNs) with the tools to screen, triage, and refer patients to mental health services that are equitable and immediately accessible to their patients. This paper will analyze the current state of perinatal mental healthcare in America. It will introduce the Psychiatric Collaborative Care Model and demonstrate its effectiveness. I highlight research performed using the Psychiatric Collaborative Care Model in obstetrics as well as barriers to real-world implementation. Lastly, this paper will argue that the integration of a tech-enabled perinatal collaborative care model with peer-to-peer coaching as the driver of behavior change would improve outcomes, reduce disparities, and lower costs. I. Scope of the Problem Prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, the prevalence of postpartum depression ranged from 13.2 percent, to as high as 23.5 percent, of births in the US.[6] The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated this issue, with studies revealing up to 1 in 3 postpartum women experiencing postpartum depression.[7] Although postpartum depression has been the focus of perinatal mental health conditions, it is just the tip of the iceberg. Experts in the field of perinatal mental health are now using perinatal mood and anxiety disorders as an umbrella term that includes perinatal depression, anxiety, obsessive-compulsive disorder, post-traumatic stress disorder, bipolar disorder, and psychosis from the prenatal period through the first year postpartum. Socio-economically disadvantaged women are at increased risk of experiencing perinatal mood and anxiety disorders and face greater barriers to high-quality mental health care.[8] The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG) recommends that physicians perform postpartum depression screenings during pregnancy. The Health Resources and Services Administration provides Healthy Start Initiative Grants to communities with high rates of adverse perinatal outcomes. Yet, the Healthcare Effectiveness Data and Information Set (HEDIS) reveals that screening in both pregnancy and the postpartum period occurs in fewer than 20 percent of patients.[9] Furthermore, in the US, if screening does occur, only 22 percent of women who are deemed positive in their screening receive mental health care.[10] The United States is currently experiencing a shortage of mental health providers that is expected to worsen in the upcoming years.[11] Nearly half of all Americans currently live in a mental health professional desert.[12] Waitlists for therapists and psychiatrists average 48 days, and individuals report not seeking mental health care due to cost or lack of insurance coverage.[13] Given the significant mental health provider shortage, obstetric providers have a unique opportunity to care for the “whole patient” during and after pregnancy by addressing not only their physical health but also their mental health. Approximately one-third of women consider their OB-GYN their primary care provider during and after pregnancy, and over 50 percent of OB-GYNs perceive themselves as primary care providers for women, supporting primary, specialty, and preventive care.[14] Medicaid covers 42 percent of all births in the US, and more than half of all births in some states, thus OB-GYNs provide a disproportionate amount of care for poor and minority women as compared to other specialties.[15] Yet, OB-GYN providers commonly feel hesitant to screen for depression due to the shortage of therapists and psychiatrists to address the mental health needs of their patients, particularly in the Medicaid population.[16] As a result, fewer than 10 percent of pregnant women with mental health conditions receive adequate treatment.[17] A recent study of 288 obstetrics fellows revealed that 84 percent prescribed SSRIs to their patients; obstetricians are filling the mental health provider gap and taking ownership over their patients’ mental health.[18] Despite ACOG’s recommendations that obstetrics providers screen for and treat mental health conditions in the perinatal period, OB-GYNs do not receive formal mental health training during residency or fellowship and do not typically use validated tools such as the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders-Forth Edition (DSM-IV) for diagnosis of depression or prior to prescribing antidepressants. Their lack of a standard reference can lead to misdiagnoses.[19] In fact, 22 percent of women screened and found to have postpartum depression are later diagnosed with bipolar disorder.[20] Screening and treatment for perinatal mood and anxiety disorders are further impacted by patients’ lack of trust in healthcare providers. Distrust between patients, particularly those receiving Medicaid, and their OB-GYNs in the US is high and strongly associated with worse self-reported health outcomes.[21] Notably, women with Medicaid coverage reported being treated unfairly and with disrespect by providers because of their race and insurance status. They reported a loss of decision-making autonomy during labor and delivery and less postpartum emotional and practical support at home.[22] Many women do not feel comfortable discussing mental disorders with a healthcare provider.[23] Connecting perinatal women to a person with shared lived experiences, known as peer-to-peer engagement or coaching, may be a simple solution. II. Collaborative Care Model The Psychiatric Collaborative Care Model (collaborative care), developed by the University of Washington in 2002, is an integrated behavioral health approach designed to treat common mental health conditions such as depression and anxiety that require measurement-based follow-up due to their chronic nature.[24] Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services issued billing codes for the Psychiatric Collaborative Care Model in 2016. Medicare adopted them in 2017, and they were widely operationalized in the primary care field.[25] As of 2022, the collaborative care billing codes have been adopted by 19 state Medicaid plans.[26] The collaborative care model facilitates the integration of a behavioral health care manager, typically a licensed therapist or care worker, in the primary care setting. The behavioral health care manager can provide in-person or virtual care and facilitate mental health screenings, symptom monitoring, psychiatric consultations, and care coordination.[27] A psychiatric consultant, typically a board-certified psychiatrist or psychiatric nurse practitioner, is an integrated behavioral health provider on the collaborative care team. Psychiatric consultants do not see patients one on one. Rather, they review complex or treatment-resistant cases and provide psychiatric management recommendations to the primary provider. Thus, the primary care team is expanded by two members who provide behavioral health expertise to the primary care provider, who is ultimately the prescribing provider if any psychoactive medications are indicated.[28] This model has been tested in over 90 randomized clinical trials evaluating efficacy for the treatment of depression and anxiety across multiple medical specialties.[29] Data from the primary care setting indicate that this integrated behavioral health approach is both successful and more cost-effective than usual care for patients with behavioral health conditions.[30] Studies show that the collaborative care model improves clinical outcomes and lowers costs, returning $6.50 for every dollar spent on treatment of depression. Furthermore, the model is effective across diverse patient populations.[31] III. Evidence for Collaborative Care in Obstetrics The success of the collaborative care model for identifying anxiety and depression in the primary care setting and its potential for cost savings suggest that implementation of perinatal collaborative care for perinatal mood and anxiety disorders is a feasible approach.[32] Randomized clinical trials showed significant improvement in quality care, depression severity, and remission rates from before birth to 18 months postbaseline for socioeconomically disadvantaged women.[33] In addition, collaborative care is associated with mitigating racial disparities in antenatal depression care; it may be an equity-promoting intervention for maternal health.[34] The trials faced limitations, including the inability to establish causality, and the researchers recommended further research. Although further research is warranted, the collaborative care model in obstetrics programs has indicated improved depression outcomes. IV. Barriers to Adoption of a Collaborative Care Model in Obstetrics Despite promising results, implementation is limited, and collaborative care is billable under Medicaid in only 19 states.[35] Large health systems have difficulty operationalizing a collaborative care model in obstetrics due to implementation costs, mental health provider shortages, and administrative burdens. More evidence of financial benefits to obstetrics clinics, hospitals, and health systems is needed. Additionally, obstetric practices must adapt to updated care plans, and obstetricians must be motivated to become involved in behavioral health issues and potentially broaden their scope of practice.[36] As this is a major ask from practices and providers, robust evidence is lacking to show that a perinatal collaborative care model can be applied without the resources and infrastructure of a randomized trial. V. Peer-to-Peer Engagement Peer support in healthcare is growing. Peer support is defined as help and support that people with lived experiences can give one another.[37] Effective examples of peer support or engagement are found in addiction, mental health services, and the workforce. Regarding addiction recovery support, a systematic review concluded that peer support interventions have a beneficial effect on participants and positively contribute to substance use outcomes.[38] Peer support is highly used in medicine and other professions when attending physicians or skilled professionals train new colleagues. The nursing profession uses peer support to help deliver quality care and reduce symptoms of burnout.[39] Peer support has been well described in literature, and programs differ in their methodology and delivery. The feasibility and maintenance of peer support programs are possible through collaboration with all healthcare stakeholders.[40] Understanding that shared experiences establish a foundation of trust may help obstetricians see peers as a way to bridge the gap. A peer coach may be valuable in the collaborative care model. VI. Integrating Peer-to-Peer into the Collaborative Care Model for Obstetrics Currently, a start-up based in Boston and Philadelphia, FamilyWell, has piloted tech-enabled peer-to-peer engagement into a collaborative care model for obstetric patients. The company strives to solve the perinatal mental health crisis and close the health equity gap in the US by applying a text messaging platform to connect expecting and newly postpartum mothers with peer coaches. Peer coaches are trained to support perinatal mothers, defined as third-trimester pregnancy through 12 months postpartum, by providing quality support based on the latest research. Coaches have their own unique birth and postpartum stories, making them relatable and equipped to support mothers through the ups and downs of parenthood.[41] Increased education, screening, and treatment for perinatal mood and anxiety disorders co-occur as connections are being made through texting and virtual visits with coaches. On demand texting with coaches ensures no mother feels alone and that mothers have a safe space to ask questions and process emotions. If needed, enrolled moms can request longer virtual coaching sessions of 50 minutes with certified perinatal mental health coaches, who focus on current issues and how to move forward and feel better, accomplished through cognitive behavioral coaching techniques.[42] The platform schedules automated text messages containing educational content. Individual care plans are developed in collaboration with an individual’s OB and include monthly mental health screenings during and post-pregnancy. Notably, at three-week postpartum, participants are sent the Edinburg postnatal depression scale 3 (EPDS-3) questions via text messages.[43] This screening is three weeks prior to the national six-weeks postpartum screening recommendation and focuses on antepartum anxiety, which represents a risk factor for depression.[44] If an individual needs more mental health support compared to coaching, virtual therapy sessions are available through the platform, giving access to licensed therapist, specializing in perinatal mental health without extensive waitlist. Therapists can diagnosis and provide medication management if needed. FamilyWell CEO and founder, Jessica Gaulton, revealed that preliminary data collected during the first two months of the company’s launch, limited to the Philadelphia, PA region and three clinics, indicated that 24 postpartum mothers consented to the program. A total of 3,000 texts were exchanged, and 44.2 percent of those texts came from participants to peer coaches.[45] The platform expediates appropriate referrals, creates individualized maternal wellness treatment plans, and serves as a resource for navigating the medical system. VII. Providing Justice in the Maternal Healthcare System The well-being of mothers is a bellwether for the well-being of society; every injustice in our society shows up in maternal health.[46] Earlier, broader, and more frequent screening combined with direct mental health access is essential to address perinatal mood and anxiety disorders and ultimately the maternal mortality rate. Integrating collaborative care with peer-to-peer coaching provides new mothers with direct support and follow-up care. This simple yet novel integration begins to close the gap by providing equitable care. The tech-based platform’s research and success highlight that a broader focus on screening is critical. Limiting mental illness to depression fails to serve women adequately. Expanding criteria to screen for indicators of future depression, such as anxiety, is a simple, proactive step. A relatable peer may be a critical factor in helping perinatal women feel comfortable openly discussing problems they are facing and beginning conversations not otherwise occurring in a perinatal or postpartum visit. Companies like FamilyWell can contribute to making collaborative care feasible in the OB-GYN setting. Having an outside organization with peer-coaches building a foundation of trust and championing the collaborative care model reduces the burden for overworked obstetricians. Furthermore, the tech-based platform can organize and facilitate interprofessional communications, which rarely take place in the current system.[47] The texting and telehealth approach brings compassion, care, and more frequent contact directly to the patient, which is critical for socioeconomically disadvantaged women as they are the demographic not properly accessing care now. As the coaches and behavior care coordinator make the referrals for mental health services that align with a mother’s insurance coverage, they reduce stress for new mothers who might not know where to begin when navigating the mental health care system. Additionally, obstetricians may feel more comfortable performing mental health screenings knowing their patients can access mental health care. CONCLUSION The perinatal mental health crisis is significant. Women are currently experiencing injustice in the healthcare system due to a lack of trust, screening, and effective, accessible care. The psychiatric collaborative care model has been proven effective in the primary care setting, and randomized clinical trials conclude it is also effective in obstetrics, but barriers exist. Integrating peer-to-peer coaching through a tech-enabled platform into obstetrics collaborative care may eliminate barriers and build trust between patients and the healthcare system. More research is needed to show the efficacy of a tech-enabled model, and more research is critical to demonstrate that this model can be financially sustainable and revenue-generating for hospitals and obstetrics departments. However, this simple novel step may begin to generate equitable care for women and potentially save lives. - [1] Collier, A. R. Y., & Molina, R. L. (2019). Maternal mortality in the United States: updates on trends, causes, and solutions. Neoreviews, 20(10), e561-e574. [2] Hoyert, D. L. (2023). Maternal Mortality Rates in the United States, 2021.Health E-Stats. National Center for Health Statistics. Centers for Disease Control. https://dx.doi.org/10.15620/cdc:124678 [3] Miller, E. S., Grobman, W. A., Ciolino, J. D., Zumpf, K., Sakowicz, A., Gollan, J., & Wisner, K. L. (2021). Increased depression screening and treatment recommendations after implementation of a perinatal collaborative care program. Psychiatric Services, 72(11), 1268-1275. [4] Trost, S. L., Beauregard, J. L., Smoots, A. N., Ko, J. Y., Haight, S. C., Moore Simas, T. A., ... & Goodman, D. (2021). Preventing Pregnancy-Related Mental Health Deaths: Insights From 14 US Maternal Mortality Review Committees, 2008–17: Study examines maternal mortality and mental health. Health Affairs, 40(10), 1551-1559. [5] Blenning, C. E., & Paladine, H. L. (2005). An approach to the postpartum office visit. American Family Physician, 72(12), 2491-2496; ACOG Committee Opinion No. 736: Optimizing Postpartum Care. Obstetrics and gynecology, 132(3), 784–785. https://doi.org/10.1097/AOG.0000000000002849 [6]Bauman, B. L., Ko, J. Y., Cox, S., D'Angelo Mph, D. V., Warner, L., Folger, S., Tevendale, H. D., Coy, K. C., Harrison, L., & Barfield, W. D. (2020). Vital Signs: Postpartum Depressive Symptoms and Provider Discussions About Perinatal Depression - United States, 2018. MMWR. Morbidity and mortality weekly report, 69(19), 575–581. https://doi.org/10.15585/mmwr.mm6919a2 [7] Shuman, C.J., Peahl, A.F., Pareddy, N. (2022) Postpartum depression and associated risk factors during the COVID-19 pandemic. BMC Res Notes 15, 102. https://doi.org/10.1186/s13104-022-05991-8 [8] Grote, N. K., Katon, W. J., Russo, J. E., Lohr, M. J., Curran, M., Galvin, E., & Carson, K. (2015). Collaborative care for perinatal depression in socioeconomically disadvantaged women: a randomized trial. Depression and Anxiety, 32(11), 821-834. [9] HESI Annual Report. HESI. (2022, November). Retrieved April 30, 2023, from Special-Report-Nov-2022-Results-for-Measures-Leveraging-Electronic-Clinical-Data-for-HEDIS.pdf (ncqa.org) [10] Byatt, N., Levin, L. L., Ziedonis, D., Moore Simas, T. A., & Allison, J. (2015). Enhancing Participation in Depression Care in Outpatient Perinatal Care Settings: A Systematic Review. Obstetrics and Gynecology, 126(5), 1048–1058. https://doi.org/10.1097/AOG.0000000000001067 [11] Satiani, A., Niedermier, J., Satiani, B., & Svendsen, D. P. (2018). Projected Workforce of Psychiatrists in the United States: A Population Analysis. Psychiatric Services (Washington, D.C.), 69(6), 710–713. https://doi.org/10.1176/appi.ps.201700344 [12] Bureau of Health Workforce Health Resources and Services Administration (HRSA) U.S. Department of Health & Human Services. (April 27, 2023) Designated Health Professional Shortage Areas Statistics, Second Quarter of Fiscal Year 2023 Designated HPSA Quarterly Summary. https://data.hrsa.gov/Default/GenerateHPSAQuarterlyReport [13] Coward, K. (2021). New data shows CCBHCs improve behavioral health access, reduce wait times. Behavioral Health Business. https://bhbusiness.com/2021/05/25/new-data-shows-ccbhcs-improve-behavioral-health-access-reduce-wait-times; The United States Government. (2022, June 17). Reducing the economic burden of unmet mental health needs - CEA. The White House. Retrieved April 30, 2023, from https://www.whitehouse.gov/cea/written-materials/2022/05/31/reducing-the-economic-burden-of-unmet-mental-health-needs/ [14] LaRocco-Cockburn, A., Reed, S. D., Melville, J., Croicu, C., Russo, J. E., Inspektor, M., ... & Katon, W. (2013). Improving depression treatment for women: integrating a collaborative care depression intervention into OB-GYN care. Contemporary clinical trials, 36(2), 362-370. [15] Raney, L. (2020). Cracking the codes: State Medicaid approaches to reimbursing psychiatric collaborative care. Oakland, California Health Care Foundation. [16] Hansen, M. E. D., Tobón, A. L., Haider, U. K., Simas, T. A. M., Newsome, M., Finelli, J., ... & Byatt, N. (2023). The role of perinatal psychiatry access programs in advancing mental health equity. General Hospital Psychiatry. [17] Cox, E. Q., Sowa, N. A., Meltzer-Brody, S. E., & Gaynes, B. N. (2016). The perinatal depression treatment cascade: baby steps toward improving outcomes. The Journal of clinical psychiatry, 77(9), 20901. [18] Taouk, L. H., Matteson, K. A., Stark, L. M., & Schulkin, J. (2018). Prenatal depression screening and antidepressant prescription: obstetrician-gynecologists' practices, opinions, and interpretation of evidence. Archives of women's mental health, 21(1), 85–91. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00737-017-0760-7 [19] Garbarino, A. H., Kohn, J. R., Coverdale, J. H., & Kilpatrick, C. C. (2019). Current Trends in Psychiatric Education Among Obstetrics and Gynecology Residency Programs. Academic psychiatry: the journal of the American Association of Directors of Psychiatric Residency Training and the Association for Academic Psychiatry, 43(3), 294–299. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40596-019-01018-w ; [20] Wisner, K. L., Sit, D. K., McShea, M. C., Rizzo, D. M., Zoretich, R. A., Hughes, C. L.,& Hanusa, B. H. (2013). Onset timing, thoughts of self-harm, and diagnoses in postpartum women with screen-positive depression findings. JAMA psychiatry, 70(5), 490-498 [21] Armstrong, K., Rose, A., Peters, N., Long, J. A., McMurphy, S., & Shea, J. A. (2006). Distrust of the health care system and self-reported health in the United States. Journal of general internal medicine, 21(4), 292–297. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1525-1497.2006.00396.x [22] Declercq, E., & Zephyrin, L. (2020). Maternal mortality in the United States: A Primer. Commonwealth Fund. https://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/issue-brief-report/2020/dec/maternal-mortality-united-states-primer [23] Scholle, S. H., & Kelleher, K. (2003). Preferences for depression advice among low-income women. Maternal and child health journal, 7(2), 95–102. https://doi.org/10.1023/a:1023864810207https://doi.org/10.1023/a:1023864810207 [24] AIMS Center. (n.d.). Collaborative care. https://aims.uw.edu/collaborative-care [25] Press, M. J., Howe, R., Schoenbaum, M., Cavanaugh, S., Marshall, A., Baldwin, L., & Conway, P. H. (2017). Medicare payment for behavioral health integration. n Engl j Med, 376(5), 405-407. [26] Chang, D., Morrison, D. J., Bowen, D. J., Harris, H. M., Dusic, E. J., Velasquez, M. B., & Ratzliff, A. D. H. (2023). Making It to Sustainability: Evaluating Billing Strategies for Collaborative Care. Psychiatric services (Washington, D.C.), appips20220596. Advance online publication. https://doi.org/10.1176/appi.ps.20220596 [27] Miller, E. S., Jensen, R., Hoffman, M. C., Osborne, L. M., McEvoy, K., Grote, N., & Moses-Kolko, E. L. (2020). Implementation of perinatal collaborative care: a health services approach to perinatal depression care. Primary health care research & development, 21, e30. [28] Raney, L. (2020). Cracking the codes: State Medicaid approaches to reimbursing psychiatric collaborative care. Oakland, California Health Care Foundation. [29] Unützer, J., Katon, W., Callahan, C. M., Williams, J. W., Jr, Hunkeler, E., Harpole, L., Hoffing, M., Della Penna, R. D., Noël, P. H., Lin, E. H., Areán, P. A., Hegel, M. T., Tang, L., Belin, T. R., Oishi, S., Langston, C., & IMPACT Investigators. Improving Mood-Promoting Access to Collaborative Treatment (2002). Collaborative care management of late-life depression in the primary care setting: a randomized controlled trial. JAMA, 288(22), 2836–2845. https://doi.org/10.1001/jama.288.22.2836 [30] Raney, L. (2020). [31] Unützer, J., Harbin, H., Schoenbaum, M., & Druss, B. (2013). The collaborative care model: An approach for integrating physical and mental health care in Medicaid health homes. Health Home Information Resource Center, 1-13. [32] Raney, L. (2020). Cracking the codes: State Medicaid approaches to reimbursing psychiatric collaborative care. Oakland, California Health Care Foundation. [33] Grote, N. K., Katon, W. J., Russo, J. E., Lohr, M. J., Curran, M., Galvin, E., & Carson, K. (2015). Collaborative care for perinatal depression in socioeconomically disadvantaged women: a randomized trial. Depression and anxiety, 32(11), 821-834 [34] Miller, E. S., Grobman, W. A., Ciolino, J. D., Zumpf, K., Sakowicz, A., Gollan, J., & Wisner, K. L. (2021). Increased depression screening and treatment recommendations after implementation of a perinatal collaborative care program. Psychiatric Services, 72(11), 1268-1275; Snowber, K., Ciolino, J. D., Clark, C. T., Grobman, W. A., & Miller, E. S. (2022). Associations Between Implementation of the Collaborative Care Model and Disparities in Perinatal Depression Care. Obstetrics & Gynecology, 140(2), 204-211. [35] Percent of People Covered By Medicaid/CHIP, 2022. (2022). Medicaid State Fact Sheets. KFF. Retrieved May 1, 2023, from https://www.kff.org/interactive/medicaid-state-fact-sheets/ [36] Miller, E. S., Grobman, W. A., Ciolino, J. D., Zumpf, K., Sakowicz, A., Gollan, J., & Wisner, K. L. (2021). Increased depression screening and treatment recommendations after implementation of a perinatal collaborative care program. Psychiatric Services, 72(11), 1268-1275. [37] Shalaby, R. A. H., & Agyapong, V. I. (2020). Peer support in mental health: literature review. JMIR mental health, 7(6), e15572. [38] Bassuk, E. L., Hanson, J., Greene, R. N., Richard, M., & Laudet, A. (2016). Peer-delivered recovery support services for addictions in the United States: A systematic review. Journal of substance abuse treatment, 63, 1-9. [39] Eastburg, M. C., Williamson, M., Gorsuch, R., & Ridley, C. (1994). Social support, personality, and burnout in nurses. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 24(14), 1233-1250. [41] FamilyWell. (2023.). https://familywellhealth.com/ [42] Patients, Family Well (2023). https://familywellhealth.com/patients [43] Providers, Family Well (2023). https://familywellhealth.com/providers [44] Patients, Family Well (2023). https://familywellhealth.com/patients [45] Author interview with Jessica Gaulton, FamilyWell. (2023) [46] Maven (2022). “If moms are unwell, society is unwell.” Recapping our Q&A with Dr. Neel Shah. Maven. https://www.mavenclinic.com/post/if-moms-are-unwell-society-is-unwell-recapping-our-q-a-with-dr-neel-shah#! [47] Klatter, C. K., van Ravesteyn, L. M., & Stekelenburg, J. (2022). Is collaborative care a key component for treating pregnant women with psychiatric symptoms (and additional psychosocial problems)? A systematic review. Archives of Women's Mental Health, 25(6), 1029-1039.

Photo by Sharon McCutcheon on Unsplash ABSTRACT COVID-19 highlighted a disproportionate impact upon marginalized communities that needs to be addressed. Specifically, a focus on equity rather than equality would better address and prevent the disparities seen in COVID-19. A distributive justice framework can provide this great benefit but will succeed only if the medical community engages in outreach, anti-racism measures, and listens to communities in need. INTRODUCTION COVID-19 disproportionately impacted communities of color and lower socioeconomic status, sparking political discussion about existing inequities in the US.[1] Some states amended their guidelines for allocating resources, including vaccines, to provide care for marginalized communities experiencing these inequities, but there has been no clear consensus on which guidelines states should amend or how they should be ethically grounded. In part, this is because traditional justice theories do not acknowledge the deep-seated institutional and interpersonal discrimination embedded in our medical system. Therefore, a revamped distributive justice approach that accounts for these shortcomings is needed to guide healthcare decision-making now and into the post-COVID era. BACKGROUND Three terms – health disparity, health inequities, and health equity – help frame the issue. A health disparity is defined as any difference between populations in terms of disease incidence or adverse health events, such as morbidity or mortality. In contrast, health inequities are health disparities due to avoidable systematic structures rooted in racial, social, and economic injustice.[2] For example, current data demonstrate that Black, Latino, Indigenous Americans, and those living in poverty suffer higher morbidity and mortality rates from COVID-19.[3] Finally, health equity is the opportunity for anyone to attain his or her full health potential without interference from systematic structures and factors that generate health inequities, including race, socioeconomic status, gender, ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, or geography.[4] ANALYSIS Health inequities for people of color with COVID-19 have led to critiques of states that do not account for race in their resource allocation guidelines.[5] For example, the Massachusetts Department of Public Health revised its COVID-19 guidelines regarding resource allocation to patients with the best chance of short-term survival.[6] Critics have argued that this change addresses neither preexisting structural inequities nor provider bias that may have led to comorbidities and increased vulnerability to COVID-19. By failing to address race specifically, they argue the policy will perpetuate poorer outcomes in already marginalized groups. As the inequities in COVID-19 outcomes continue to be uncovered and the data continue to prove that marginalized communities suffered disproportionately, we, as healthcare providers, must reconsider our role in addressing the injustices. Our actions must be ethically grounded in the concept of justice. l. Primary Theories of Justice The principle of justice in medical ethics relates to how we ought to treat people and allocate resources. Multiple theories have emerged to explain how justice should be implemented, with three of the most prominent being egalitarianism, utilitarianism, and distributive. This paper argues that distributive justice is the best framework for remedying past actions and enacting systemic changes that may persistently prevent injustices. An egalitarian approach to justice states all individuals are equal and, therefore, should have identical access to resources. In the allocation of resources, an egalitarian approach would support a strict distribution of equal value regardless of one’s attributes or characteristics. Putting this theory into practice would place a premium on guidelines based upon first-come, first-served basis or random selection.[7] However, the egalitarian approach taken in the UK continues to worsen health inequities due to institutional and structural discrimination.[8] A utilitarian approach to justice emphasizes maximizing overall benefits and achieving the greatest good for the greatest number of people. When resources are limited, the utilitarian principle historically guides decision-making. In contrast to the egalitarian focus on equal distribution, utilitarianism focuses on managing distributions to maximize numerical outcomes. During the COVID-19 pandemic, guidelines for allocating resources had utilitarian goals like saving the most lives, which may prioritize the youthful and those deemed productive in society, followed by the elderly and the very ill. It is important to reconsider using utilitarian approaches as the default in the post-COVID healthcare community. These approaches fail to address past inequity, sacrificing the marginalized in their emphasis on the greatest amount of good rather than the type of good. Finally, a distributive approach to justice mandates resources should be allocated in a manner that does not infringe individual liberties to those with the greatest need. Proposed by John Rawls in a Theory of Justice, this approach requires accounting for societal inequality, a factor absent from egalitarianism and utilitarianism.[9] Naomi Zack elaborates how distributive justice can be applied to healthcare, outlining why racism is a social determinant of health that must be acknowledged and addressed.[10] Until there are parallel health opportunities and better alignment of outcomes among different social and racial groups, the underlying systemic social and economic variables that are driving the disparities must be fixed. As a society and as healthcare providers, we should be striving to address the factors that perpetuate health inequities. While genetics and other variables influence health, the data show proportionately more exposure, more cases, and more deaths in the Black American and Hispanic populations. Preexisting conditions and general health disparities are signs of health inequity that increased vulnerability. Distributive justice as a theoretical and applied framework can be applied to preventable conditions that increase vulnerability and can justify systemic changes to prevent further bias in the medical community. During a pandemic, egalitarian and utilitarian approaches to justice are prioritized by policymakers and health systems. Yet, as COVID-19 has demonstrated, they further perpetuate the death and morbidity of populations that face discrimination. These outcomes are due to policies and guidelines that overall benefit white communities over communities of color. Historically, US policy that looks to distribute resources equally (focusing on equal access instead of outcomes), in a color-blind manner, has further perpetuated poor outcomes for marginalized communities.[11] ll. Historical and Ongoing Disparities Across socio-demographic groups, the medical system exacerbates historical and current inequities. Members of marginalized races,[12] women,[13] LGBTQ people,[14] and poor people[15] experience trauma caused by discrimination, marginalization, and failure to access high-quality public and private goods. Through the unequal treatment of marginalized communities, these historic traumas continue. In the US, people of color do not receive equal and fair medical treatment. A meta-analysis found that Hispanics and Black Americans were significantly undertreated for pain compared to their white counterparts over the last 20 years.[16] This is partly due to provider bias. Through interviewing medical trainees, a study by the National Academy of Science found that half of medical students and residents harbored racist beliefs such as “Black people’s nerve endings are less sensitive than white people’s” or “Black people’s skin is thicker than white people’s skin.”[17] More than 3,000 Indigenous American women were coerced, threatened, and deliberately misinformed to ensure cooperation in forced sterilization.[18] Hispanic people have less support in seeking medical care, in receiving culturally appropriate care, and they suffer from the medical community’s lack of resources to address language barriers.[19] In the US, patients of different sexes do not receive the same quality of healthcare. Despite having greater health needs, middle-aged and older women are more likely to have fewer hospital stays and fewer physician visits compared to men of similar demographics and health risk profiles.[20] In the field of critical care, women are less likely to be admitted to the ICU, less likely to receive interventions such as mechanical ventilation, and more likely to die compared to their male ICU counterparts.[21] In the US, patients of different socioeconomic statuses do not receive the same quality of healthcare. Low-income patients are more likely to have higher rates of infant mortality, chronic disease, and a shorter life span.[22] This is partly due to the insurance-based discrimination in the medical community.[23] One in three deaths of those experiencing homelessness could have been prevented by timely and effective medical care. An individual experiencing homelessness has a life expectancy that is decades shorter than that of the average American.[24] lll. Action Needed: Policy Reform While steps need to be taken to provide equitable care in the current pandemic, including the allocation of vaccines, they may not address the historical failures of health policy, hospital policy, and clinical care to eliminate bias and ensure equal treatment of patients. According to an applied distributive justice framework, inequities must be corrected. Rather than focusing primarily on fair resource allocation, medicine must be actively anti-racist, anti-sexist, anti-transphobic, and anti-discriminatory. Evidence has shown that the health inequities caused by COVID-19 are smaller in regions that have addressed racial wealth gaps through forms of reparations.[25] Distributive justice calls for making up for the past using tools of allocation as well as tools to remedy persistent problems. For example, Brigham and Women’s Hospital in Boston, MA, began “Healing ARC,” a pilot initiative that involves acknowledgement, redress, and closure on an institutional level.[26] Acknowledgement entails informing patients about disparities at the hospital, claiming responsibility, and incorporating community ideas for redress. Redress involves a preferential admission option for Black and Hispanic patients to specialty services, especially cardiovascular services, rather than general medicine. Closure requires that community and patient stakeholders work together to ensure that a new system is in place that will continue to prioritize equity. Of note, redress could take the form of cash transfers, discounted or free care, taxes on nonprofit hospitals that exclude patients of color,[27] or race-explicit protocol changes (such as those being instituted by Brigham and Women’s Hospital that admit patients historically denied access to certain forms of medical care). In New York, for instance, the New York State Bar Association drafted the COVID-19 resolutions to ensure that emergency regulations and guidelines do not discriminate against communities of color, and even mandate that diverse patient populations be included in clinical trials.[28] Also, physicians must listen to individuals from marginalized communities to identify needs and ensure that community members take part in decision-making. The solution is not to simply build new health centers in communities of color, as this may lead to tiers of care. Rather, local communities should have a chance to impact existing hospital policy and should also use their political participation to further their healthcare interests. Distributive justice does not seek to disenfranchise groups that hold power in the system. It aims to transform the system so that those in power do not continue to obtain unfair benefits at the expense of others. The framework accounts for unjust historical oppression and current injustices in our system to provide equitable outcomes to all who access the system. In this vein, we can begin to address the flagrant disparities between communities that have always – and continue to – exist in healthcare today.[29] CONCLUSION As equality focuses on access, it currently fails to do justice. Instead of outcomes, it is time to focus on equity. A focus on equity rather than equality would better address and prevent the disparities seen in COVID-19. A distributive justice framework can gain traction in clinical decision-making guidelines and system-level reallocation of resources but will succeed only if the medical community engages in outreach, anti-racism measures, and listens to communities in need. There should be an emphasis on implementing a distributive justice framework that treats all patients equitably, accounts for historical harm, and focuses on transparency in allocation and public health decision-making. [1] APM Research Lab Staff. 2020. “The Color of Coronavirus: COVID-19 Deaths by Race and Ethnicity in the U.S.” APM Research Lab. https://www.apmresearchlab.org/covid/deaths-by-race. [2] Bharmal, N., K. P. Derose, M. Felician, and M. M. Weden. 2015. “Understanding the Upstream Social Determinants of Health.” California: RAND Corporation 1-18. https://www.rand.org/pubs/working_papers/WR1096.html. [3] Yancy, C. W. 2020. “COVID-19 and African Americans.” JAMA. 323 (19): 1891-2. https://doi.org/10.1001/jama.2020.6548; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. 2020. “COVID-19 in Racial and Ethnic Health Disparities.” Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/community/health-equity/racial-ethnic-disparities/index.html. [4] Braveman, P., E. Arkin, T. Orleans, D. Proctor, and A. Plough. 2017. “What is Health Equity?” Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. https://www.rwjf.org/en/library/research/2017/05/what-is-health-equity-.html. [5] Bedinger, M. 2020 Apr 22. “After Uproar, Mass. Revises Guidelines on Who Gets an ICU Bed or Ventilator Amid COVID-19 Surge.” Wbur. https://www.wbur.org/commonhealth/2020/04/20/mass-guidelines-ventilator-covid-coronavirus; Wigglesworth, A. 2020 May 11. “Institutional Racism, Inequity Fuel High Minority Death Toll from Coronavirus, L.A. Officials Say.” Los Angeles Times. https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020-05-11/institutional-racism-inequity-high-minority-death-toll-coronavirus. [6] Executive Office of Health and Human Services Department of Public Health. 2020 Oct 20. “Crises Standards of Care Planning and Guidance for the COVID-19 Pandemic.” Commonwealth of Massachusetts. https://www.mass.gov/doc/crisis-standards-of-care-planning-guidance-for-the-covid-19-pandemic. 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A. Medical Apartheid: The Dark History of Medical Experimentation on Black Americans from Colonial Times to the Present (New York: Doubleday, 2006). [13] d'Oliveira, A. F., S. G. Diniz, and L. B. Schraiber. 2002. “Violence Against Women in Health-care Institutions: An Emerging Problem.” Lancet. 359 (9318): 1681-5. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(02)08592-6. [14] Hafeez, H., M. Zeshan, M. A. Tahir, N. Jahan, and S. Naveed. 2017. “Health Care Disparities Among Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Youth: A Literature Review. Cureus 9 (4): e1184. https://doi.org/10.7759/cureus.1184; Drescher, J., A. Schwartz, F. Casoy, et al. 2016. “The Growing Regulation of Conversion Therapy.” Journal of Medical Regulation 102 (2): 7-12. https://doi.org/10.30770/2572-1852-102.2.7; Stroumsa, D. 2014. “The State of Transgender Health Care: Policy, Law, and Medical Frameworks.” American Journal of Public Health. 104 (3): e31-8. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2013.301789. [15] Stepanikova, I., and G. R. 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McClelland. 2016. “Socioeconomic Status and Poor Health Outcome at 10 years of Follow-up in the Multi-ethnic Study of Atherosclerosis.” PLoS One 11 (11): e0165651. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0165651. [23] Han, X., K. T. Call, J. K. Pintor, G. Alarcon-Espinoza, and A. B. Simon. 2015. “Reports of Insurance-based Discrimination in Health care and its Association with Access to Care.” American Journal of Public Health 105 Suppl 3 (Suppl 3): S517-25. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2015.302668. [24] Aldridge, R. W., D. Menezes, D. Lewer, et al. 2019. “Causes of Death Among Homeless People: A Population-based Cross-sectional Study of Linked Hospitalization and Mortality Data in England.” Wellcome Open Research 4:49. https://doi.org/10.12688/wellcomeopenres.15151.1. [25] Richardson, E. T., M. M. Malik, W. A. 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Introduction Japan has long been cited as a major source of cute (kawaii) culture as it has spread around the world, as encapsulated in Christine R. Yano’s phrase ‘Pink Globalization’. This essay charts recent developments in Japanese society through the cute character Rilakkuma, a character produced by San-X (a competitor to Sanrio, which produces the famed Hello Kitty). His name means ‘relaxed bear’, and Rilakkuma and friends are featured in comics, games and other products, called kyarakutā shōhin (also kyarakutā guzzu, which both mean ‘character goods’). Rilakkuma is pictured relaxing, sleeping, eating sweets, and listening to music; he is not only lazy, but he is also unproductive in socio-economic terms. Yet, he is never censured for this lifestyle. He provides visual pleasure to those who buy these goods, but more importantly, Rilakkuma’s story charitably portrays a lifestyle that is fully consumptive with very little, if any, productivity. Rilakkuma’s reified consumption is certainly in line with many earlier analyses of shōjo (young girl) culture in Japan, where consumerism is considered ‘detached from the productive economy of heterosexual reproduction’ (Treat, 281) and valued as an end in itself. Young girl culture in Japan has been both critiqued and celebrated in in opposition to the economic productivity as well as the emotional emptiness and weakening social prestige of the salaried man (Roberson and Suzuki, 9-10). In recent years, ideal masculinity has been further critiqued with the rise of the sōshokukei danshi (‘grass-eating men’) image: today’s Japanese male youth appear to have no appetite for the ‘meat’ associated with heteronormative, competitively capitalistic male roles (Steger 2013). That is not to say all gender roles have vanished; instead, social and economic precarity has created a space for young people to subvert them. Whether by design or by accident, Rilakkuma has come to represent a Japanese consumer maintaining some standard of emotional equilibrium in the face of the instability that followed the Tōhoku earthquake, tsunami and nuclear disaster in early 2011. A Relaxed Bear in a Precarious Japan Certainly much has been written about the ‘lost decade(s)’ in Japan, or the unraveling of the Japanese postwar miracle since the early 1990s in a variety of unsettling ways. The burst of the ‘bubble economy’ in 1991 led to a period of low or no economic growth, uncertain employment conditions and deflation. Because of Japan’s relative wealth and mature economic system, this was seen a gradual process that Mark Driscoll calls a shift from the ‘so-called Japan Inc. of the 1980s’ to ‘“Japan Shrink” of the 2010s and 2020s’ (165). The Japanese economy was further troubled by the Global Financial Crisis of 2008, and then the Tōhoku disasters. These events have contributed to Japan’s state of ambivalence, as viewed by both its citizens and by external observers. Despite its relative wealth, the nation continues to struggle with deflation (and its corresponding stagnation of wages), a deepening chasm between the two-tier employment system of permanent and casual work, and a deepening public mistrust of corporate and governing authorities. Some of this story is not ‘new’; dual employment practices have existed throughout Japan’s postwar history. What has changed, however, is the attitudes of casual workers; it is now thought to be much more difficult, if not impossible, to shift from low paid, insecure casual labour to permanent, secure positions. The overall unemployment rate remains low precisely because the number of temporary and part time workers has increased, as much as one third of all workers in 2012 (The Japan Times). The Japanese government now concedes that ‘the balance of working conditions between regular and non-regular workers have therefore become important issues’ (Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare); many see this is not only a distinction between ‘haves’ and ‘have-nots’, but also of a generational shift of those who achieved secure positions before the ‘lost decade’, and those who came after. Economic, political, environmental and social insecurity have given rise to a certain level public malaise, not conducive to a robust consumer culture. Enter Rilakkuma: he, like many other cute characters in Japan, entices the consumer to feel good about spending – or perhaps, to feel okay about spending? – in this precarious time of underemployment and uncertainty about the future. ‘Cute’ Characters: Attracting as Well as Attractive Cute (‘kawaii’) culture in Japan is not just aesthetic; it includes ‘a turn to emotion and even sentimentality, in some of the least likely places’ (Yano, 7). Cute kyarakutā are not just sentimentally attractive; they are more precisely attracting images which are used to sell these character goods: toys, household objects, clothing and stationery. Occhi writes that many kyarakutā are the result of an ‘anthropomorphization’ of objects or creatures which ‘guide the user towards specific [consumer] behaviors’ (78). While kyarakutā would be created first to sell a product, in the end, the character’s popularity at times can eclipse the product’s value, and the character thus becomes ‘pure product’, as in the case of Hello Kitty (Yano, 10). Most characters, however, merely function as ‘specific representatives of a product or service rendered mentally “sticky” through narratives, wordplay and other specialized aspects of their design’ (Occhi, 86). Miller refers to this phenomenon as ‘Japan’s zoomorphic urge’, and argues that etiquette guides and public service posters, which frequently use cute and cuddly animals in the place of humans, is done to ‘render […] potentially dangerous or sensitive topics as safe and acceptable’ (69). Cuteness instrumentally turns away from negative aspects of society, whether it is the demonstration of etiquette rules in public, or the portrayal of an underemployed or unemployed person watching TV at home, as in Rilakkuma. Thus we see a revitalization of the cute zeitgeist in Japanese consumerism in products such as the Rilakkuma franchise, produced by San-X, a company that produces and distributes ‘stationary [sic], sundry goods, merchandises [sic], and paper products with original design.’ (San-X Net). Who Is Rilakkuma? According to the company’s ‘fan’ books, written in response to the popularity of Rilakkuma’s character goods (Nakazawa), the background story of Rilakkuma is as follows: one day, a smallish bear found its way unexplained into the apartment of a Japanese OL (office lady) named Kaoru. He spends his time ‘being of no use to Kaoru, and is actually a pest by lying around all day doing nothing… his main concerns are meals and snacks. He seems to hate the summer [heat].’ Other activities include watching television, listening to music, taking long baths, and tossing balls of paper into the rubbish bin (Nakazawa, 4). His comrades are Korilakkuma (loosely translated as ‘Little Rilakkuma’) and Kiiroitori (simply, ‘Yellow Bird’). Korilakkuma is a smaller and paler version of Rilakkuma; like her friend, she appears in Kaoru’s apartment for no reason. She is described as liking to pull pranks (itazuradaisuki) and is comparatively more energetic (genki) than Rilakkuma; her main activities are imitating Rilakkuma and looking for someone with whom to play (6). Lastly, Kiiroitori is a small yellow bird resembling a chick, and seems to be the only character of the three who has any ‘right’ to reside in Kaoru’s apartment. Kiiroitori was a pet bird residing in cage before the appearance of these two bears, but after Rilakkuma and Korilakkuma set themselves up in her small apartment, Kiiroitori was liberated from his cage and flies in the faces of lazy Rilakkuma and mischievous Korilakkuma (7). Kiiroitori likes tidiness, and is frequently cleaning up after the lazy bears, and he can be short tempered about this (ibid). Kiiroitori’s interests include the charming but rather thrifty ‘finding spare change while cleaning up’ and ‘bear climbing’, which is enjoyed primarily for its annoyance to the bears (ibid). Fig. 1: Korilakkuma, Rilakkuma and Kiiroitori, in 10-year anniversary attire (photo by author). This narrative behind these character goods is yet another aspect of their commodification (in other words, their management, distribution and copyright protection). The information presented ­– the minute details of the characters’ existence, illustrated with cute drawings and calligraphy – enriches the consumer process by deepening the consumers’ interaction with the product. How does the story become as attractive as the cute character? One of the striking characteristics of the ‘official’ Rilakkuma discourse is the sense of ‘ikinari yattekita’ (things happening ‘out of the blue’; Nakazawa 22), or ‘naru yō ni narimasu’ (‘whatever will be will be’; 23) reasoning behind the narrative. Buyers want to know how and why these cute characters come into being, but there is no answer. To some extent, this vagueness reflects the reality of authorship: the characters were first conceptualized by a designer at San-X named Kondō Aki, who left the company soon after Rilakkuma’s debut in 2003 (Akibako). But this ‘out of the blue’ quality of the characters strikes a chord in many consumers’ view of their own lives: why are we here? what are we doing, and why do we do it? The existence of these characters and the reasons for their traits and preferences are inexplicable. There is no reason why or how Rilakkuma came to be – instead, readers are told that to just relax, ‘go with the flow’, and ‘what can be done today can always be done tomorrow’. Procrastination would normally be considered meiwaku, or bothersome to others who depend on you. In Productive Japan, this behavior is not valued. In Precarious Japan, however, underemployment and nonproductivity takes the pressure away from individuals to judge this behavior as negative. Procrastination shifts from meiwaku to normality, and to be transformed into kawaii culture, accepted and even celebrated as such. Rilakkuma is not the first Japanese pop cultural character to rub up against the hyper productive, gambaru (fight!) attitude associated with previous generations, with their associated tropes of the juken jikoku (exam preparation hell) for students, or the karōshi (death from overwork) salaried worker. An early example of this would be Chibi Marukochan (‘Little Maruko’), a comic character created in 1986 but whose popularity peaked in the 1990s. Maruko is an endearing but flawed primary school student who is cute and amusing, but also annoying and short tempered (Sakura). Flawed characters were frequently featured in Japanese popular culture, but Maruko was one of the first featured as heroine, not a jester-like sidekick. As an early example of Japanese cute, subversive characters, Maruko was often annoying and lazy, but she at least aspired to traits such as doing well in school and being a good daughter in her extended family. Rilakkuma, perhaps, demonstrates the extension of this cute but subversive hero/ine: when the stakes are lower (or at their lowest), so is the need for stress and anxiety. Taking it easy is the best option. Rilakkuma’s ‘charm point’ (chāmu pointo, which describes one’s personal appeal), is his transgressive cuteness, and this has paid off for San-X over the years in successful sales of his comic books as well as a variety of products (see fig. 2). Fig. 2: An example of some of the goods for sale in early 2014: a fleecy blanket, a 3d puzzle, note pads and stickers, decorative toggles for a school bag or purse, comic and ‘fan’ books, and a toy car (photo by the author). Over the decade between 2003 and 2013, San X has produced 51 volumes of Rilakkuma comics (Tonozuka, 37 – 42) and over 20 different series of stuffed animals (43 – 45); plus cushions, tote bags, tableware, stationery, and variety goods such as toilet paper holders, umbrellas and contact lens cases (46 – 52). While visiting the Rilakkuma themed shop in Tokyo Station in October 2013, a newly featured and popular product was the Rilakkuma ‘onesie’, a unisex and multipurpose outfit for adults. These products’ diversity are created to meet the consumer desires of Rilakkuma’s significant following in Japan; in a small-scale study of Japanese university students, researchers found that Rilakkuma was the number one nominated ‘favorite character’ (Nosu and Tanaka, 535). Furthermore, students claimed that the attractiveness of favorite characters were judged not just on their appearance, but also due to specific characteristics: ‘characters that are always idle, relaxed, stress-free’ and those ‘that have unusual behavior or stray from the right path’ (ibid) were cited as especially attractive/attracting. Just like Rilakkuma, these researchers found that young Japanese people – the demographic perhaps most troubled by an insecure economic future – are attracted to ‘characters that have flaws in some ways and are not merely cute’ (536). Where to, Rilakkuma? Miller, in her discussion of Japanese animal characters in a variety of cute cultural settings writes Non-human animals emerge as useful metaphors for humans, yet […] it is this aesthetic load rather than the lesson or the ideology behind the image that often becomes the center of our attention. […] However, I think it is useful to separate our analysis of zoomorphic images as vehicles for cuteness from their other possible uses and possible utility in many areas of culture (70). Similarly, we need to look beyond cute, and see what Miller terms as ‘the lesson’ behind the ‘aesthetic load’: here, how cuteness disguises social malaise and eases the shift from ‘Japan Inc.’ to ‘Japan Shrink’. When particular goods are ‘tied’ to other products, the message behind the ‘aesthetic load’ are complicated and deepened. Rilakkuma’s recent commercial (in)activity has been characterized by a variety of ‘tai uppu’ (tie ups), or promotional links between the Rilakkuma image and other similarly aligned products. Traditionally, tie ups in Japan have been most successful when formed between products that were associated with similar audiences and similar aesthetic preferences. We have seen tie ups, for example, between Hello Kitty and McDonald’s (targeting youthful fast food customers) since 1999 (Yano, 129). In ‘Japan Shrink’s’ competitive consumer market, tie ups are becoming more strategic, and all the more interesting. One of the troubled markets in Japan, as elsewhere, is the music industry. Shrinking expendable income coupled with a variety of downloading practices means the traditional popular music industry (primarily in the form of CDs) is in decline. In 2009, Rilakkuma began a co-badged campaign with Tower Records Japan – after all, listening to music is one of Rilakkuma’s listed favourite past times. TRJ was then independent from its failed US counterpart, and a major figure in the music retail scene despite disappointing CD sales since the late 1990s (Stevens, 85). To stir up consumer interest, TRJ offered objects, such as small dolls, towels and shopping bags, festooned with Rilakkuma images and phrases such as ‘Rilakkuma loves Tower Records’ and ‘Relaxed Tour 2012’ (Tonozuka, 72 – 73). Rilakkuma, in a familiar pose lying back with his arms crossed behind his head, but surrounded by musical notes and the phrase ‘No Music, No Life’ (72), presents compact image of the consumer zeitgeist of the day: one’s ikigai (reason for living) is clearly contingent on personal enjoyment, despite Japan’s music industry woes. Rilakkuma also enjoys a close relationship with the ubiquitous convenience store Lawson, which has over 11,000 individual stores throughout Japan and hundreds more overseas (Lawson, Corporate Information). Japanese konbini (the Japanese term for convenience stores), unlike their North American or Australian counterparts, enjoy a higher consumer image in terms of the quality and variety of their products, thus symbolize a certain relaxed lifestyle, as per Merry I. White’s description of the ‘no hands housewife’ breezing through the evening meal preparations thanks to ready made dishes purchased at konbini (72). Japanese convenience stores sell a variety of products, but sweets (Rilakkuma’s favourite) take up a large proportion of shelf space in many stores. The most current ‘Rilakkuma x Lawson campaign’ was undertaken between September and November 2013. During this period, customers earned points to receive a free teacup; certainly Rilakkuma’s cuteness motivated consumers to visit the store to get the prize. All was not well with this tie up, however; complaints about cracked teacups resulted in an external investigation. Finding no causal relationship between construction and fault, Lawson still apologized and offered to exchange any of the approximately 1.73 million cups with an alternate prize for any consumers who so wished (Lawson, An Apology). The alternate prize was still cute in its pink colouring and kawaii character pattern, but it was a larger and much sturdier commuter type mug. Here we see that while Rilakkuma is relaxed, he is still aware of corporate Japan’s increasing sense of corporate accountability and public health. One last tie up demonstrates an unusual alliance between the Rilakkuma franchise and other cultural icons. 2013 marked the ten-year anniversary of Rilakkuma and friends, and this was marked by several prominent campaigns. In Kyoto, we saw Rilakkuma and friends adorning o-mamori (religious amulets) at the famed Kinkakuji (Golden Pavilion), a major temple in Kyoto (see fig. 3a). The ‘languid dream’ of the lazy bear is a double-edged symbol, contrasting with the disciplined practice of Buddhism and complying with a Zen-like dream state of the beauty of the grounds. Another ten-year anniversary campaign was the tie up between Rilakkuma and the 50 year anniversary of JR’s Yamanote Line, the ‘city loop’ in Tokyo. Fig. 3a: Kiiroitori sits atop Rilakkuma with Korilakkuma by their side at the Golden Pavillion, Kyoto. The top caption reads: ‘Relaxed bear, Languid at the Golden Pavilion; Languid Dream Travelogue’Fig. 3b: a key chain made to celebrate Rilakkuma’s appointment to the JR Line; still lazy, Rilakkuma lies on his side but wears a conductor’s cap. This tie up was certainly a coup, for the Yamanote Line is a significant part of 13 million Tokyo residents’ lives, as well as a visible fixture in the cultural landscape since the early postwar period. The Yamanote, with its distinctive light green coloring (uguisuiro, which translates literally to ‘nightingale [bird] colour’) has its own aesthetic: as one of the first modern train lines in the capital, it runs through all the major leisure districts and is featured in many popular songs and even has its own drinking game. This nostalgia for the past, coupled with the masculine, super-efficient former national railway’s system is thus juxtaposed with the lazy, feminized teddy bear (Rilakkuma is male, but his domain is feminine), linking a longing for the past with gendered images of production and consumption in the present. In figure 3b, we see Rilakkuma riding the Yamanote on his own terms (lying on his side, propped up by one elbow – a pose we would never see a JR employee take in public). This cheeky cuteness increases the iconic train’s appeal to its everyday consumers, for despite its efficiency, this line is severely overcrowded during peak hours and suffers from user malaise with respect to etiquette and safety issues. Life in contemporary Japan is no longer the bright, shiny ‘bubble’ of the 1980s. Japan is wrestling with internal and external demons: the nuclear crisis, the lagging economy, deteriorating relations with China, and a generation of young people who have never experienced the optimism of their parents’ generation. Dreamlike, Japan’s denizens move through the contours of their daily lives much as they have in the past, for major social structures remain for the most part in tact; instead, it is the vision of the future that has altered. In this environment, we can argue that kawaii aesthetics are all the more important, for if we are uncomfortable thinking about negative or depressing topics such as industries in decline, questionable consumer safety standards, and overcrowded trains, a cute bear can make it much more ‘bear’-able.ReferencesDriscoll, Mark. “Debt and Denunciation in Post-Bubble Japan: On the Two Freeters.” Cultural Critique 65 (2007): 164-187. Kondō Aki - akibako. “Profile [of Designer Aki Kondō].” 6 Feb. 2014 ‹http://www.akibako.jp/profile/›. Lawson. “Kigyō Jōhō: Kaisha Gaiyō [Corporate Information: Company Overview].” Feb. 2013. 10 Feb. 2014 ‹http://www.lawson.co.jp/company/corporate/about.html/›. Lawson. “Owabi to Oshirase: Rōson aki no rilakkuma fea keihin ‘rilakkuma tei magu’ hason no osore [An Apology and Announcement: Lawson’s Autumn Rilakkuma Fair Giveaway ‘Rilakkuma Tea Mug’ Concern for Damage.” 2 Dec. 2013. 10 Feb. 2014 ‹http://www.lawson.co.jp/emergency/detail/detail_84331.html›. Miller, Laura. “Japan’s Zoomorphic Urge.” ASIANetwork Exchange XVII.2 (2010): 69-82. Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare. “Employment Security.” 10 Feb. 2014 ‹http://www.mhlw.go.jp/english/policy/employ-labour/employment-security/dl/employment_security_bureau.pdf›. Nakazawa Kumiko, ed. Rirakkuma Daradara Fuan Bukku [Relaxed Bear Leisurely Fan Book]. Tokyo: Kabushikigaisha Shufutoseikatsu. 2008. Nosu, Kiyoshi, and Mai Tanaka. “Factors That Contribute to Japanese University Students’ Evaluations of the Attractiveness of Characters.” IEEJ Transactions on Electrical and Electronic Engineering 8.5 (2013): 535–537. Occhi, Debra J. “Consuming Kyara ‘Characters’: Anthropomorphization and Marketing in Contemporary Japan.” Comparative Culture 15 (2010): 78–87. Roberson, James E., and Nobue Suzuki, “Introduction”, in J. Roberson and N. Suzuki, eds., Men and Masculinities in Contemporary Japan: Dislocating the Salaryman Doxa. London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003. 1-19. Sakura, Momoko. Chibi Marukochan 1 [Little Maruko, vol. 1]. Tokyo: Shūeisha, 1987 [1990]. San-X Net. “Company Info.” 10 Feb. 2014 ‹http://www.san-x.jp/COMPANY_INFO.html›. Steger, Brigitte. “Negotiating Gendered Space on Japanese Commuter Trains.” ejcjs 13.3 (2013). 29 Apr. 2014 ‹http://www.japanesestudies.org.uk/ejcjs/vol13/iss3/steger.html› Stevens, Carolyn S. Japanese Popular Music: Culture, Authenticity and Power. London: Routledge, 2008. The Japan Times. “Nonregulars at Record 35.2% of Workforce.” 22 Feb. 2012. 6 Feb. 2014 ‹http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2012/02/22/news/nonregulars-at-record-35-2-of-workforce/#.UvMb-kKSzeM›. Tonozuka Ikuo, ed. Rirakkuma Tsuzuki Daradara Fan Book [Relaxed Bear Leisurely Fan Book, Continued]. Tokyo: Kabushikigaisha Shufutoseikatsu, 2013. Treat, John Whittier. “Yoshimoto Banana’s Kitchen, or The Cultural Logic of Japanese Consumerism.” In L. Skov and B. Moeran, eds., Women, Media and Consumption in Japan, Surrey: Curzon, 1995. 274-298. White, Merry I. “Ladies Who Lunch: Young Women and the Domestic Fallacy in Japan.” In K. Cwiertka and B. Walraven, eds., Asian Food: The Global and the Local. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2001. 63-75. Yano, Christine R. Pink Globalization: Hello Kitty’s Trek across the Pacific. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013.

Cohesion as a term connotes attraction, unity, and commonness amongst discrete entities. Considering cohesion as a concept is timely with the recent rise of network culture, which comes with both subtle and radical changes in how people connect with, position themselves in relation to, and understand other constituents of society (cf. Varnelis; Castells; Jenkins et al.). Such dis- and inter-connections signify an imminent and immanent epistemological challenge we must confront: how can we understand inherently multi-faceted subjects, components of which are in constant transformation? For researchers, disciplinary complexity is one of the main implications of this situation. While disciplinary integration may be an effective or vital component in pursuit of knowledge (cf. Nicolescu) it may also impart significant conceptual and pragmatic conflicts. What are possible ways to coalesce multiple dimensions of reality that can lead to conceptually cohesive and useful knowledge production? This issue of M/C Journal attempts to answer this question by looking at different perspectives on the notion of cohesion across topical and disciplinary boundaries. Our premise for exploring ‘cohesion’ in this issue is two-fold: first, there is a need to understand the conceptual and experiential significance of social cohesion in the increasingly urbanised and networked contemporary world. In the 1997 OECD report, Societal Cohesion and the Globalising Economy, Michalski, Miller, and Stevens attribute ‘strains of the fabric of OECD societies’ to global economic and political changes, as well as the rapid technological progress. The World Bank places social cohesion as a metonym for social capital; they argue that social cohesion is ‘critical for societies to prosper economically and develop sustainably,’ and that it is ‘the glue’ that holds constituents of the society together. While it is true that the need to build bonds between human beings, and to bring together otherwise disparate experiences and aspirations is evermore crucial to a sustainable future for the world, we doubt that the current pervasive view of cohesion as a measurable parameter for ideal harmony and unity. Rather, in this uncertainty we see opportunities for re-examining the existing definitions of cohesion and further shaping different versions of social/community strengthening. If social cohesion is inherent in the relationships between and amongst entities, ideologies or experiences disagreement and difference or transition are as important or integral as shared ideas. Anheier, Gerhards and Romo have re-imagined Bourdieu’s view of positions individuals inhabit within social spaces as a ‘network, or a configuration, of objective relations among positions.’ From this view the merging of individuals or groups into a cohesive whole becomes less important than the coming together, sometimes only briefly, of ideas into a dynamic and complicated matrix – in other words, the shaping of togetherness through temporary adhesive connections amongst individuals managing various such adhesive networks. We are not necessarily questioning the obvious advantages of a unified society. Rather, we are suggesting a need to enquire into new ways of approaching cohesion, and subsequent implications in viewing, governing, and living in society today, and tomorrow. The second reason for considering cohesion is the development of network technologies, which are embedded in everyday life. Network technologies engender and accentuate multiplicities: multifaceted self-identity, multitasking, and multisensorial experience via interactive media, for example. As we transition from the current network era towards that of ubiquitous computing (ubicomp), our social and technological systems and practices become modular-like (Choi, Foth and Hearn), resonating with what Stone calls ‘continuous partial attention.’ Practice of multi-media communication – for example, concurrently watching television while chatting on Skype on the computer and texting on the mobile phone; another example is Habuchi’s notion of ‘telecocoon’ in which a multitude of constant and partial connections with small, insular social relations are maintained through always-on network technologies. The spatio-temporal zone that is made available, created, and extended by network technologies for expression of the self and communication with others is an inherently in-between space bridging what can be generally considered dichotomous. In this environment, it is cohesion that validates a networked entity by giving it a unified form and/or voice amongst its distributed constituents. The scale of such cohesive process varies from small (individual) to large (collective); examples include individual and community, respectively. As Castells (7) notes, while technology is not entirely responsible for social change, it embodies the capacity for change. Cohesion then, is perhaps best understood as inherently transformative. Thus examining cohesion as a phenomenon should not be focused on the ‘connections’ amongst individual entities but should concern what triggers, sustains, and suspends adhesive interactions, and how such processes relates to overall cohesion within the concerned subject. This notion resonates with the connection – access relation in understanding network culture. As Choi asserts, ‘in a network environment where the connection is a primal element, connection itself cannot be the rationale for interaction; rather, it is access – the act of accessing and being accessed – that becomes the prime motive for participation in network interactions’ (104). This issue of M/C Journal brings together diverse articles that explore the dynamic and challenging concept of cohesion in the current era, where technological, cultural, and structural conditions rapidly co-evolve through communicative networks, thereby reshaping the ontological and epistemological dimensions of various societies. The feature article by Holmes Cohesion, Adhesion and Incoherence explores the creation of a cohesive visual identity for a collective via digital and print-media. Her paper illustrates the ways in which Flickr participants communicate with each other, and how it is possible for networks to come together in an organically cohesive way, if only temporarily. Holmes also provides and insight into the process of and obstacles to establishing and maintaining a cohesive group identity. This feature article provides a framework for the issue as whole that shows how cohesive identity is created through ‘negotiation’ confirms our view that it’s in constant transformation. It also serves as a launching pad for the other articles to continue deconstructing cohesion as a cohesive concept. Glover turns the focus to policy making in the cultural sector. In his paper Failed Fantasies of Cohesion he examines the fantasy of cohesion as fundamental to whole-of-government cultural policy-making undertaken within Arts Queensland in the 1990s and 2000s. The emphasis in this paper is the complexity of cohesion as a critical factor in cultural policy making, and also the paradox that cohesion presents. In the quest for cohesion the potential for important and rich dissent can be discouraged. As Glover eloquently argues, when cohesion is lost all is not lost. This embracing of both the flaws in and potential of cohesion is carried in Publish or Perish. Martin puts forward possible strategies for university presses to work as a cohesive force between emerging writers and the writing industry. He examines the inter-relationship between university presses and the broader publishing industry, and asks whether broader access and sustained co-operation between creative writing departments and university publishing houses or presses could result in a new version of cohesion in the Australian literary landscape. He presents a holistic contour of the contemporary literary industry, using the University of Western Australia and the University of Western Sydney as examples of how entities with competing agendas can come together in a mutually beneficial and innovative way. Leder and colleagues bring the focus to the individual techno-social experience, as exemplified in their ToTeM (Tales of Things and Electronic Memory) project. This project addresses social cohesion through combining personal narratives with Web2.0 and tagging technologies to create a network of shared object-related memories. This paper accentuates the pluralistic nature of cohesion and thus calls for a multiplicity of approaches to cohesion. This issue closes with an artistic piece by Kari Gislason. His personal essay Independent People provides an exploration of Iceland’s financial collapse and its disconnection with the European Union, and calls into question whether a cohesive relationship with its neighbours is possible for or even desired by the Icelandic people. This discussion is played out against the backdrop of competing national identities in his own life and the search for unity. It is in this problematising and challenging of cohesion as a static or permanent state of agreement that this issue found its own cohesive thread. References Anheier, Helmut, Jurgen Gerhards, and P. Romo. “Forms of capital and social structure in cultural fields: Examining Bourdieu’s Social Topography.” The American Journal of Sociology 100.4 (1995) 859-903. Bordieu, Pierre. “Social Space and Symbolic Power.” Sociological Review 7.1 (1989) 14-25. Castells, Manuel. The Rise of the Network Society. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell Publishers, 1996. Choi, Jaz Hee-jeong. "The City, Self, and Connections: Transyouth and Urban Social Networking in Seoul." Youth, Society and Mobile Media in Asia. Eds. Stephanie Hemelryk Donald, Theresa Anderson and Damien Spry. London, New York: Routledge, 2010. 88-107. Choi, Jaz Hee-jeong, Marcus Foth, and Greg Hearn. "Site Specific Mobility and Connection in Korea: Bangs (Rooms) between Public and Private Spaces." Technology in Society 31.2 (2009). Habuchi, Ichiyo. "Accelerated Reflexivity." Personal, Portable, Pedestrian : Mobile Phones in Japanese Life. Eds. Mizuko Ito, Daisuke Okabe and Misa Matsuda. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2005. 165-82. Jenkins, Henry, et al. "Confronting the Challenges of Participatory Culture: Media Education for the 21st Century". 2006. 6 Nov. 2006. ‹http://www.digitallearning.macfound.org/site/c.enJLKQNlFiG/b.2108773/apps/nl/content2.asp?content_id=%7BCD911571-0240-4714-A93B-1D0C07C7B6C1%7D&notoc=1 >. Michalski, Wolfgang, Riel Miller, and Barrie Stevens. "Economic Flexibility and Societal Cohesion in the Twenty-First Century." Societal Cohesion and the Globalising Economy. Ed. OECD. Paris: OECD, 1997. 7-26. Nicolescu, Basarab. Manifesto of Transdisciplinarity. Trans. Karen-Claire Voss. New York: State University of New York Press, 2002. Stone, Linda. "Attention: The *Real* Aphrodisiac." O'Reilly Media Emerging Technology Conference. Varnelis, Kazys. Networked Publics. Ed. Annenberg Center for Communication, University of Southern California. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2008. World Bank. "Social Capital: The Glue Holding Society Together". 2001. March 18 2010. ‹http://www.worldbank.org/html/prddr/trans/augsepoct00/boxpage31.htm >.

Introduction The sensational appearance of kawaii fashion in Tokyo’s Harajuku neighborhood—full of freedom, fun, and frills— has captivated hearts and imaginations worldwide. A key motivational concept for this group is “kawaii” which is commonly translated as “cute” and can also be used to describe things that are “beautiful”, “funny”, “pretty”, “wonderful”, “great”, “interesting”, and “kind” (Yamane 228; Yomota 73; Dale 320). Representations in media such as the styling of Harajuku street model and J-pop star Kyary Pamyu Pamyu, directed by Sebastian Masuda, have helped bring this fashion to a wider audience. Of this vibrant community, decora fashion is perhaps best known with its image well documented in in street-fashion magazines such as Shoichi Aoki’s FRUiTS (1997–2017), Websites such as Tokyo Fashion (2000–present), and in magazines like KERA (1998–2017). In particular, decora fashion captures the “do-it-yourself” approach for which Harajuku is best known for (Yagi 17). In this essay we draw on New Materialism to explore the ways in which decora fashion practitioners form kawaii affective assemblages with the objects they collect and transform into fashion items. We were motivated to pursue this research to build on other qualitative studies that aimed to include the voices of practitioners in accounts of their lifestyles (e.g. Nguyen; Monden; Younker) and respond to claims that kawaii fashion is a form of infantile regression. We—an Australian sociologist and kawaii fashion practitioner, a Japanese decora fashion practitioner and Harajuku street model, and a Japanese former owner of a tearoom in Harajuku—have used an action-led participatory research method to pool our expertise. In this essay we draw on both a New Materialist analysis of our own fashion practices, a 10-year longitudinal study of Harajuku (2012–2022), as well as interviews with twelve decora fashion practitioners in 2020. What Is Decora Fashion? Decora is an abbreviation of “decoration”, which reflects the key aesthetic commitment of the group to adorn their bodies with layers of objects, accessories, and stickers. Decora fashion uses bright clothing from thrift stores, layers of handmade and store-bought accessories, and chunky platform shoes or sneakers. Practitioners enjoy crafting accessories from old toys, kandi and perler beads, weaving, braiding, crocheting novelty yarn and ribbon, and designing and printing their own textiles. In addition to this act of making, decora practitioners also incorporate purchases from specialty brands like 6%DOKI DOKI, Nile Perch, ACDC Rag, YOSUKE USA, and minacute. According to our interviewees, whom we consulted in 2020, excess is key; as Momo told us: “if it’s too plain, it’s not decora”. Decora uses clashing, vibrant, electric colours, and a wild variety of kawaii versions of monsters, characters, and food which appear as motifs on their clothing (Groom 193; Yagi 17). Clashing textures and items—such as a sweat jackets, gauzy tutus, and plastic toy tiaras—are also a key concept (Koga 81). Colour is extended to practitioners’ hair through colourful hair dyes, and the application of stickers, bandaids, and jewels across their cheeks and nose (Rose, Kurebayashi and Saionji). These principles are illustrated in fig. 1, a street snap from 2015 of our co-author, Kurebayashi. Working with the contrasting primary colours across her hair, clothes, and accessories, she incorporates both her own handmade garments and found accessories to form a balanced outfit. Her Lisa Frank cat purse, made from a psychedelic vibrant pink faux fur, acts as a salient point to draw in our eyes to a cacophony of colour throughout her ensemble. The purse is a prized item from her own collection that was a rare find on Mercari, an online Japanese auction Website, 15 years ago. Her sweater dress is handmade, with a textile print she designed herself. The stickers on the print feature smiley faces, rainbows, ducks, and candy—all cheap and cheerful offerings from a discount store. Through intense layering and repetition, Kurebayashi has created a collage that is reminiscent of the clips and bracelets that decorate her hair and wrists. This collage also represents the colour, fun, and whimsy that she immerses herself in everyday. Her platform shoes are by Buffalo London, another rare find for her collection. Her hair braids are handmade by Midoroya, an online artist, which she incorporates to create variety in the textures in her outfit from head to toe. Peeking beneath her sweater is a short colourful tutu that floats and bounces with each step. Together the items converge and sing, visually loud and popping against the urban landscape. Fig. 1: Kurebayashi’s street snap in an decora fashion outfit of her own styling and making, 2015. Given the street-level nature of decora fashion, stories of its origins draw on oral histories of practitioners, alongside writings from designers and stores that cater to this group (Ash). Its emergence was relatively organic in the early 1990s, with groups enjoying mixing and combining found objects and mis-matching clothing items. Initially, decorative styles documented in street photography used a dark colour palette with layers of handmade accessories, clips, and decorations, and a Visual-kei influence. Designers such as Sebastian Masuda, who entered the scene in 1995, also played a key role by introducing accessories and clothes inspired by vintage American toys, Showa era (1926-1989) packaging, and American West Club dance culture (Sekikawa and Kumagi 22–23). Pop idols such as Tomoe Shinohara and Kyary Pamyu Pamyu are also key figures that have contributed to the pop aesthetic of decora. While decora was already practiced prior to the release of Shinohara’s 1995 single Chaimu, her styling resonated with practitioners and motivated them to pursue a more “pop” aesthetic with an emphasis on bright colours, round shapes, and handmade colourful accessories. Shinohara herself encouraged fans to take on a rebelliously playful outlook and presentation of self (Nakao 15–16; Kondō). This history resonates with more recent pop idol Kyary Pamyu Pamyu’s costuming and set design, which was directed by Sebastian Masuda. Kyary’s kawaii fashion preceded her career, as she regularly participated in the Harajuku scene and agreed to street snaps. While the costuming and set design for her music videos, such as Pon Pon Pon, resonate with the Harajuku aesthetic, her playful persona diverges. Her performance uses humour, absurdity, and imperfection to convey cuteness and provide entertainment (Iseri 158), but practitioners in Harajuku do not try to replicate this performance; Shinohara and Kyary’s stage persona promotes ‘immaturity’ and ‘imperfection’ as part of their youthful teenage rebellion (Iseri 159), while kawaii fashion practitioners prefer not to be seen in this light. When considering the toys, stickers, and accessories incorporated into decora fashion, and the performances of Shinohara and Kyary, it is understandable that some outsiders may interpret the fashion as a desire to return to childhood. Some studies of kawaii fashion more broadly have interpreted the wearing of clothing like this as a resistance to adulthood and infantile regression (e.g., Kinsella 221–222; Winge; Lunning). These studies suggest that practitioners desire to remain immature in order to “undermin[e] current ideologies of gender and power” (Hasegawa 140). In particular, Kinsella in her 1995 chapter “in Japan” asserts that fashion like this is an attempt to act “vulnerable in order to emphasize … immaturity and inability to carry out social responsibilities” (241), and suggests that this regression is “self-mutilation [which denies] the existence of a wealth of insights, feelings and humour that maturity brings with it” (235). This view has spread widely in writing about kawaii fashion, and Steele, Mears, Kawamura, and Narumi observe for instance that “prolonging childhood is compelling” as an attractive component of Harajuku culture (48). While we recognise that this literature uses the concept of “childishness” to acknowledge the rebellious nature of Harajuku fashion, our participants would like to discourage this interpretation of their practice. In particular, participants highlighted their commitment to studies, paying bills, caring for family members, and other markers they felt indicated maturity and responsibility. They also found this belief that they wanted to deny themselves adult “insights, feelings and humour” deeply offensive as it disregards their lived experience and practice. From a Sociological perspective, this infantilising interpretation is concerning as it reproduces Orientalist framings of Japanese women who enjoy kawaii culture as dependent and submissive, rather than savvy consumers (Bow 66–73; Kalnay 95). Furthermore, this commentary on youth cultures globally, which points to an infantilisation of adulthood (Hayward 230), has also been interrogated by scholars as an oversimplistic reading that doesn’t recognise the rich experiences of adults who engage in these spaces while meeting milestones and responsibilities (Woodman and Wyn; Hodkinson and Bennett; Bennett). Through our lived experience and work with the decora fashion community, we offer in this essay an alternative account of what kawaii means to these practitioners. We believe that agency, energy, and vibrancy is central to the practice of decora fashion. Rather than intending to be immature, practitioners are looking for vibrant ways to exist. A New Materialist lens offers a framework with which we can consider this experience. For example, our informant Momota, in rejecting the view that her fashion was about returning to childhood, explained that decora fashion was “rejuvenating” because it gave them “energy and power”. Elizabeth Groscz in her essay on freedom in New Materialism encourages us to consider new ways of living, not as an expression of “freedom from” social norms, but rather “freedom to” new ways of being, as expression of their “capacity for action” (140). In other words, rather than seeking freedom from adult responsibilities and regressing into a state where one is unable to care for oneself, decora fashion is a celebration of what practitioners are “capable of doing” (Groscz 140–141) by finding pleasure in collecting and making. Through encounters with kawaii objects, and the act of creating through these materials, decora fashion practitioners’ agential capacities are increased through experiences of elation, excitement and pleasure. Colourful Treasures, Fluttering Hearts: The Pleasures of Collecting kawaii Matter Christine Yano describes kawaii as having the potential to “transform the mundane material world into one occupied everywhere by the sensate and the sociable” (“Reach Out”, 23). We believe that this conceptualisation of kawaii has strong links to New Materialist theory. New Materialism highlights the ways in which human subjects are “are unstable and emergent knowing, sensing, embodied, affective assemblages of matter, thought, and language, part of and inseparable from more-than human worlds” (Lupton). Matter in this context is a social actor in its own right, energising and compelling practitioners to incorporate them into their everyday lives. For example, kawaii matter can move us to be more playful, creative, and caring (Aiwaza and Ohno; Nishimura; Yano, Pink Globalization), or help us relax and feel calm when experiencing high levels of stress (Stevens; Allison; Yano, “Reach Out”). Studies in the behavioral sciences have shown how kawaii objects pique our interest, make us feel happy and excited, and through sharing our excitement for kawaii things become kinder and more thoughtful towards each other (Nittono; Ihara and Nittono; Kanai and Nittono). Decora fashion practitioners are sensitive to this sensate and sociable aspect of kawaii; specific things redolent with “thing-power” (Bennett) shine and twinkle amongst the cultural landscape and compel practitioners to gather them up and create unique outfits. Decora fashion relies on an ongoing hunt for objects to upcycle into fashion accessories, thrifting second-hand goods in vintage stores, dollar stores, and craft shops such as DAISO, Omocha Spiral, and ACDC Rag. Practitioners select plastic goods with smooth forms and shapes, and soft, breathable, and light clothing, all with highly saturated colours. Balancing the contrast of colours, practitioners create a rainbow of matter from which they assemble their outfits. The concept of the rainbow is significant to practitioners as the synergy of contrasting colours expresses its own kawaii vitality. As our interviewee, Kanepi, described, “price too can be kawaii” (Yano, Pink Globalization 71); affordable products such as capsule toys and accessories allow practitioners to amass large collections of glistening and twinkling objects. Rare items are also prized, such as vintage toys and goods imported from America, resonating with their own “uniqueness”, and providing a point of difference to the Japanese kawaii cultural landscape. In addition to the key principles of colour, rarity, and affordability, there is also a personalised aspect to decora fashion. Amongst the mundane racks of clothing, toys, and stationary, specific matter twinkles at practitioners like treasures, triggering a moment of thrilling encounter. Our interviewee Pajorina described this moment as having a “fateful energy to it”. All practitioners described this experience as “tokimeki” (literally, a fluttering heart beat), which is used to refer to an experience of excitement in anticipation of something, or the elating feeling of infatuation (Occhi). Our interviewees sought to differentiate this experience of kawaii from feelings of care towards an animal or children through writing systems. While the kanji for “kawaii” was used to refer to children and small animals, the majority of participants wrote “kawaii” to express the vivid and energetic qualities of their fashion. We found each practitioner had a tokimeki response to certain items that and informed their collecting work. While some items fit a more mainstream interpretation of kawaii, such as characters like Hello Kitty, ribbons, and glitter, other practitioners were drawn to non-typical forms they believed were kawaii, such as frogs, snails, aliens, and monsters. As our interviewee Harukyu described: “I think people’s sense of kawaii comes from different sensibilities and perspectives. It’s a matter of feelings. If you think it is kawaii, then it is”. Guided by individual experiences of objects on the shop shelves, practitioners select things that resonate with their own inner beliefs, interests, and fantasies of what kawaii is. In this regard, kawaii matter is not “structured” or “fixed” but rather “emergent through relations” that unfold between the practitioner and the items that catch their eye in a given moment (Thorpe 12). This offers not only an affirming experience through the act of creating, but a playful outlet as well. By choosing unconventional kawaii motifs to include in their collection, and using more standard kawaii beads, jewels, and ribbons to enhance the objects’ cuteness, decora fashion practitioners are transforming, warping, and shifting kawaii aesthetic boundaries in new and experimental ways (Iseri 148; Miller 24–25). As such, this act of collecting is a joyous and elating experience of gathering and accumulating. Making, Meaning, and Memory: Creating kawaii Assemblages Once kawaii items are amassed through the process of collecting, their cuteness is intensified through hand-making items and assembling outfits. One of our interviewees, Momo, explained to us that this expressive act was key to the personalisation of their clothes as it allows them to “put together the things you like” and “incorporate your own feelings”. For example, the bracelets in fig. 2 are an assemblage made by our co-author Kurebayashi, using precious items she has collected for 10 years. Each charm has its own meaning in its aesthetics, memories it evokes, and the places in which it was found. Three yellow rubber duck charms bob along strands of twinkling pink and blue bubble-like beads. These ducks, found in a bead shop wholesaler while travelling in Hong Kong, evoke for Kurebayashi an experience of a bubble bath, where one can relax and luxuriate in self care. Their contrast with the pink and blue—forming the trifecta of primary colours—enhances the vibrant intensity of the bracelet. A large blue bear charm, contrasting in scale and colour, swings at her wrist, its round forms evoking Lorenz’s Kindchenschema. This bear charm is another rare find from America, a crowning jewel in Kurebayashi’s collection. It represents Kurebayashi’s interest in fun and colourful animals as characters, and as potential kawaii friends. Its translucent plastic form catches the light as it glistens. To balance the colour scheme of her creation, Kurebayashi added a large strawberry charm, found for just 50 Yen in a discount store in Japan. Together these objects resonate with key decora principles: personal significance, rarity, affordability, and bright contrasting colours. While the bear and duck reference childhood toys, they do not signify to Kurebayashi a desire to return to childhood. Rather, their rounded forms evoke a playful outlook on life informed by self care and creativity (Ngai 841; Rose). Through bringing the collection of items together in making these bracelets, the accessories form an entanglement of kawaii matter that carries both aesthetic and personal meaning, charged with memories, traces of past travels, and a shining shimmering vitality of colour and light. Fig. 2: Handmade decora fashion bracelet by Kurebayashi, 2022. The creation of decora outfits is the final act of expression and freedom. In this moment, decora fashion practitioners experience elation as they gleefully mix and match items from their collection to create their fashion style. This entanglement of practitioner and kawaii matter evokes what Gorscz would describe as “free acts … generated through the encounter of life with matter” (151). If we return to fig. 1, we can see how Kurebayashi and her fashion mutually energise each other as an expression of colourful freedom. While the objects themselves are found through encounters and given new life by Kurebayashi as fashion items, they also provide Kurebayashi with tools of expression that “expand the variety of activities” afforded to adults (Gorscz 154). She feels elated, full of feeling, insight, and humour in these clothes, celebrating all the things she loves that are bright, colourful, and fun. Conclusion In this essay, we have used New Materialist theory to illustrate some of the ways in which kawaii matter energises decora fashion practitioners, as an expression of what Gorscz would describe as “capacity for action” and a “freedom towards” new modes of expression. Practitioners are sensitive to kawaii’s affective potential, motivating them to search for and collect items that elate and excite them, triggering moments of thrilling encounters amongst the mundanity of the stores they search through. Through the act of making and assembling these items, practitioners form an entanglement of matter charged with their feelings, memories, and the vitality and vibrancy of their collections. Like shining rainbows in the streets, they shimmer and shine with kawaii life, vibrancy, and vitality. Acknowledgements This article was produced with the support of a Vitalities Lab Scholarship, UNSW Sydney, a National Library of Australia Asia Studies scholarship, as well as in-kind support from the University of Tokyo and the Japan Foundation Sydney. 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The story of Barbie is a tapestry woven with threads of cultural significance, societal shifts, and corporate narratives. It’s a tale that encapsulates the evolution of American post-war capitalism, mirroring the changing tides of social norms, aspirations, and identities. Barbie’s journey from Germany to Los Angeles, along the way becoming a global icon, is a testament to the power of Ruth Handler’s vision and Barbie’s marketing. Barbie embodies and reflects the rise of mass consumption and the early days of television advertising, where one doll could become a household name and shape the dreams of children worldwide. The controversies and criticisms surrounding Barbie – from promoting a ‘thin ideal’ to perpetuating gender and racial stereotypes – highlight the complexities of representation in popular culture. Yet, Barbie’s enduring message, “You can be anything”, continues to inspire and empower, even as it evolves to embrace a more inclusive and diverse portrayals of power, beauty, and potential. Barbie’s story is not just about a doll; it’s about the aspirations she represents, the societal changes she’s witnessed, and the ongoing conversation about her impact on gender roles, body image, and consumer culture. It’s a narrative that continues to unfold, as Barbie adapts to the times and remains a symbol of possibility. Barbie: A Popular Culture Icon “It is impossible to conceive of the toy industry as being anything other than dependent on a popular culture which shapes and structures the meanings carried by toys” (Fleming 40). The relationship between toys and popular culture is symbiotic. While popular culture influences the creation of toys, toys also contribute to the spread and longevity of cultural icons and narratives. Today, one of the most influential, popular, and contested toys of the twentieth century is Mattel’s Barbie doll. Her launch at the New York Toy Fair on 9 March 1959 by Mattel co-founder Ruth Handler was a game-changer in the toy industry. Her adult appearance, symbolised by her fashionable swimsuit and ponytail, was a bold move by Mattel. Despite the doubts from the toy industry which thought nobody would want to play with a doll that had breasts (Tamkin) and Mattel’s skepticism of its commercial success (Westenhouser 14), Barbie was a success, selling over 350,000 units in her first year, and she quickly became an iconic figure, paving the way for other male and female adult dolls. For the first time in mid-century America, Barbie meant children could play with a doll that looked like a woman, not a little girl or a baby. In a 1965 interview, Ruth Handler argued that American girls needed a doll with a “teen-age figure and a lot of glorious, imaginative, high-fashion clothes” (cited in Giacomin and Lubinski 3). In a 1993 interview, Handler said it was “important that Barbie allowed play situations that little girls could project themselves into … to imagine, pretend and to fantasize”. Hence Ruth Handler’s Barbie could be an “avatar for girls to project their dreams onto” (Southwell). Barbie hit the market with a “sassy ponytail, heavy eyeliner, a healthy dose of side-eye and a distinctly adult body” (Blackmore). Her arched eyebrows were matched with a coy sideways glance reflecting her sexual origins (Thong). Mattel did not reveal that Ruth Handler’s Barbie was inspired by a German novelty men’s toy, Bild Lilli, which Handler had purchased on a European holiday in 1955. Mattel fought several lawsuits and eventually secured the rights to Bild Lilli in 1964, which required the German maker of the Bild Lilli doll to not make her again. Barbie dolls, both blonde and brunette, changed little until 1967, when Mattel launch the ‘new’ Barbie doll which is the foundation for today’s Stereotypical Barbie. The same size as the original, thanks to Mattel engineer Jack Ryan she could twist and turn at the waist. Her facial features were softened, she had ‘real’ eyelashes’ and took on an ‘outdoor look’. The new 1967 version of Barbie originally retailed for US$3.00. Mattel, assuming consumers may not want to buy a new Barbie when they already had one, offered buyers the new Barbie at US$1.50 if they traded in their old 1950s Barbie. The television advertising campaign for the new Barbie featured Maureen McMormick (who would go on to play Marcia Brady in the TV series The Brady Bunch from 1969 to 1974). The original #1 Barbie today sells for over US$25,000 (Reinhard). The most expensive Barbie sold to date was a Stefano Canturi-designed Barbie that sold in 2010 for US$302,500 at Christies in New York (Clarendon). Barbie has been described as “the most successful doll in history”, “the most popular toy in history”, the “empress of fashion dolls” (Rogers 86), the “most famous doll in the world” (Ferorelli), the biggest-selling fashion doll in history (Green and Gellene), and is one if the world’s “most commercially successful toys” (Fleming 41). Barbie is both “idealistic and materialistic” and characterises an “American fantasy” (Tamkin). More so, she is a popular culture icon and “a unique indicator of women’s history” (Vander Bent). The inclusion of Barbie in America’s twentieth-century Time Capsule “cemented her status as a true American icon” (Ford), as did Andy Warhol when he iconised Barbie in his 1968 painting of her (Moore). During the 1950s and 1960s, Barbie’s name was licenced to over 100 companies; while a strategic move that expanded Barbie’s brand presence, it also provided Mattel with substantial royalty payments for decades. This approach helped solidify Barbie’s status as a cultural icon and enabled her to become a lucrative asset for Mattel (Rogers). Sixty-five years later, Barbie has 99% global brand awareness. In 2021, Mattel shipped more than 86 million Barbies globally, manufacturing 164 Barbies a minute (Tomkins). In 2022, Barbie generated gross sales of US$1.49 billion (Statista 2023). With this fiscal longevity and brand recognition, the success of the Barbie film is not surprising. The 2023 film, directed by Greta Gerwig and starring Australian Margot Robbie as Barbie and Canadian Ryan Gosling as Ken, as of March 2024 has a global box office revenue of US$1.45 billion, making it the 14th most successful movie of all time and the most successful movie directed by a woman (Statista 2024). Contested Barbie Despite her popularity, Barbie has been the subject of controversy. Original Barbie’s proportions have been criticised for promoting an unrealistic body image (Thong). Barbie’s appearance has received numerous critiques for “representing an unrealistic beauty standard through its former limited skin tone and hair combination” (Lopez). The original Barbie’s measurements, if scaled to life-size, would mean Barbie is unusually tall and has a slim figure, with a height of 5 feet 9 inches, a waist of just 18 inches, and hips of approximately 33 inches. Her bust would measure around 32 inches with an under-bust of 22 inches, and her shoulder width would be approximately 28 inches. Original Barbie’s legs, which are proportionally longer than an average human’s, would make up more than half her height (Thong). A 1996 Australian study scaled Barbie and Ken to adult sizes and compared this with the physical proportions of a range of women and men. They found that the likelihood of finding a man of comparable shape to Ken was 1 in 50. Barbie was more problematic. The chance of a woman being the same proportion as Barbie was 1 in 100,000 (Norton et al. 287). In 2011, The Huffington Post’s Galia Slayen built a life-sized Barbie based on Barbie’s body measurements for National Eating Disorder Awareness Week. Slayen concluded that “if Barbie was a real woman, she’d have to walk on all fours due to her proportions”. One report found that if Barbie’s measurements were those of a real woman her “bones would be so frail, it would be impossible for her to walk, and she would only have half a liver” (Golgowski). A 2006 study found that Barbie is a “possible cause” for young girls’ “body dissatisfaction”. In this study, 162 girls from age 5 to 8 were exposed to images of a thin doll (Barbie), a plus-size doll (US doll Emme, size 16), or no doll, and then completed assessments of body image. Girls exposed to Barbie reported “lower body esteem and greater desire for a thinner body shape than girls in the other exposure conditions”. The study concluded that “early exposure to dolls epitomizing an unrealistically thin body ideal may damage girls' body image, which would contribute to an increased risk of disordered eating and weight cycling” (Dittman and Halliwell 283). Another study in 2016 found that “exposure to Barbie” led to “higher thin-ideal internalization”, but found that Barbie had no “impact on body esteem or body dissatisfaction” (Rice et al. 142). In response to such criticism, Mattel slowly introduced a variety of Barbie dolls with more diverse body types, including tall, petite, and curvy models (Tamkin). These changes aim to reflect a broader range of beauty standards and promote a more positive body image. Barbie has always had to accommodate social norms. For this reason, Barbie always must have underpants, and has no nipples. One of the reasons why Ruth Handler’s husband Elliott (also a co-founder of Mattel) was initially against producing the Barbie doll was that she had breasts, reportedly saying mothers would not buy their daughters a doll with breasts (Gerber). Margot Robbie, on playing Barbie, told one news outlet that while Barbie is “sexualized”, she “should never be sexy” (Aguirre). Early prototypes of Barbie made in Japan in the 1950s sexualised her body, leaving her to look like a prostitute. In response, Mattel hired film make-up artist Bud Westmore to redo Barbie’s face and hair with a softer look. Mattel also removed the nipples from the prototypes (Gerber). Barbie’s body and fashion have always seemed to “replicate history and show what was what was happening at the time” (Mowbray), and they also reflect how the female body is continually surveilled. Feminists have had a long history of criticism of Barbie, particularly her projection of the thin ideal. At the 1970 New York Women’s Strike for Equality, feminists shouted “I am not a Barbie doll!” Such debates exemplify the role and impact of toys in shaping and reforming societal norms and expectations. Even the more recent debates regarding the 2023 Barbie film show that Barbie is still a “lightning rod for the messy, knotty contradictions of feminism, sexism, misogyny and body image” (Chappet). Decades of criticism about Barbie, her meaning and influence, have left some to ask “Is Barbie a feminist icon, or a doll which props up the patriarchy?” Of course, she’s both, because “like all real women, Barbie has always been expected to conform to impossible standards” (Chappet). Diversifying Barbie Over the decades Mattel has slowly changed Barbie’s body, including early versions of a black Barbie-like dolls in the 1960s and 1970s such as Francie, Christie, Julia, and Cara. However, it was not until 1980 that Mattel introduced the first black Barbie. African American fashion designer Kitty Black-Perkins, who worked for Mattel from 1971, was the principal designer for black Barbie, saying that “there was a need for the little Black girl to really have something she could play with that looked like her” (cited in Lafond). Black Barbie was marketed as She’s black! She’s beautiful! She’s dynamite! The following year, Asian Barbie was introduced. She was criticised for her nondescript country of origin and dressed in an “outfit that was a mishmash of Chinese, Korean and Japanese ethnic costumes” (Wong). More recently, the Asian Barbies were again criticised for portraying stereotypes, with a recent Asian Barbie dressed as a veterinarian caring for pandas, and Asian violinist Barbie with accompanying violin props, reflecting typical stereotypes of Asians in the US (Wong). In 2016, Mattel introduced a range of Barbie and Ken dolls with seven body types, including more curvy body shapes, 11 skin tones and 28 hairstyles (Siazon). In 2019, other Barbie body types appeared, with smaller busts, less defined waist, and more defined arms. The 2019 range also included Barbies with permanent physical disabilities, one using a wheelchair and one with a prosthetic leg (Siazon). Wheelchair Barbie comes with a wheelchair, and her body has 22 joints for body movement while sitting in the wheelchair. The Prosthetic Barbie comes with a prosthetic leg which can be removed, and was made in collaboration with Jordan Reeve, a 13-year-old disability activist born without a left forearm. In 2020, a No Hair Barbie and a Barbie with the skin condition vitiligo were introduced, and in 2022, Hearing Aid Barbie was also launched. In 2022 other changes were made to Barbie’s and Ken’s bodies, with bodies that became fuller figured and Kens with smaller chests and less masculine body shapes (Dolan). Down Syndrome Barbie was released in 2023, designed in collaboration with the US National Down Syndrome Society to ensure accurate representation. By 2024, Barbie dolls come in 35 skin tones, 97 hairstyles, and nine body types (Mattel 2024). Spanning hundreds of iterations, today the Barbie doll is no longer a homogenous, blond-haired, blue-eyed toy, but rather an evolving social phenomenon, adapting with the times and the markets Mattel expands into. With dolls of numerous ethnicities and body types, Barbie has also embraced inclusivity, catering to the plethora of different consumers across the world (Green and Gellene 1989). Career Barbie While not dismissing Barbie’s problematic place in feminist, gender and racial critiques, Barbie has always been a social influencer. Her early years were marked by a variety of makeovers and modernisations, as have recent changes to Barbie’s body, reflecting the changing social norms of the times. Stereotypical Barbie had her first major makeover in 1961, with her ponytail swapped for a short ‘Bubble Bob’ hairstyle inspired by Jackie Kennedy and Marilyn Monroe, reflecting women’s emerging social independence (Foreman). In the early 1970s, Barbie’s original demure face with averted eyes was replaced by a new one that “depicted confidence and a forward-facing gaze” (Vander Bent). Her “soft look” was a departure from the mature image of the original 1959 Barbie (Lafond). The ‘soft look’ on Malibu Barbie with her newly sculpted face featured an open smile for the first time, as well as sun-tanned, make-up free skin and sun-kissed blonde hair. The disappearance of Barbie’s coy, sideways glance and the introduction of forward-looking eyes was a development “welcomed by feminists” (Ford). Barbie’s early makeovers, along with her fashion and accessories, including her homes, cars, and pets, contributed to shaping her image as a fashionable and independent woman. Barbie’s various careers and roles have been used to promote ideas of female empowerment. From astronaut to presidential candidate, Barbie has broken barriers in traditionally male-dominated fields. However, the effectiveness of these efforts in promoting female empowerment is a topic of debate. The post-war period in America saw a significant shift in the pattern of living, with a move from urban areas to the suburbs. This was facilitated by a robust post-war economy, favourable government policies like the GI Bill, and increasing urbanisation. The GI Bill played a crucial role by providing low-interest home loans to veterans, making home ownership accessible to a large segment of the population. It was a significant transformation of the American lifestyle and shaped the country’s socio-economic landscape. It is in this context that Barbie’s first Dreamhouse was introduced in the early 1960s, with its mid-century modern décor, hi-fi stereo, and slim-line furniture. This was at a time when most American women could not get a mortgage. Barbie got her first car in 1962, a peach-colored Austin-Healey 3000 MKII convertible, followed short afterwards by a Porsche 911. She has also owned a pink Jaguar XJS, a pink Mustang, a red Ferrari, and a Corvette. Barbie’s car choices of luxurious convertibles spoke to Barbie’s social and economic success. In 1998, Barbie became a NASCAR driver and also signed up to race in a Ferrari in the Formula 1. Barbie’s ‘I Can Be Anything’ range from 2008 was designed to draw kids playing with the dolls toward ambitious careers; one of those careers was as a race car driver (Southwell). While Barbie’s first job as a baby-sitter was not as glamourous or well-paying as her most of her other over 250 careers, it does reflect the cultural landscape Barbie was living in in the 1960s. Babysitter Barbie (1963) featured Barbie wearing a long, pink-striped skirt with ‘babysitter’ emblasoned along the hem and thick-framed glasses. She came with a baby in a crib, a telephone, bottles of soda, and a book. The book was called How to Lose Weight and had only two words of advice, ‘Don’t Eat’. Even though there was a backlash to the extreme dieting advice, Mattel included the book in the 1965 Slumber Party Barbie. Barbie wore pink silk pajamas with a matching robe and came prepared for her sleepover with toiletries, a mirror, the controversial diet book, and a set of scales permanently set at 110 pounds (approx. 50kg), which caused further backlash (Ford). Barbie’s early careers were those either acceptable or accessible to women of the era, such as the Fashion Designer Barbie (1960), Flight Attendant Barbie (1961), and Nurse Barbie (1962). However, in 1965 Barbie went into space, two years after cosmonaut Valentina Tereshkova became the first woman in space, and four years before the American moon landing. Barbie’s career stagnated in the 1970s, and she spends the decade being sports Barbie, perhaps as a response to her unpopularity among vocal second wave feminists and reflecting the economic downturn of the era. America’s shift to the right in the 1980s saw in the introduction of the Yuppie, the young urban professional who lived in the city, had a high-powered career, and was consumption-driven. More women were entering the workforce than ever before. Barbie also entered the workforce, spending less time doing the passive leisure of her earlier self (Ford). It also signals the beginning of neoliberalism in America, and a shift to individualism and the rise of the free market ethos. In 1985, Day-to-Night Barbie was sold as the first CEO Barbie who “could go from running the boardroom in her pink power suit to a fun night out on the town”. For Mattel she “celebrated the workplace evolution of the era and showed girls they could have it all”. But despite Barbie’s early careers, the focus was on her "emphasized femininity”, meaning that while she was now a career woman, her appearance and demeanor did not reflect her job. Astronaut Barbie (1985) is a good example of Barbie’s ‘emphasised femininity’ in how career Barbies were designed and dressed. Astronaut Barbie is clearly reflecting the fashion and culture trends of the 1980s by going into space in a “shiny, hot pink spacesuit”, comes with a second space outfit, a shiny “peplum miniskirt worn over silver leggings and knee-high pink boots” (Bertschi), and her hair is too big to fit into the helmet. A dark-skinned US Astronaut Barbie was released in 1994, which coincided with the start of the Shuttle-Mir Program, a collaboration between the US and Russia which between 1994 and 1998 would see seven American astronauts spend almost 1,000 days living in orbit with Russian cosmonauts on the Mir space station. Throughout the 1990s, Barbie increasingly takes on careers more typically considered to be male careers. But again, her femininity in design, dressing and packaging takes precedence over her career. Police Officer Barbie (1993), for example, has no gun or handcuffs. Instead, she comes with a "glittery evening dress" to wear to the awards dance where she will get the "Best Police Officer Award for her courageous acts in the community”. Police Office Barbie is pictured on the box "lov[ing] to teach safety tips to children". Barbie thus “feminizes, even maternalises, law enforcement” (Rogers 14). In 1992, Teen Talk Barbie was released. She had a voice box programmed to speak four distinct phrases out of a possible 270. She sold for US$25, and Mattel produced 350,000, expecting its popularity. The phrases included ‘I Love Shopping’ and ‘Math class is tough’. The phrase ‘Math class is tough’ was seen by many as reinforcing harmful stereotypes about girls and math. The National Council of American Teachers of Maths objected, as did the American Association of University Women (NYT 1992). In response to criticisms of the gendered representations of Barbie’s careers, Mattel have more recently featured Barbie in science and technology fields including Paleontologist Barbie (1996 and 2012), Computer Engineer Barbie (2010), Robotics Engineer Barbie (2018), Astrophysicist Barbie (2019), Wildlife Conservationist Barbie, Entomologist Barbie (2019), and Polar Marine Biologist Barbie (all in collaboration with National Geographic), Robotics Engineer Barbie (2018), Zoologist Barbie (2021), and Renewable Energy Barbie (2022), which go some way to providing representations that at least encompass the ideal that ‘Girls Can Do Anything’. Barbie over her lifetime has also taken on swimming, track and field, and has been a gymnast. Barbie was an Olympic gold medallist in the 1970s, with Mattel releasing four Barbie Olympians between 1975 and 1976, arguably cashing in on the 1976 Montreal Olympics. Gold Medal Barbie Doll Skier was dressed in a red, white, and blue ski suit completed with her gold medal. Gold Medal Barbie Doll is an Olympic swimmer wearing a red, white, and blue tricot swimsuit, and again wears an Olympic gold medal around her neck. The doll was also produced as a Canadian Olympian wearing a red and white swimsuit. Gold Medal Barbie Skater looks like Barbie Malibu and is dressed in a long-sleeved, pleated dress in red, white, and blue. The outfit included white ice skates and her gold medal. Mattel also made a Gold Medal P.J. Gymnast Doll who vaulted and somersaulted in a leotard of red, white, and blue tricot. She had a warm-up jacket with white sleeves, red cuffs, white slippers, and a gold medal. Mattel, as part of a licencing agreement with the International Olympic Committee, produced a range of toys for the 2020 Tokyo Olympics. The collection of five Barbies represented the new sports added to the 2020 Olympics: baseball and softball, sport climbing, karate, skateboarding, and surfing. Each Barbie was dressed in a sport-specific uniform and had a gold medal. Barbie Olympic Games Tokyo 2020 Surfer, for example, was dressed in a pink wetsuit top, with an orange surfboard and a Tokyo 2020 jacket. For the 2022 Winter Olympics and Paralympics, Mattel released a new collection of Barbie dolls featuring among others a para-skiing Barbie who sits on adaptive skis and comes with a championship medal (Douglas). As part of Mattel’s 2023 Barbie Career of the Year doll, the Women in Sports Barbie range shows Barbie in leadership roles in the sports industry, as manager, coach, referee, and sport reporter. General Manager Barbie wears a blue-and-white pinstripe suit accessorised with her staff pass and a smartphone. Coach Barbie has a pink megaphone, playbook, and wears a two-piece pink jacket and athletic shorts. Referee Barbie wears a headset and has a whistle. Sports Reporter Barbie wears a purple, geometric-patterned dress and carries a pink tablet and microphone (Jones). Political Barbie Barbie has run for president in every election year since 1992. The first President Barbie came with an American-themed dress for an inaugural ball and a red suit for her duties in the Oval Office. In 2016, Barbie released an all-female presidential ticket campaign set with a president and vice-president doll. The 2000 President Barbie doll wore a blue pantsuit and featured a short bob cut, red lipstick pearl necklace, and a red gown to change into, “presumably for President Barbie’s inaugural ball” (Lafond). This followed the introduction of UNICEF Ambassador Barbie in 1989. She is packaged as a member of the United States Committee for UNICEF (United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund), which is mandated to provide humanitarian and development aid to children worldwide. Rather problematically, and again with a focus on her femininity rather than the importance of the organisation she represents, she wears a glittery white and blue full length ball gown with star patterning and a red sash. While some proceeds did go to the US Committee for UNICEF, the dressing and packaging featuring an American flag overshadows the career and its philanthropic message. The period signalled the end of the Cold War and was also the year the United States invaded Panama, resulting in a humanitarian disaster when US military forces attacked urban areas in order to overthrow the Noriega administration. Military Barbie Barbie has served in every US military branch (Sicard). Barbie joined the US army in 1989, wearing a female officer’s evening uniform, though with no sense of what she did. While it may be thought Barbie would increase female in interest in a military career, at the time more women were already enlisting that in any other period from the early 1970s to 2012 (Stillwell). Barbie rejoined the army for the 1990-1991 Gulf War, wearing a Desert Combat Uniform and the 101st Airborne "Screaming Eagle" patch, and serving as a medic. Barbie also joined the Air Force in 1990, three years before Jeannie Leavitt became the first female Air Force fighter pilot. Barbie wore a green flight suit and leather jacket, and gold-trimmed flight cap. She was a fighter pilot and in 1994, she joined the USAF aerial demonstration team, The Thunderbirds. Busy in the 1990s, she also enlisted in the US Navy wearing women's Navy whites. Marine Corps Barbie appeared in 1992, wearing service and conduct medals (Stillwell). All of Barbie’s uniforms were approved by the Pentagon (Military Women’s Memorial). The 2000 Paratrooper Barbie Special Edition was released with the packaging declaring “let’s make a support drop with first aid and food boxes”. She was dressed in undefined military attire which includes a helmet, dog tags, parachute, boots, and hairbrush. Barbie’s Influence In 2014, Barbie became a social media influencer with the launch of the @barbiestyle Instagram account, and in 2015, Barbie launched a vlog on YouTube to talk directly to girls about issues they face. The animated series features Barbie discussing a range of topics including depression, bullying, the health benefits of meditation, and how girls have a habit of apologising when they don’t have anything to be sorry about. The Official @Barbie YouTube channel has over eleven million global subscribers and 23 billion minutes of content watched, making Barbie the #1 girls’ brand on YouTube. Barbie apps average more than 7 million monthly active users and the Instagram count boasts over 2 million followers. The 2023 Barbie film really does attest to Barbie’s influence 70 years after her debut. Barbie, as this article has shown, is more than an influencer and more than a doll, if she ever really was only a doll. She is a popular culture icon, regardless of whether we love her or not. Barbie has sometimes been ahead of the game, and sometimes has been problematically represented, but she has always been influential. Her body, race, ability, careers, independence, and political aspirations have spoken different things to those who play with her. She is fiercely defended, strongly criticised, and shirks from neither. She is also liberating, empowering, straight, and queer. As the articles in this issue reflect, Barbie, it seems, really can be anything. Imagining and Interrogating Barbie in Popular Culture The feature article in this issue outlines how Australian Barbie fans in the 1960s expressed their creativity through the designing and making of their own wardrobes for the doll. Through examining articles from the Australian Women’s Weekly, Donna Lee Brien reveals this rich cultural engagement that was partly driven by thrift, and mostly by enjoyment. Eva Boesenberg examines the social and environmental effects of a plastic doll that is positioned as an ecological ambassador. While there is no doubt that climate change is one of our most pressing social issues, Boesenberg questions the motivations behind Barbie’s eco-crusade: is she an apt role-model to teach children the importance of environmental issues, or is this just a case of corporate greenwashing? Emma Caroll Hudson shifts the focus to entertainment, with an exploration of the marketing of the 2023 blockbuster film Barbie. Here she argues that the marketing campaign was highly successful, utilising a multi-faceted approach centred on fan participation. She highlights key components of the campaign to reveal valuable insights into how marketing can foster a cultural phenomenon. Revna Altiok’s article zooms in on the depiction of Ken in the 2023 film, revealing his characterisation to be that of a ‘manic pixie dream boy’ whose lack of identity propels him on a journey to self-discovery. This positioning, argues Altiok, pulls into focus social questions around gender dynamics and how progress can be truly achieved. Rachel Wang turns the spotlight to Asian identity within the Barbie world, revealing how from early iterations a vague ‘Oriental’ Barbie was accompanied by cultural stereotyping. Despite later, more nuanced interpretations of country-specific Asian dolls, problematic features remained embedded. This, Wang argues, positions Asian Barbies as the racial ‘other’. Kaela Joseph, Tanya Cook, and Alena Karkanias’s article examines how the 2023 Barbie film reflects different forms of fandom. Firstly, Joseph interrogates how the Kens’ patriarchal identity is expressed through acts of collective affirmational fandom. Here, individual fans legitimise their positions within the group by mastering and demonstrating their knowledge of popular culture phenomena. Joseph contrasts this with transformational fandom, which is based upon reimagining the source material to create new forms. The transformation of the titular character of the Barbie movie forms the basis of Eli S’s analysis. S examines how the metaphor of ‘unboxing’ the doll provides an avenue through which to understand Barbie’s metamorphosis from constrained doll to aware human as she journeys from the pink plastic Barbie Land to the Real World. Anna Temel turns her critical gaze to how the 2023 film attempts to reposition Barbie’s image away from gender stereotypes to a symbol of feminist empowerment. Director Greta Gerwig, Temel argues, critiques the ‘ideal woman’ and positions Barbie as a vehicle through which contemporary feminism and womanhood can be interrogated. Temel finds that this is not always successfully articulated in the depiction of Barbie in the film. The reading of the Barbie movie’s Barbie Land as an Asexual Utopia is the focus of Anna Maria Broussard’s article. Here Broussard draws the focus to the harmonious community of dolls who live without social expectations of sexuality. Barbie provides a popular culture reflection of the Asexual experience, expressed through Barbie’s rejection of a heteronormative relationship both in Barbie Land and the Real World. Completing this collection is Daisy McManaman’s article interrogating the multiple iterations of the doll’s embodied femininity. Incorporating an ethnographic study of the author’s relationship with the doll, McManaman uncovers that Barbie serves as a site of queer joy and a role model through which to enjoy and explore femininity and gender. These articles have been both intellectually stimulating to edit, and a joy. We hope you enjoy this collection that brings a new academic lens to the popular cultural phenomenon that is Barbie. References Aguirre, Abby. “Barbiemania! Margot Robbie Opens Up about the Movie Everyone’s Waiting For.” Vogue, 24 May 2023. 16 Mar. 2024 <https://www.vogue.com/article/margot-robbie-barbie-summer-cover-2023-interview>. Bertschi, Jenna. “Barbie: An Astronaut for the Ages.” Smithsonian National Air and Space Museum, 18 Jul. 2023. 11 Mar. 2024 <https://airandspace.si.edu/stories/editorial/barbie-astronaut-ages>. Blackmore, Erin. “Barbie’s Secret Sister Was a German Novelty Doll.” History.com, 14 Jul. 2023. 11 mar. 2024 <https://www.history.com/news/barbie-inspiration-bild-lilli>. Chappet, Marie-Claire. “Why Is Barbie So Controversial? How Ever-Changing Standards for Women Have Affected the Famous Doll.” Harpers Bazaar, 18 Jul. 2023. 11 Mar. 2024 <https://www.harpersbazaar.com/uk/culture/culture-news/a44516323/barbie-controversial-figure/>. Clarendon, Dan. “The Most Valuable Barbie Doll Auctioned for $302,500 — Which Others Carry Value?” Market Realist, 14 Apr. 2023. 15 Mar. 2o24 <https://marketrealist.com/fast-money/most-valuable-barbies/>. Dittman, Helga, and Emma Halliwell. “Does Barbie Make Girls Want to Be Thin? The Effect of Experimental Exposure to Images of Dolls on the Body Image of 5- to 8-Year Old Girls.” Developmental Psychology 42.2 (2006): 283-292. DOI: 10.1037/0012-1649.42.2.283. Dolan, Leah. “Barbie Unveils Its First-Ever Doll with Hearing Aids.” CNN, 11 May 2022. 16 Mar. 2024 <https://edition.cnn.com/style/article/barbie-hearing-aid-ken-vitiligo/index.html>. Douglas, Kelly. “Why the New Para Skiing Barbie Is Groundbreaking for Disability Representation.” The Mighty, 21 Oct. 2023. 25 Mar. 2024 <https://themighty.com/topic/disability/para-skiing-barbie-disability-representation/>. Ferorelli, Enrico. “Barbie Turns 21.” Life, Nov. 1979. 15 Mar. 2024 <https://chnm.gmu.edu/cyh/primary-sources/310.html>. Fleming, Dan. Powerplay: Toys as Popular Culture. Manchester: Manchester UP, 1996. Ford, Toni Marie. “The History of the Barbie Doll.” Culture Trip, 6 Oct. 2016. 16 Mar. 2024 <https://theculturetrip.com/north-america/usa/articles/the-history-of-the-barbie-doll>. Foreman, Katya. “The Changing Faces of Barbie.” BBC, 11 May 2016. 16 Mar. 2024 <https://www.bbc.com/culture/article/20160511-the-changing-faces-of-barbie>. Gerber, Ruth. Barbie and Ruth: The Story of the World's Most Famous Doll and the Woman Who Created Her. HarperCollins, 2009. Giacomin, Valeria, and Christina Lubinski. 2023. “Entrepreneurship as Emancipation: Ruth Handler and the Entrepreneurial Process ‘in Time’ and ‘over Time’, 1930s–1980s.” Business History Online. 20 Mar. 2024 <https://doi.org/10.1080/00076791.2023.2215193>. Golgowski, Nina. “Bones So Frail It Would Be Impossible to Walk and Room for Only Half a Liver: Shocking Research Reveals What Life Would Be Like If a REAL Woman Had Barbie's body.” Daily Mirror, 14 Apr. 2013. 19 Mar. 2024 <https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2308658/How-Barbies-body-size-look-real-life-Walking-fours-missing-half-liver-inches-intestine.html>. Green, Michelle, and Denise Gellene. “As a Tiny Plastic Star Turns 30, the Real Barbie and Ken Reflect on Life in the Shadow of the Dolls.” People, 6 Mar. 1989. 15 Mar. 2024 <https://people.com/archive/as-a-tiny-plastic-star-turns-30-the-real-barbie-and-ken-reflect-on-life-in-the-shadow-of-the-dolls-vol-31-no-9/>. Jones, Alexis. “Barbie's New 'Women in Sports' Dolls Are a Major Win For Athletes and Fans.” Popsugar, 9 Aug. 2023. 17 Mar. 2024 <https://www.popsugar.com/family/mattel-women-in-sports-barbie-49268194>. Lafond, Hannah. “How Barbies Have Changed over the Years.” The List, 7 Jul. 2023. 16 Mar. 2024 <https://www.thelist.com/1333916/barbies-changed-over-the-years/>. Lopez, Sandra. “10 Barbie Dolls Inspired by Real-Life Iconic Latinas.” Remezcla, 19 Jul. 2023. 20 Mar. 2024 <https://remezcla.com/lists/culture/barbie-dolls-inspired-by-real-life-iconic-latinas/>. Military Women’s Memorial. “Barbie Enlists.” 15 Mar. 2024 <https://womensmemorial.org/curators-corner/barbie-enlists/>. Moore, Hannah. “Why Warhol Painted Barbie.” BBC, 1 Oct. 2015. 15 Mar. 2024 <https://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-34407991>. Mowbray, Nicole. “Dressing Barbie: Meet the Designer Who Created a Miniature Fashion Icon.” CNN, 14 Jul. 2023. 17 Mar. 2024 <https://edition.cnn.com/style/dressing-barbie-iconic-fashion-looks>. New York Times. “Mattel Says It Erred; Teen Talk Barbie Turns Silent on Math." 21 Oct. 1992. 20 Mar. 2024 <https://www.nytimes.com/1992/10/21/business/company-news-mattel-says-it-erred-teen-talk-barbie-turns-silent-on-math.html>. Norton, Kevin, et al. “Ken and Barbie at Life Size.” Sex Roles 34 (1996): 287-294. https://doi.org/10.1007/BF01544300. Reinhard, Abby. “Here's How Much Your Childhood Barbies Are Really Worth Now, New Data Shows.” Best Life, 14 Jul. 2023. 15 Mar. 2024 <https://bestlifeonline.com/how-much-are-barbies-worth-now-news/>. Rice, Karlie, et al. “Exposure to Barbie: Effects on Thin-Ideal Internalisation, Body Esteem, and Body Dissatisfaction among Young Girls.” Body Image 19 (2016): 142-149. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2016.09.005. Rogers, Mary, F. Barbie Culture. Sage, 1999. Siazon, Kevin John. “The New 2019 Barbie Fashionistas Are More Diverse than Ever.” Today’s Parents, 12 Feb. 2019. 19 Mar. 2024 <https://www.todaysparent.com/blogs/trending/the-new-2019-barbie-fashionistas-are-more-diverse-than-ever/>. Sicard. Sarah. “A Few Good Dolls: Barbie Has Served in Every Military Branch.” Military Times, 28 Jul. 2023. 15 Mar. 2024 <https://www.militarytimes.com/off-duty/military-culture/2023/07/27/a-few-good-dolls-barbie-has-served-in-every-military-branch/>. Slayen, Galia. “The Scary Reality of a Real-Life Barbie Doll.” Huffington Post, 8 Apr. 2011. 19 Mar. 2024 <https://www.huffpost.com/entry/the-scary-reality-of-a-re_b_845239>. Southwell, Haxel. “Plastic on Track: Barbie's History in Motorsport”. Road and Track, 21 Jul. 2023. 15 Mar. 2024 <https://www.roadandtrack.com/car-culture/a44588941/plastic-on-track-barbie-history-in-motorsport/>. 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Introduction While individuals from marginalised and vulnerable communities have long been confronted with the task of developing coping strategies, COVID-19 lockdowns intensified the conditions under which resilience and wellbeing were/are negotiated, not only for marginalised communities but for people from all walks of life. In particular, the pandemic has highlighted in simple terms the stark divide between the “haves” and “have nots”, and how pre-existing physical conditions and material resources (or lack thereof), including adequate income, living circumstances, and access to digital and other resources, have created different conditions for people to be able to physically isolate, avoid working in conditions that put them at greater risk of exposure to the virus, and maintain up-to-date information. The COVID-19 pandemic has changed the way we live, and its conditions have tested our capacity for resilience to varying degrees. Poor mental health has become an increasingly urgent concern, with almost one in ten people contemplating suicide during Victoria’s second wave and prolonged lockdown in 2020 (Ali et al.; Czeisler & Rajaratnam; Paul). The question of what enables people to cope and adapt to physical distancing is critical for building a more resilient post-pandemic society. With the understanding that resilience is comprised of an intersection of material and immaterial resources, this project takes as its focus the material dimensions of everyday resilience. Specifically, “Objects for Everyday Resilience” explores the intersection of material objects and everyday resilience, focussing on the things that have supported mental and physical health of different sections of the community in Melbourne, Australia, during the pandemic. People in the Victorian city of Melbourne, Australia – including the research team authors of this article – experienced 262 days of lockdown due to the COVID-19 pandemic, more than any other city in the world. The infection rate was high, as was the death rate. Hospitals were in crisis attempting to deal with the influx (McReadie). During lockdowns in 2020 and 2021, all movement in the city was restricted, with 9 pm to 5 am curfews and a five-kilometre travel limit. Workplaces, schools, businesses, sports and leisure clubs were closed. One person per household could shop. Masks were mandatory at all times. PCR testing was extensive. People stayed in their homes, with no visitors. The city limits were closed by roadblocks. Rare instances of air travel required a hard-to-get exemption. Vaccines were delayed. The state government provided financial support for most workers who lost income from their regular work due to the restrictions. However, the financial assistance criteria rejected many casual workers, including foreign students who normally supported themselves through casual employment (McReadie). The mental health toll of protracted lockdowns on Melbourne residents was high (Klein, Tyler-Parker, and Bastian). Yet people developed measures of resilience that helped them cope with lockdown isolation (Gerrand). While studies of resilience have been undertaken during the pandemic, including increased attention towards the affordances of online platforms in lockdown, relatively little attention has been paid to whether and how material objects support everyday resilience. The significant amount of literature on objects and things (e.g. Whitlock) offers a wide range of potential applications when brought to bear on the material conditions of resilience in the COVID-19 pandemic as it continues to unfold. As ethnographer Paula Zuccotti notes in her study of objects that people used in lockdowns around the world, “Future Archeology of a Global Lockdown”, the everyday items we use tell us stories about how we exist (Zuccotti). Paying attention to the intersection of objects with resilience in everyday contexts can enable us to view resilience as a potential practice that can shape the conditions of social life that produce adversity in the first place (Chalmers). By studying relationships between material objects and people in conditions of adversity, this project aims to enhance and extend emerging understandings of multisystemic resilience (Ungar). Objects have been central to human history, culture, and life. According to Maurizio Ferraris, objects are characterised by four qualities: sensory-ness, manipulability, ordinariness, and relationality. “Unlike the three spheres of biological life – the mineral, the vegetable and the animal – objects and things have been customarily considered dependent on humans’ agency and presence” (Bartoloni). In everyday life, objects can enhance resilience when they are mobilised in strategies of resourcefulness and “making do” (de Certeau). Objects may also support the performance of identity and enable inter-subjective relations that create a sense of agency and of being at home, wherever one is located (Ahmed et al.; Gerrand). From an existential perspective, the experience of being confined in lockdown, “stuck” in one place, challenges cosmopolitan connectedness and sense of belonging. It also bears some similarities to the experiences of migrants and refugees who have endured great uncertainty, distance, and immobility due to detention or vintage of migration (Yi-Neumann et al.). It is possible that certain objects, although facilitating resilience, might also trigger mixed feelings in the individuals who relied on them during the lockdown (Svašek). From domestic accoutrements to digital objects, what kinds of things supported wellbeing in situations of confinement? Multisystemic Resilience in Lockdown It is especially useful to consider the material dimensions of resilience when working with people who have experienced trauma, marginalisation, or mental health challenges during the pandemic, as working with objects enables interaction beyond language barriers and enables alternatives to the re-telling of experiences. Resilience has been theorised as a social process supported (or inhibited) by a range of “everyday” intersecting external and contextual factors at individual, family, social, institutional, and economic resource levels (Ungar; Sherrieb et al.; Southwick et al.). The socio-ecological approach to resilience demonstrates that aspects of individual, family, and community resilience can be learned and reinforced (Bonanno), but they can also be eroded or weakened, depending on the dynamic interplay of various forces and influences in the social ecology of an individual or a group. This means that while factors at the level of the individual, family, community, or institutions may strengthen resistance to harms or the ability to overcome adversity in one context, the same factors can promote vulnerability and erode coping abilities in others (Rutter). Our project asked to what extent this social-ecological understanding of resilience might be further enhanced by attending to nonhuman materialities that can contribute or erode resilience within human relations. We were particularly interested in understanding the potential of the exhibition for creating an inclusive and welcoming space for individuals who had experienced long COVID lockdowns to safely reflect on the material conditions that supported their resilience. The aim of this exercise was not to provide answers to a problem, but to draw attention to complexity, and generate additional questions and uncertainties, as encouraged by Barone and Eisner. The exhibition, through its juxtaposition of (lockdown-induced) loneliness with the conviviality of the public exhibition format, enabled an exploration of the tension between the neoliberal imperative to physically isolate oneself and the public messaging concerning the welfare of the general populace. Our project emerged from insights collected on the issue of mental health during “Living Lab” Roundtables undertaken in 2020 by our Centre For Resilient and Inclusive Societies, convened as part of the Foundation Project (Lam et al.). In particular, we deployed an object-based analysis to investigate the art- and object-based methodology in the aftermath of a potentially traumatising lockdown, particularly for individuals who may not respond as well to traditional research methods. This approach contributes to the emerging body of work exploring the affordances of visual and material methods for capturing feelings and responses generated between people and objects during the pandemic (Watson et al.). “Objects for Everyday Resilience” sought to facilitate greater openness to objects’ vitality (Bennett) in order to produce new encounters that further understandings of multisystemic resilience. Such insights are critically tied to human mental health and physical wellbeing. They also enabled us to develop shared resources (as described below) that support such resilience during the period of recovery from the pandemic and beyond. Arts and Objects as Research The COVID-19 pandemic provoked not only a global health response, but also a reorientation of the ways COVID-related research is conducted and disseminated. Javakhishvili et al. describe the necessity of “a complex, trauma-informed psycho-socio-political response” in the aftermath of “cultural/societal trauma” occurring at a society-wide scale, pointing out the prevalence of mental health issues following previous epidemics (1). As they note, an awareness of such trauma is necessary “to avoid re-traumatization and to facilitate recovery”, with “safety, trustworthiness, transparency, collaboration and peer support, empowerment, choice” among the key principles of trauma-informed policies, strategies, and practices (3). Our project received funding from the Centre for Resilient and Inclusive Societies (CRIS) in July 2021, and ethics approval in November 2021. Centring materiality, in November 2021 we circulated a “call for objects” through CRIS’ and the research team’s social media channels, and collected over 40 objects from participants of all ages for this pilot study. Our participants comprised 33 women and 10 men. Following is a breakdown of the self-described cultural background of some participants: Five Australian (including one ‘6th generation Australian’); four Vietnamese; two Caucasian; one Anglo-Australian; one Asian; one Brazilian; one British; one Caucasian/English Australian; one Filipino; one Filipino-Australian; one German/Portuguese/US; one Greek Australian; one Iranian; one Irish and Welsh; one Israeli; one Half German, Half Middle Eastern; one Middle Eastern; one Singaporean; one White British. Participants’ objects and stories were analysed by the team both in terms of their ‘people, place, and things’ affordances – enhancing participants’ reflections of life in the pandemic – and through the prism of their vibrancy, drawing on object-oriented ontology and materiality as method (Ravn). Our participants were encouraged to consider how their chosen object(s) supported their resilience during the pandemic. For example, some objects enabled linking with memories that assist in elaborating experiences of loss or grief (Trimingham Jack and Devereux). To guide those submitting objects, we asked about: 1) their relationship to the object, 2) the meaning of the object, and 3) which features of resilience are mobilised by the object. From an analysis of our data, we have developed a working typology of objects to understand their particular relationship role to features of resilience (social capital, temporality) and to thematise our data in relation to emerging priorities in research in multisystemic resilience, materiality, and mental health. Things on Display Whilst we were initially unable to gather in person, we built an online Instagram gallery (@objectsforeverydayresilience) of submitted objects, with accompanying stories from research participants. Relevant hashtags in several languages were added to each post by the research team to ensure their widest possible visibility. This gallery features objects such as a female participant’s jigsaw puzzle which “helped me to pass the downtime in an enjoyable way”. Unlike much of her life in lockdown that was consumed by chores that “did not necessarily make me feel content or happy”, jigsaw puzzles made this participant “happy for that time I was doing them, transport[ing] me out of the confines of the lockdown with landscapes and images from across the globe”. Another female participant submitted a picture of her worn sneakers, which she used to go on what she called her “sanity walks”. To counteract the overwhelm of “being in the house all the time with 3 (autistic) children who were doing home learning and needed a lot of support”, while attempting to work on her PhD, going for walks every day helped clear my mind, get some fresh air, keep active and have some much needed quiet / me time. I ordered these shoes online because we couldn’t go to the shops and wore them almost daily during the extended lockdowns. Books were also popular. During lockdowns, according to a female participant, reading helped me connect with the outside world and be able to entertain myself without unhealthy coping mechanisms such as scrolling endlessly through TikTok. It also helped me feel less alone during the pandemic. Another female participant found that her son’s reading gave her time to work. Olfactory objects provided comfort for a participant who mourned the loss of smell due to mask wearing: perfumes were my sensory transport during this time – they could evoke memories of places I’d travelled to, seasons, people, feelings and even colours. I could go to far-off places in my mind through scent even though my body was largely stationary within my home. (Female participant) Through scent objects, this participant was “able to bring the world to meet me when I was unable to go out to meet the world”. Other participants sought to retreat from the world through homely objects: throughout lockdown I felt that my bed became an important object to my sanity. When I felt overwhelmed, I would come to bed and take a nap which helped me feel less out of control with everything going on in the world. (Female participant) For an essential worker who injured her leg whilst working in a hospital, an Ikea couch enabled recovery: “the couch saved my throbbing leg for many months. It served as a place to eat, paint and rest.” (Female participant) While pets were not included as objects within this project, several participants submitted their pets’ accoutrements. A female participant who submitted a photograph of her cat’s collar and tree movingly recounts how while I was working online in lockdown, this cat tree kept my cat entertained. She was so enthusiastic while scratching (covered in her fur) she somehow managed to remove her collar. I call Bouny my Emotional support cat … . She really stepped up her treatments of me during the pandemic. My mother had advanced dementia and multiple lockdowns [which] meant I could not see her in the weeks leading up to her death. These objects highlight the ways in which this participant found comfort during lockdown at a time of deep grief. For other participants, blankets and shawls provided sources of comfort “since much of lockdown was either in cool weather or deepest winter”. I found myself taking [my shawl] whenever I went out for any of the permitted activities and I also went to bed with it at night. The soft texture and the warmth against my face, neck and shoulders relaxed my body and I felt comforted and safe. (Female participant) Another used a calming blanket during lockdown “for time-outs on my bed (I was confined to a tiny flat at the time and separated from my family). It gave me a safe space”. (Female participant) In a similar vein, journalling provided several participants with “a safe space to explore thoughts and make them more tangible, acting as a consistent mindful practice I could always turn to”. The journal provided consistency throughout the ever-changing lockdown conditions and a strong sense of stability. Recording thoughts daily allowed me to not only process adversity, but draw attention to the areas in my life which I was grateful for … even from home. (Female participant) In addition to fostering mindfulness, the creative practice of journalling enabled this participant to exercise her imagination: writing from the perspectives of other people, from friends to strangers, also allowed me to reflect on the different experiences others had during lockdown. I found this fostered empathy and motivated me to reach out and check in on others, which in turn also benefited my own mental health. (Female participant) Creative practices were critical to sustaining many participants of this study. The Norman family, for example, submitted an acrylic on canvas artwork, Surviving COVID in Port Melbourne (2021), as their object of resilience: this work represents the sentiments and experiences of our family after a year of successive COVID lockdowns. Each section of the canvas has been completed a member of our family – 2 parents and a 21, 18 and 14 year-old. (Norman family) Likewise, musical instruments and sound objects – whether through analogue or digital means – helped participants to stay sane in long lockdowns: wen I didn’t know what to do with myself I always turned to the guitar. (Male participant) Music was so important to us throughout the lockdowns. It helped us express and diffuse big feelings. We played happy songs to amplify nice moments, funny songs to cheer each other up, angry songs to dance out rage. (Family participants) Curating the Lockdown Lounge To enhance the capacity of our project’s connections to the wider community, and respond to the need we felt to gather in person to reflect on what it meant for each of us to endure long lockdowns, we held an in-person exhibition after COVID-19 restrictions had eased in Melbourne in November 2022. The decision to curate the “Lockdown Lounge” art and research exhibition featuring objects submitted by research participants was consistent with a trauma-informed approach to research as described above. According to Crowther, art exhibits have the potential to redirect viewers’ attention from “aesthetic critique” to emotional connection. They can facilitate what Moon describes as “relational aesthetics”, whereby viewers may connect with the art and artists, and enhance their awareness of the self, artist, and the world. As a form of “guided relational viewing” (Potash), art exhibits are non-coercive in that they invite responses, discussion, and emotional involvement while placing no expectation on viewers to engage with or respond to the exhibition in a particular way. When considering such questions, our immersive in-person exhibition featured a range of object-based installations including audio-visual and sound objects, available for viewing in our Zine, The Lockdown Lounge (Walimunige et al.). The living room design was inspired by French-Algerian artist Zineb Sedira’s immersive living room installation, “Dreams Don’t Have Titles”, at the 59th Venice Art Biennale’s French pavilion (Sedira), attended by project co-lead Vivian Gerrand in June 2022. The project team curated the gallery space together, which was located at Deakin University’s city conference venue, “Deakin Downtown”, in Melbourne, Australia. Fig. 1: The Lockdown Lounge, living room. “What Got You through Lockdown?” research exhibition and experience, Deakin Downtown, Melbourne, 21-25 November 2022. In the centre of the Lockdown Lounge’s living room (see fig. 1), for example, a television screen played a looped collection of popular YouTube videos, many of which had gone viral in the early months of the COVID-19 pandemic. There was Victorian Premier Daniel Andrews, admonishing Victorians to avoid non-essential activities through the example of an illicit dinner party held that resulted in a spike in coronavirus cases in March 2020 (ABC News). This short video excerpt of the Premier’s press conference concluded with his advice not to “get on the beers”. While not on display in this instance, many visitors would have been familiar with the TikTok video remix made later in the pandemic that featured the same press conference, with Premier Andrews’s words spliced to encourage listeners to “get on the beers!” (Kutcher). We recalled the ways in which such videos provided light relief through humour at a time of grave illness and trauma: when army trucks were being summoned to carry the deceased from Northern Italian hospitals to makeshift gravesites, those of us privileged to be at home, at a remove from the ravages of the virus, shared videos of Italian mayors shouting at their constituents to “vai a casa!” (Go home!). Or of Italians walking fake dogs to have an excuse to go outside. We finished the loop with a reproduction of the viral Kitten Zoom Filter Mishap, in which in online American courtroom defendant Rod Ponton mistakenly dons a cat filter while telling the judge, ‘I am not a cat’. The extraordinary nature of living in lockdown initially appeared as an opportunity to slow down, and this pandemic induced immobility appeared to prompt a kind of “degrowth” as industries the world over paused operation and pollution levels plummeted (Gerrand). In reflection of this, we included videos in our YouTube playlist of wild animals returning to big cities, and of the waters of Venice appearing to be clear. These videos recalled how the pandemic has necessitated greater appreciation of the power of things. The spread of the novel coronavirus’s invisible variants has permanently altered the conditions and perceptions of human life on the planet, forcing us to dwell on the vitality intrinsic to materiality, and renewing awareness of human lives as taking place within a broader ecology of life forms (Bennett). Within this posthuman perspective, distinctions between life and matter are blurred, and humans are displaced from a hierarchical ontological centre. In an essay titled “The Go Slow Party”, anthropologist Michael Taussig theorises a “mastery of non-mastery” that yields to the life of the object. This yielding – a necessary response to the conditions of the pandemic – can enable greater attentiveness to the interconnectedness and enmeshment of all things, leading to broader understandings of self and of resilience. To understand how participants responded to the exhibition, we asked them to respond to the following questions in the form of open-ended comments: What if anything affected you most? Did any of the objects resonate with you? Did the exhibition provide a safe environment for you to reflect on your sense of resilience during the pandemic? Fig. 2: Research exhibition participant standing beside artwork by the Norman family: Surviving COVID in Port Melbourne, acrylic on canvas (2021), The Lockdown Lounge. Through curating the art exhibition, we engaged in what Wang et al. describe as “art as research”, whereby the artist-researcher aims to “gain a deeper understanding of what art, art creation, or an artistic installation can do or activate … either in terms of personal experiences or environmental circumstances” (15). As Wang et al. write, “the act of creating is simultaneously the act of researching”, neither of which can be distinguished from one another (15). Accordingly, the process of curating the gallery space triggered memories of living in lockdown for members of our team, including one male youth researcher who remembers: as the space gradually began to be populated with object submissions … the objects began to find their place … . We slowly developed an understanding of the specific configurations of objects and the feelings that these combinations potentially could invoke. As we negotiated where my object might be placed, I felt an odd sense of melancholy seeing my record player and guitar at the exhibition, reminiscing about the music that I used to play and listen to with my family when we were all in lockdown … . As my Bon Iver record spun, and the familiar melodies rung out into the space, I felt as if I was sharing an intimate memory with others … . It also reminded me of the times when I had felt the most uplifted, when I was with family, near and far, knowing that we all were a unit. Another of our youth researcher team members served as an assistant curator and agreed to monitor the gallery space by being there for most of the five days of the exhibition’s opening to the public. She describes her work in the gallery thus: my role involved general exhibition upkeep – setup, answering visitor inquiries and monitoring the space – which meant being in the exhibition space for around 7.5 hours a day. Although it cannot be fully compared to living through Melbourne’s lockdowns, being in a space meant to mimic that time meant that comparisons naturally arose. I can see similarities between the things that supported my resilience during the lockdowns and the things that made my time at the gallery enjoyable. Through engaging with the gallery, this researcher was reminded of how spending time engaging in hands-on tasks made physical distancing more manageable. Spending time in the exhibition space also facilitated her experience of the lockdowns and the material conditions supporting resilience. She reflects that the hands-on, creative tasks of setting up the exhibition space and helping design a brochure reminded me of how I turned to baking so I could create something using my hands … . In the beginning, I approached my time at the gallery as a requirement of my work in this project … . Looking back now, I believe I understand both the person I was those years ago, and resilience itself, a little bit better. Fig. 3: Research exhibition participant wearing an Oculus virtual reality headset, watching the film Melbourne Locked Down (van Leeuwen), The Lockdown Lounge, November 2022. As these examples demonstrate, complex assemblages of people, places, and things during the COVID-19 pandemic were, and are, “suffused with multisensory and affective feelings”; exploring the ways affect is distributed through socio-spatialities of human experience enables researchers to better unpack individuals’ COVID experiences in ways that include their surroundings (Lupton). This was further evident in the feedback received from participants who attended the exhibition. Exhibition Feedback Feedback from participants suggested that the public exhibition format enabled them to explore this tension between isolation and orientation to the greater good in a safe and inclusive way (e.g. fig. 2). For Harry (29/m/Argentinian/New Zealand), interacting with the exhibition “reminded me that I wasn’t the only one that went through it”, while Sam (40/m/Chinese Australian) resonated with “many … people’s testimonials” of how objects helped support their resilience during long periods of confinement. Sam further added that participating in the exhibition was a “pleasant, friendly experience”, and that “everyone found something to do”, speaking to the convivial and inclusive nature of the exhibition. This resonates with Chaplin’s observation that “the production and reception of visual art works are social processes” that cannot be understood with reference to aesthetic factors alone (161-2). In the quotes above, it is evident that participants’ experience of the exhibition was inherently entwined with the sociality of the exhibition, evoking a sense of connection to others who had experienced the pandemic (in Harry’s case), and other exhibition attendees, whom he observed “all found something to do”. Additionally, participants’ responses highlighted the crucial role of the “artist researcher”, whom Wang et al. describe as qualitative researchers who use “artistically inspired methods or approaches” to blend research and art to connect with participants (10). In particular, the curation of the exhibition was something participants highlighted as key to facilitating their recollections of the pandemic in ways that were relatable. Nala (19/f/East-African Australian) commented that “the room’s layout allowed for this the most”: “the room was curated so well, it encaptured [sic] all the various stages of COVID lockdown – it made me feel like I was 16 again”. Returning to Wang et al.’s description of “art as research” as a means through which artist researchers can “gain a deeper understanding of what art, art creation, or an artistic installation can do or activate” (15), participant responses suggest that the curation of Lockdown Lounge as a trauma-informed art exhibition allowed participants to re-experience the pandemic lockdowns in ways that did not re-traumatise, but enabled the past and present to coexist safely and meaningfully for participants. Conclusion: Object-Oriented Wellbeing From different sections of the community, “Objects for Everyday Resilience” collected things that tell stories about how people coped in long lockdowns. Displaying the objects and practices that sustained us through the peak of the COVID-19 health crisis helped our participants to safely reflect on their experiences of living through long lockdowns. The variety of objects submitted and displayed draws our attention to the complex nuances of resilience and its material and immaterial intersections. These contributions composed, as fig. 1 illustrates, an almost accidentally curated diorama of a typical lockdown scene, imitating not only the materiality of living room itself but something also, through the very process of contribution, of the strange collectivity that the city of Melbourne experienced during lockdown periods. Precisely partitioned within domestic zones (with important differences for many “essential workers”, residents of public housing high-rises, and other exceptions), lockdowns enforced a different and necessarily unifying rhythm: attention to daily briefings on COVID numbers, affective responses to the heaves and sighs of infection rates, mourning over a new and untameable cause of loss of life, and routine check-ins on newly isolated friends and family. In hindsight, as the city has regained – perhaps redoubled, a sign of impatience with earlier governmental languages of austerity and moderation? – its economic and hedonistic pulse, there are also signs that any lockdown collectivity – which we also acknowledge was always partial and differentiated – has dispersed into the fragmentation of social interests and differences typical of late capitalism. The fascination with “public” objects – the Northface jacket of the state premier, COVID masks and testing kits, even toilet paper rolls, serving metonymically for a shared panic over scarcity – has receded. To the point, less than two years on, of this media attention being a scarcely remembered dream. The Lockdown Lounge is an example of a regathering of experiences through a process that, through its methods, also serves as a reminder of a common sociality integral to resilience. Our project highlights the role of objects- and arts-based research approaches in understanding the resources required to enhance and enable pandemic recovery and multisystemic wellbeing. Acknowledgments We would like to thank the Centre for Resilient and Inclusive Societies for their funding and support of the Objects for Everyday Resilience Project. Thanks also to the Alfred Deakin Institute’s Mobilities, Diversity and Multiculturalism Stream for providing a supplementary grant for our research exhibition. Objects for Everyday Resilience received ethics clearance from Deakin University in November 2021, project ID: 2021-275. References ABC News. “’No Getting on the Beers’ at Home with Mates as Coronavirus Clampdown Increases.” Daniel Andrews Coronavirus Press Conference, 22 Mar. 2020. <https://www.theguardian.com/world/video/2020/mar/23/no-getting-on-the-beers-at-home-with-mates-as-coronavirus-clampdown-increases-video>. Ahmed, Sara, et al. 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Background “The sense of taste,” write Nelson and colleagues in a 2002 issue of Nature, “provides animals with valuable information about the nature and quality of food. Mammals can recognize and respond to a diverse repertoire of chemical entities, including sugars, salts, acids and a wide range of toxic substances” (199). The authors go on to argue that several amino acids—the building blocks of proteins—taste delicious to humans and that “having a taste pathway dedicated to their detection probably had significant evolutionary implications”. They imply, but do not specify, that the evolutionary implications are positive. This may be the case with some amino acids, but contemporary tastes, and changes in them, are far from universally beneficial. Indeed, this article argues that modern food production shapes and distorts human taste with significant implications for health and wellbeing. Take the western taste for fried chipped potatoes, for example. According to Schlosser in Fast Food Nation, “In 1960, the typical American ate eighty-one pounds of fresh potatoes and about four pounds of frozen french fries. Today [2002] the typical American eats about forty-nine pounds of fresh potatoes every year—and more than thirty pounds of frozen french fries” (115). Nine-tenths of these chips are consumed in fast food restaurants which use mass-manufactured potato-based frozen products to provide this major “foodservice item” more quickly and cheaply than the equivalent dish prepared from raw ingredients. These choices, informed by human taste buds, have negative evolutionary implications, as does the apparently long-lasting consumer preference for fried goods cooked in trans-fats. “Numerous foods acquire their elastic properties (i.e., snap, mouth-feel, and hardness) from the colloidal fat crystal network comprised primarily of trans- and saturated fats. These hardstock fats contribute, along with numerous other factors, to the global epidemics related to metabolic syndrome and cardiovascular disease,” argues Michael A. Rogers (747). Policy makers and public health organisations continue to compare notes internationally about the best ways in which to persuade manufacturers and fast food purveyors to reduce the use of these trans-fats in their products (L’Abbé et al.), however, most manufacturers resist. Hank Cardello, a former fast food executive, argues that “many products are designed for ‘high hedonic value’, with carefully balanced combinations of salt, sugar and fat that, experience has shown, induce people to eat more” (quoted, Trivedi 41). Fortunately for the manufactured food industry, salt and sugar also help to preserve food, effectively prolonging the shelf life of pre-prepared and packaged goods. Physiological Factors As Glanz et al. discovered when surveying 2,967 adult Americans, “taste is the most important influence on their food choices, followed by cost” (1118). A person’s taste is to some extent an individual response to food stimuli, but the tongue’s taste buds respond to five basic categories of food: salty, sweet, sour, bitter, and umami. ‘Umami’ is a Japanese word indicating “delicious savoury taste” (Coughlan 11) and it is triggered by the amino acid glutamate. Japanese professor Kikunae Ikeda identified glutamate while investigating the taste of a particular seaweed which he believed was neither sweet, sour, bitter, or salty. When Ikeda combined the glutamate taste essence with sodium he formed the food additive sodium glutamate, which was patented in 1908 and subsequently went into commercial production (Japan Patent Office). Although individual, a person’s taste preferences are by no means fixed. There is ample evidence that people’s tastes are being distorted by modern food marketing practices that process foods to make them increasingly appealing to the average palate. In particular, this industrialisation of food promotes the growth of a snack market driven by salty and sugary foods, popularly constructed as posing a threat to health and wellbeing. “[E]xpanding waistlines [are] fuelled by a boom in fast food and a decline in physical activity” writes Stark, who reports upon the 2008 launch of a study into Australia’s future ‘fat bomb’. As Deborah Lupton notes, such reports were a particular feature of the mid 2000s when: intense concern about the ‘obesity epidemic’ intensified and peaked. Time magazine named 2004 ‘The Year of Obesity’. That year the World Health Organization’s Global Strategy on Diet, Physical Activity and Health was released and the [US] Centers for Disease Control predicted that a poor diet and lack of exercise would soon claim more lives than tobacco-related disease in the United States. (4) The American Heart Association recommends eating no more than 1500mg of salt per day (Hamzelou 11) but salt consumption in the USA averages more than twice this quantity, at 3500mg per day (Bernstein and Willett 1178). In the UK, a sustained campaign and public health-driven engagement with food manufacturers by CASH—Consensus Action on Salt and Health—resulted in a reduction of between 30 and 40 percent of added salt in processed foods between 2001 and 2011, with a knock-on 15 percent decline in the UK population’s salt intake overall. This is the largest reduction achieved by any developed nation (Brinsden et al.). “According to the [UK’s] National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE), this will have reduced [UK] stroke and heart attack deaths by a minimum of 9,000 per year, with a saving in health care costs of at least £1.5bn a year” (MacGregor and Pombo). Whereas there has been some success over the past decade in reducing the amount of salt consumed, in the Western world the consumption of sugar continues to rise, as a graph cited in the New Scientist indicates (O’Callaghan). Regular warnings that sugar is associated with a range of health threats and delivers empty calories devoid of nutrition have failed to halt the increase in sugar consumption. Further, although some sugar is a natural product, processed foods tend to use a form invented in 1957: high-fructose corn syrup (HFCS). “HFCS is a gloopy solution of glucose and fructose” writes O’Callaghan, adding that it is “as sweet as table sugar but has typically been about 30% cheaper”. She cites Serge Ahmed, a French neuroscientist, as arguing that in a world of food sufficiency people do not need to consume more, so they need to be enticed to overeat by making food more pleasurable. Ahmed was part of a team that ran an experiment with cocaine-addicted rats, offering them a mutually exclusive choice between highly-sweetened water and cocaine: Our findings clearly indicate that intense sweetness can surpass cocaine reward, even in drug-sensitized and -addicted individuals. We speculate that the addictive potential of intense sweetness results from an inborn hypersensitivity to sweet tastants. In most mammals, including rats and humans, sweet receptors evolved in ancestral environments poor in sugars and are thus not adapted to high concentrations of sweet tastants. The supranormal stimulation of these receptors by sugar-rich diets, such as those now widely available in modern societies, would generate a supranormal reward signal in the brain, with the potential to override self-control mechanisms and thus lead to addiction. (Lenoir et al.) The Tongue and the Brain One of the implications of this research about the mammalian desire for sugar is that our taste for food is about more than how these foods actually taste in the mouth on our tongues. It is also about the neural response to the food we eat. The taste of French fries thus also includes that “snap, mouth-feel, and hardness” and the “colloidal fat crystal network” (Rogers, “Novel Structuring” 747). While there is no taste receptor for fats, these nutrients have important effects upon the brain. Wang et al. offered rats a highly fatty, but palatable, diet and allowed them to eat freely. 33 percent of the calories in the food were delivered via fat, compared with 21 percent in a normal diet. The animals almost doubled their usual calorific intake, both because the food had a 37 percent increased calorific content and also because the rats ate 47 percent more than was standard (2786). The research team discovered that in as little as three days the rats “had already lost almost all of their ability to respond to leptin” (Martindale 27). Leptin is a hormone that acts on the brain to communicate feelings of fullness, and is thus important in assisting animals to maintain a healthy body weight. The rats had also become insulin resistant. “Severe resistance to the metabolic effects of both leptin and insulin ensued after just 3 days of overfeeding” (Wang et al. 2786). Fast food restaurants typically offer highly palatable, high fat, high sugar, high salt, calorific foods which can deliver 130 percent of a day’s recommended fat intake, and almost a day’s worth of an adult man’s calories, in one meal. The impacts of maintaining such a diet over a comparatively short time-frame have been recorded in documentaries such as Super Size Me (Spurlock). The after effects of what we widely call “junk food” are also evident in rat studies. Neuroscientist Paul Kenny, who like Ahmed was investigating possible similarities between food- and cocaine-addicted rats, allowed his animals unlimited access to both rat ‘junk food’ and healthy food for rats. He then changed their diets. “The rats with unlimited access to junk food essentially went on a hunger strike. ‘It was as if they had become averse to healthy food’, says Kenny. It took two weeks before the animals began eating as much [healthy food] as those in the control group” (quoted, Trivedi 40). Developing a taste for certain food is consequently about much more than how they taste in the mouth; it constitutes an individual’s response to a mixture of taste, hormonal reactions and physiological changes. Choosing Health Glanz et al. conclude their study by commenting that “campaigns attempting to change people’s perception of the importance of nutrition will be interpreted in terms of existing values and beliefs. A more promising strategy might be to stress the good taste of healthful foods” (1126). Interestingly, this is the strategy already adopted by some health-focused cookbooks. I have 66 cookery books in my kitchen. None of ten books sampled from the five spaces in which these books are kept had ‘taste’ as an index entry, but three books had ‘taste’ in their titles: The Higher Taste, Taste of Life, and The Taste of Health. All three books seek to promote healthy eating, and they all date from the mid-1980s. It might be that taste is not mentioned in cookbook indexes because it is a sine qua non: a focus upon taste is so necessary and fundamental to a cookbook that it goes without saying. Yet, as the physiological evidence makes clear, what we find palatable is highly mutable, varying between people, and capable of changing significantly in comparatively short periods of time. The good news from the research studies is that the changes wrought by high salt, high sugar, high fat diets need not be permanent. Luciano Rossetti, one of the authors on Wang et al’s paper, told Martindale that the physiological changes are reversible, but added a note of caution: “the fatter a person becomes the more resistant they will be to the effects of leptin and the harder it is to reverse those effects” (27). Morgan Spurlock’s experience also indicates this. In his case it took the actor/director 14 months to lose the 11.1 kg (13 percent of his body mass) that he gained in the 30 days of his fast-food-only experiment. Trivedi was more fortunate, stating that, “After two weeks of going cold turkey, I can report I have successfully kicked my ice cream habit” (41). A reader’s letter in response to Trivedi’s article echoes this observation. She writes that “the best way to stop the craving was to switch to a diet of vegetables, seeds, nuts and fruits with a small amount of fish”, adding that “cravings stopped in just a week or two, and the diet was so effective that I no longer crave junk food even when it is in front of me” (Mackeown). Popular culture indicates a range of alternative ways to resist food manufacturers. In the West, there is a growing emphasis on organic farming methods and produce (Guthman), on sl called Urban Agriculture in the inner cities (Mason and Knowd), on farmers’ markets, where consumers can meet the producers of the food they eat (Guthrie et al.), and on the work of advocates of ‘real’ food, such as Jamie Oliver (Warrin). Food and wine festivals promote gourmet tourism along with an emphasis upon the quality of the food consumed, and consumption as a peak experience (Hall and Sharples), while environmental perspectives prompt awareness of ‘food miles’ (Weber and Matthews), fair trade (Getz and Shreck) and of land degradation, animal suffering, and the inequitable use of resources in the creation of the everyday Western diet (Dare, Costello and Green). The burgeoning of these different approaches has helped to stimulate a commensurate growth in relevant disciplinary fields such as Food Studies (Wessell and Brien). One thing that all these new ways of looking at food and taste have in common is that they are options for people who feel they have the right to choose what and when to eat; and to consume the tastes they prefer. This is not true of all groups of people in all countries. Hiding behind the public health campaigns that encourage people to exercise and eat fresh fruit and vegetables are the hidden “social determinants of health: The conditions in which people are born, grow, live, work and age, including the health system” (WHO 45). As the definitions explain, it is the “social determinants of health [that] are mostly responsible for health iniquities” with evidence from all countries around the world demonstrating that “in general, the lower an individual’s socioeconomic position, the worse his or her health” (WHO 45). For the comparatively disadvantaged, it may not be the taste of fast food that attracts them but the combination of price and convenience. If there is no ready access to cooking facilities, or safe food storage, or if a caregiver is simply too time-poor to plan and prepare meals for a family, junk food becomes a sensible choice and its palatability an added bonus. For those with the education, desire, and opportunity to break free of the taste for salty and sugary fats, however, there are a range of strategies to achieve this. There is a persuasive array of evidence that embracing a plant-based diet confers a multitude of health benefits for the individual, for the planet and for the animals whose lives and welfare would otherwise be sacrificed to feed us (Green, Costello and Dare). Such a choice does involve losing the taste for foods which make up the lion’s share of the Western diet, but any sense of deprivation only lasts for a short time. The fact is that our sense of taste responds to the stimuli offered. It may be that, notwithstanding the desires of Jamie Oliver and the like, a particular child never will never get to like broccoli, but it is also the case that broccoli tastes differently to me, seven years after becoming a vegan, than it ever did in the years in which I was omnivorous. When people tell me that they would love to adopt a plant-based diet but could not possibly give up cheese, it is difficult to reassure them that the pleasure they get now from that specific cocktail of salty fats will be more than compensated for by the sheer exhilaration of eating crisp, fresh fruits and vegetables in the future. Conclusion For decades, the mass market food industry has tweaked their products to make them hyper-palatable and difficult to resist. They do this through marketing experiments and consumer behaviour research, schooling taste buds and brains to anticipate and relish specific cocktails of sweet fats (cakes, biscuits, chocolate, ice cream) and salty fats (chips, hamburgers, cheese, salted nuts). They add ingredients to make these products stimulate taste buds more effectively, while also producing cheaper items with longer life on the shelves, reducing spoilage and the complexity of storage for retailers. Consumers are trained to like the tastes of these foods. Bitter, sour, and umami receptors are comparatively under-stimulated, with sweet, salty, and fat-based tastes favoured in their place. Western societies pay the price for this learned preference in high blood pressure, high cholesterol, diabetes, and obesity. Public health advocate Bruce Neal and colleagues, working to reduce added salt in processed foods, note that the food and manufacturing industries can now provide most of the calories that the world needs to survive. “The challenge now”, they argue, “is to have these same industries provide foods that support long and healthy adult lives. And in this regard there remains a very considerable way to go”. If the public were to believe that their sense of taste is mutable and has been distorted for corporate and industrial gain, and if they were to demand greater access to natural foods in their unprocessed state, then that journey towards a healthier future might be far less protracted than these and many other researchers seem to believe. References Bernstein, Adam, and Walter Willett. “Trends in 24-Hr Sodium Excretion in the United States, 1957–2003: A Systematic Review.” American Journal of Clinical Nutrition 92 (2010): 1172–1180. Bhaktivedanta Book Trust. 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Getz, Christy, and Aimee Shreck. “What Organic and Fair Trade Labels Do Not Tell Us: Towards a Place‐Based Understanding of Certification.” International Journal of Consumer Studies 30.5 (2006): 490–501. Glanz, Karen, Michael Basil, Edward Maibach, Jeanne Goldberg, & Dan Snyder. “Why Americans Eat What They Do: Taste, Nutrition, Cost, Convenience, and Weight Control Concerns as Influences on Food Consumption.” Journal of the American Dietetic Association 98.10 (1988): 1118–1126. Green, Lelia, Leesa Costello, and Julie Dare. “Veganism, Health Expectancy, and the Communication of Sustainability.” Australian Journal of Communication 37.3 (2010): 87–102 Guthman, Julie. Agrarian Dreams: the Paradox of Organic Farming in California. Berkley and Los Angeles, CA: U of California P, 2004 Guthrie, John, Anna Guthrie, Rob Lawson, & Alan Cameron. “Farmers’ Markets: The Small Business Counter-Revolution in Food Production and Retailing.” British Food Journal 108.7 (2006): 560–573. 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All history of this area and the general talk and all of that is that 1973 was a turning point and the Aquarius Festival is credited with having turned this region around in so many ways, but I think that is a myth ... and I have to honour the truth; and the truth is that old Dicke Donelly came and did a Welcome to Country the night before the festival. (Joseph in Joseph and Hanley)In 1973 the Australian Union of Students (AUS) held the Aquarius Arts and Lifestyle Festival in a small, rural New South Wales town called Nimbin. The festival was seen as the peak expression of Australian counterculture and is attributed to creating the “Rainbow Region”, an area with a concentration of alternative life stylers in Northern NSW (Derrett 28). While the Aquarius Festival is recognised as a founding historical and countercultural event, the unique and important relationships established with Indigenous people at this time are generally less well known. This article investigates claims that the 1973 Aquarius Festival was “the first event in Australian history that sought permission for the use of the land from the Traditional Owners” (Joseph and Hanley). The diverse international, national and local conditions that coalesced at the Aquarius Festival suggest a fertile environment was created for reconciliatory bonds to develop. Often dismissed as a “tree hugging, soap dodging movement,” the counterculture was radically politicised having sprung from the 1960s social revolutions when the world witnessed mass demonstrations that confronted war, racism, sexism and capitalism. Primarily a youth movement, it was characterised by flamboyant dress, music, drugs and mass gatherings with universities forming the epicentre and white, middle class youth leading the charge. As their ideals of changing the world were frustrated by lack of systematic change, many decided to disengage and a migration to rural settings occurred (Jacob; Munro-Clarke; Newton). In the search for alternatives, the counterculture assimilated many spiritual practices, such as Eastern traditions and mysticism, which were previously obscure to the Western world. This practice of spiritual syncretism can be represented as a direct resistance to the hegemony of the dominant Western culture (Stell). As the new counterculture developed, its progression from urban to rural settings was driven by philosophies imbued with a desire to reconnect with and protect the natural world while simultaneously rejecting the dominant conservative order. A recurring feature of this countercultural ‘back to the land’ migration was not only an empathetic awareness of the injustices of colonial past, but also a genuine desire to learn from the Indigenous people of the land. Indigenous people were generally perceived as genuine opposers of Westernisation, inherently spiritual, ecological, tribal and communal, thus encompassing the primary values to which the counterculture was aspiring (Smith). Cultures converged. One, a youth culture rebelling from its parent culture; the other, ancient cultures reeling from the historical conquest by the youths’ own ancestors. Such cultural intersections are rich with complex scenarios and politics. As a result, often naïve, but well-intended relations were established with Native Americans, various South American Indigenous peoples, New Zealand Maori and, as this article demonstrates, the Original People of Australia (Smith; Newton; Barr-Melej; Zolov). The 1960s protest era fostered the formation of groups aiming to address a variety of issues, and at times many supported each other. Jennifer Clarke says it was the Civil Rights movement that provided the first models of dissent by formulating a “method, ideology and language of protest” as African Americans stood up and shouted prior to other movements (2). The issue of racial empowerment was not lost on Australia’s Indigenous population. Clarke writes that during the 1960s, encouraged by events overseas and buoyed by national organisation, Aborigines “slowly embarked on a political awakening, demanded freedom from the trappings of colonialism and responded to the effects of oppression at worst and neglect at best” (4). Activism of the 1960s had the “profoundly productive effect of providing Aborigines with the confidence to assert their racial identity” (159). Many Indigenous youth were compelled by the zeitgeist to address their people’s issues, fulfilling Charlie Perkins’s intentions of inspiring in Indigenous peoples a will to resist (Perkins). Enjoying new freedoms of movement out of missions, due to the 1967 Constitutional change and the practical implementation of the assimilation policy, up to 32,000 Indigenous youth moved to Redfern, Sydney between 1967 and 1972 (Foley, “An Evening With”). Gary Foley reports that a dynamic new Black Power Movement emerged but the important difference between this new younger group and the older Indigenous leaders of the day was the diverse range of contemporary influences. Taking its mantra from the Black Panther movement in America, though having more in common with the equivalent Native American Red Power movement, the Black Power Movement acknowledged many other international struggles for independence as equally inspiring (Foley, “An Evening”). People joined together for grassroots resistance, formed anti-hierarchical collectives and established solidarities between varied groups who previously would have had little to do with each other. The 1973 Aquarius Festival was directly aligned with “back to the land” philosophies. The intention was to provide a place and a reason for gathering to “facilitate exchanges on survival techniques” and to experience “living in harmony with the natural environment.” without being destructive to the land (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). Early documents in the archives, however, reveal no apparent interest in Australia’s Indigenous people, referring more to “silken Arabian tents, mediaeval banners, circus, jugglers and clowns, peace pipes, maypole and magic circles” (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). Obliterated from the social landscape and minimally referred to in the Australian education system, Indigenous people were “off the radar” to the majority mindset, and the Australian counterculture similarly was slow to appreciate Indigenous culture. Like mainstream Australia, the local counterculture movement largely perceived the “race” issue as something occurring in other countries, igniting the phrase “in your own backyard” which became a catchcry of Indigenous activists (Foley, “Whiteness and Blackness”) With no mention of any Indigenous interest, it seems likely that the decision to engage grew from the emerging climate of Indigenous activism in Australia. Frustrated by student protestors who seemed oblivious to local racial issues, focusing instead on popular international injustices, Indigenous activists accused them of hypocrisy. Aquarius Festival directors, found themselves open to similar accusations when public announcements elicited a range of responses. Once committed to the location of Nimbin, directors Graeme Dunstan and Johnny Allen began a tour of Australian universities to promote the upcoming event. While at the annual conference of AUS in January 1973 at Monash University, Dunstan met Indigenous activist Gary Foley: Gary witnessed the presentation of Johnny Allen and myself at the Aquarius Foundation session and our jubilation that we had agreement from the village residents to not only allow, but also to collaborate in the production of the Festival. After our presentation which won unanimous support, it was Gary who confronted me with the question “have you asked permission from local Aboriginal folk?” This threw me into confusion because we had seen no Aboriginals in Nimbin. (Dunstan, e-mail) Such a challenge came at a time when the historical climate was etched with political activism, not only within the student movement, but more importantly with Indigenous activists’ recent demonstrations, such as the installation in 1972 of the Tent Embassy in Canberra. As representatives of the counterculture movement, which was characterised by its inclinations towards consciousness-raising, AUS organisers were ethically obliged to respond appropriately to the questions about Indigenous permission and involvement in the Aquarius Festival at Nimbin. In addition to this political pressure, organisers in Nimbin began hearing stories of the area being cursed or taboo for women. This most likely originated from the tradition of Nimbin Rocks, a rocky outcrop one kilometre from Nimbin, as a place where only certain men could go. Jennifer Hoff explains that many major rock formations were immensely sacred places and were treated with great caution and respect. Only a few Elders and custodians could visit these places and many such locations were also forbidden for women. Ceremonies were conducted at places like Nimbin Rocks to ensure the wellbeing of all tribespeople. Stories of the Nimbin curse began to spread and most likely captivated a counterculture interested in mysticism. As organisers had hoped that news of the festival would spread on the “lips of the counterculture,” they were alarmed to hear how “fast the bad news of this curse was travelling” (Dunstan, e-mail). A diplomatic issue escalated with further challenges from the Black Power community when organisers discovered that word had spread to Sydney’s Indigenous community in Redfern. Organisers faced a hostile reaction to their alleged cultural insensitivity and were plagued by negative publicity with accusations the AUS were “violating sacred ground” (Janice Newton 62). Faced with such bad press, Dunstan was determined to repair what was becoming a public relations disaster. It seemed once prompted to the path, a sense of moral responsibility prevailed amongst the organisers and they took the unprecedented step of reaching out to Australia’s Indigenous people. Dunstan claimed that an expedition was made to the local Woodenbong mission to consult with Elder, Uncle Lyle Roberts. To connect with local people required crossing the great social divide present in that era of Australia’s history. Amy Nethery described how from the nineteenth century to the 1960s, a “system of reserves, missions and other institutions isolated, confined and controlled Aboriginal people” (9). She explains that the people were incarcerated as a solution to perceived social problems. For Foley, “the widespread genocidal activity of early “settlement” gave way to a policy of containment” (Foley, “Australia and the Holocaust”). Conditions on missions were notoriously bad with alcoholism, extreme poverty, violence, serious health issues and depression common. Of particular concern to mission administrators was the perceived need to keep Indigenous people separate from the non-indigenous population. Dunstan described the mission he visited as having “bad vibes.” He found it difficult to communicate with the elderly man, and was not sure if he understood Dunstan’s quest, as his “responses came as disjointed raves about Jesus and saving grace” (Dunstan, e-mail). Uncle Lyle, he claimed, did not respond affirmatively or negatively to the suggestion that Nimbin was cursed, and so Dunstan left assuming it was not true. Other organisers began to believe the curse and worried that female festival goers might get sick or worse, die. This interpretation reflected, as Vanessa Bible argues, a general Eurocentric misunderstanding of the relationship of Indigenous peoples with the land. Paul Joseph admits they were naïve whites coming into a place with very little understanding, “we didn’t know if we needed a witch doctor or what we needed but we knew we needed something from the Aborigines to lift the spell!”(Joseph and Hanley). Joseph, one of the first “hippies” who moved to the area, had joined forces with AUS organisers. He said, “it just felt right” to get Indigenous involvement and recounted how organisers made another trip to Woodenbong Mission to find Dickee (Richard) Donnelly, a Song Man, who was very happy to be invited. Whether the curse was valid or not it proved to be productive in further instigating respectful action. Perhaps feeling out of their depth, the organisers initiated another strategy to engage with Australian Indigenous people. A call out was sent through the AUS network to diversify the cultural input and it was recommended they engage the services of South African artist, Bauxhau Stone. Timing aligned well as in 1972 Australia had voted in a new Prime Minister, Gough Whitlam. Whitlam brought about significant political changes, many in response to socialist protests that left a buoyancy in the air for the counterculturalist movement. He made prodigious political changes in support of Indigenous people, including creating the Aboriginal Arts Board as part of the Australian Council of the Arts (ACA). As the ACA were already funding activities for the Aquarius Festival, organisers were successful in gaining two additional grants specifically for Indigenous participation (Farnham). As a result We were able to hire […] representatives, a couple of Kalahari bushmen. ‘Cause we were so dumb, we didn’t think we could speak to the black people, you know what I mean, we thought we would be rejected, or whatever, so for us to really reach out, we needed somebody black to go and talk to them, or so we thought, and it was remarkable. This one Bau, a remarkable fellow really, great artist, great character, he went all over Australia. He went to Pitjantjatjara, Yirrkala and we arranged buses and tents when they got here. We had a very large contingent of Aboriginal people come to the Aquarius Festival, thanks to Whitlam. (Joseph in Joseph and Henley) It was under the aegis of these government grants that Bauxhau Stone conducted his work. Stone embodied a nexus of contemporary issues. Acutely aware of the international movement for racial equality and its relevance to Australia, where conditions were “really appalling”, Stone set out to transform Australian race relations by engaging with the alternative arts movement (Stone). While his white Australian contemporaries may have been unaccustomed to dealing with the Indigenous racial issue, Stone was actively engaged and thus well suited to act as a cultural envoy for the Aquarius Festival. He visited several local missions, inviting people to attend and notifying them of ceremonies being conducted by respected Elders. Nimbin was then the site of the Aquarius Lifestyle and Celebration Festival, a two week gathering of alternative cultures, technologies and youth. It innovatively demonstrated its diversity of influences, attracted people from all over the world and was the first time that the general public really witnessed Australia’s counterculture (Derrett 224). As markers of cultural life, counterculture festivals of the 1960s and 1970s were as iconic as the era itself and many around the world drew on the unique Indigenous heritage of their settings in some form or another (Partridge; Perone; Broadley and Jones; Zolov). The social phenomenon of coming together to experience, celebrate and foster a sense of unity was triggered by protests, music and a simple, yet deep desire to reconnect with each other. Festivals provided an environment where the negative social pressures of race, gender, class and mores (such as clothes) were suspended and held the potential “for personal and social transformation” (St John 167). With the expressed intent to “take matters into our own hands” and try to develop alternative, innovative ways of doing things with collective participation, the Aquarius Festival thus became an optimal space for reinvigorating ancient and Indigenous ways (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). With philosophies that venerated collectivism, tribalism, connecting with the earth, and the use of ritual, the Indigenous presence at the Aquarius Festival gave attendees the opportunity to experience these values. To connect authentically with Nimbin’s landscape, forming bonds with the Traditional Owners was essential. Participants were very fortunate to have the presence of the last known initiated men of the area, Uncle Lyle Roberts and Uncle Dickee Donnely. These Elders represented the last vestiges of an ancient culture and conducted innovative ceremonies, song, teachings and created a sacred fire for the new youth they encountered in their land. They welcomed the young people and were very happy for their presence, believing it represented a revolutionary shift (Wedd; King; John Roberts; Cecil Roberts). Images 1 and 2: Ceremony and talks conducted at the Aquarius Festival (people unknown). Photographs reproduced by permission of photographer and festival attendee Paul White. The festival thus provided an important platform for the regeneration of cultural and spiritual practices. John Roberts, nephew of Uncle Lyle, recalled being surprised by the reaction of festival participants to his uncle: “He was happy and then he started to sing. And my God … I couldn’t get near him! There was this big ring of hippies around him. They were about twenty deep!” Sharing to an enthusiastic, captive audience had a positive effect and gave the non-indigenous a direct Indigenous encounter (Cecil Roberts; King; Oshlak). Estimates of the number of Indigenous people in attendance vary, with the main organisers suggesting 800 to 1000 and participants suggesting 200 to 400 (Stone; Wedd; Oshlak: Joseph; King; Cecil Roberts). As the Festival lasted over a two week period, many came and left within that time and estimates are at best reliant on memory, engagement and perspectives. With an estimated total attendance at the Festival between 5000 and 10,000, either number of Indigenous attendees is symbolic and a significant symbolic statistic for Indigenous and non-indigenous to be together on mutual ground in Australia in 1973. Images 3-5: Performers from Yirrkala Dance Group, brought to the festival by Stone with funding from the Federal Government. Photographs reproduced by permission of photographer and festival attendee Dr Ian Cameron. For Indigenous people, the event provided an important occasion to reconnect with their own people, to share their culture with enthusiastic recipients, as well as the chance to experience diverse aspects of the counterculture. Though the northern NSW region has a history of diverse cultural migration of Italian and Indian families, the majority of non-indigenous and Indigenous people had limited interaction with cosmopolitan influences (Kijas 20). Thus Nimbin was a conservative region and many Christianised Indigenous people were also conservative in their outlook. The Aquarius Festival changed that as the Indigenous people experienced the wide-ranging cultural elements of the alternative movement. The festival epitomised countercultural tendencies towards flamboyant fashion and hairstyles, architectural design, fantastical art, circus performance, Asian clothes and religious products, vegetarian food and nudity. Exposure to this bohemian culture would have surely led to “mind expansion and consciousness raising,” explicit aims adhered to by the movement (Roszak). Performers and participants from Africa, America and India also gave attending Indigenous Australians the opportunity to interact with non-European cultures. Many people interviewed for this paper indicated that Indigenous people’s reception of this festival experience was joyous. For Australia’s early counterculture, interest in Indigenous Australia was limited and for organisers of the AUS Aquarius Festival, it was not originally on the agenda. The counterculture in the USA and New Zealand had already started to engage with their Indigenous people some years earlier. However due to the Aquarius Festival’s origins in the student movement and its solidarities with the international Indigenous activist movement, they were forced to shift their priorities. The coincidental selection of a significant spiritual location at Nimbin to hold the festival brought up additional challenges and countercultural intrigue with mystical powers and a desire to connect authentically to the land, further prompted action. Essentially, it was the voices of empowered Indigenous activists, like Gary Foley, which in fact triggered the reaching out to Indigenous involvement. While the counterculture organisers were ultimately receptive and did act with unprecedented respect, credit must be given to Indigenous activists. The activist’s role is to trigger action and challenge thinking and in this case, it was ultimately productive. Therefore the Indigenous people were not merely passive recipients of beneficiary goodwill, but active instigators of appropriate cultural exchange. After the 1973 festival many attendees decided to stay in Nimbin to purchase land collectively and a community was born. Relationships established with local Indigenous people developed further. Upon visiting Nimbin now, one will see a vibrant visual display of Indigenous and psychedelic themed art, a central park with an open fire tended by local custodians and other Indigenous community members, an Aboriginal Centre whose rent is paid for by local shopkeepers, and various expressions of a fusion of counterculture and Indigenous art, music and dance. While it appears that reconciliation became the aspiration for mainstream society in the 1990s, Nimbin’s early counterculture history had Indigenous reconciliation at its very foundation. The efforts made by organisers of the 1973 Aquarius Festival stand as one of very few examples in Australian history where non-indigenous Australians have respectfully sought to learn from Indigenous people and to assimilate their cultural practices. It also stands as an example for the world, of reconciliation, based on hippie ideals of peace and love. They encouraged the hippies moving up here, even when they came out for Aquarius, old Uncle Lyle and Richard Donnelly, they came out and they blessed the mob out here, it was like the hairy people had come back, with the Nimbin, cause the Nimbynji is the little hairy people, so the hairy people came back (Jerome). References Barr-Melej, Patrick. “Siloísmo and the Self in Allende’s Chile: Youth, 'Total Revolution,' and the Roots of the Humanist Movement.” Hispanic American Historical Review 86.4 (Nov. 2006): 747-784. Bible, Vanessa. Aquarius Rising: Terania Creek and the Australian Forest Protest Movement. BA (Honours) Thesis. University of New England, Armidale, 2010. Broadley, Colin, and Judith Jones, eds. Nambassa: A New Direction. Auckland: Reed, 1979. Bryant, Gordon M. Parliament of Australia. Minister for Aboriginal Affairs. 1 May 1973. Australian Union of Students. Records of the AUS, 1934-1991. National Library of Australia MS ACC GB 1992.0505. Cameron, Ian. “Aquarius Festival Photographs.” 1973. Clarke, Jennifer. Aborigines and Activism: Race, Aborigines and the Coming of the Sixties to Australia. Crawley: University of Western Australia Press, 2008. Derrett, Ross. Regional Festivals: Nourishing Community Resilience: The Nature and Role of Cultural Festivals in Northern Rivers NSW Communities. PhD Thesis. Southern Cross University, Lismore, 2008. Dunstan, Graeme. “A Survival Festival May 1973.” 1 Aug. 1972. Pamphlet. MS 6945/1. Nimbin Aquarius Festival Archives. National Library of Australia, Canberra. ---. E-mail to author, 11 July 2012. ---. “The Aquarius Festival.” Aquarius Rainbow Region. n.d. Farnham, Ken. Acting Executive Officer, Aboriginal Council for the Arts. 19 June 1973. Letter. MS ACC GB 1992.0505. Australian Union of Students. Records of the AUS, 1934-1991. National Library of Australia, Canberra. 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The Double Rainbow: James K Baxter, Ngati Hau and the Jerusalem Commune. Wellington: Victoria University Press, 2009. Offord, Baden. “Mapping the Rainbow Region: Fields of Belonging and Sites of Confluence.” Transformations 2 (March 2002): 1-5. Oshlak, Al. Interview. 27 Mar. 2013. Partridge, Christopher. “The Spiritual and the Revolutionary: Alternative Spirituality, British Free Festivals, and the Emergence of Rave Culture.” Culture and Religion: An Interdisciplinary Journal 7 (2006): 3-5. Perkins, Charlie. “Charlie Perkins on 1965 Freedom Ride.” Youtube, 13 Oct. 2009. Perone, James E. Woodstock: An Encyclopedia of the Music and Art Fair. Greenwood: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2005. Roberts, John. Interview. 1 Aug. 2012. Roberts, Cecil. Interview. 6 Aug. 2012. Roszak, Theodore. The Making of a Counter Culture: Reflections on the Technocratic Society and Its Youthful Opposition. New York: University of California Press,1969. 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Introduction “Patterns are everywhere”, design researcher Anuradha Reddy told her virtual audience at the 2023 speaker series hosted by Brilliant Labs, a Canadian non-profit focussed on experiential digital learning and coding (Brilliant Labs / Labos Créatifs). Like other technology fora, this public-facing series offered designers an opportunity to highlight the accessibility of code. But unlike many such fora, Reddy’s code was worn on the body. Sitting at the now-standard webinar lectern, Reddy shared a flurry of images and contexts as she introduced a garment she called b00b, a bra that she created in 2021 to probe the encoding of more than aesthetic possibility. Her presentation included knotted motifs of Andean Quipus; symbolic arcs of Chinese Pan Chang knots; geometric transformations of African American cornrow hairstyles (Eglash and Bennett, Brilliant Labs / Labos Créatifs). She followed the patterned imagery with questions of uncertainty that are often central for design researchers like her. Facing what might be a possible swipe, tap, or otherwise engagement, a technologist cannot fully determine what a user does. But they can “nudge”, a term popularised by behavioral economists Richard H. Thaler and Cass R. Sunstein in 2008 and later propagated within technoscientific discourses on risk (see Duffy and Thorson; Rossi et al.; Thaler and Sunstein). Adjacent bodies of scholarship frame the related concept of trust as a form of compliance (Adam et al.; Gass and Seiter). The more trustworthy an interface, the more likely a user is to comply. Rooted in social-psychological precepts, this line of scholarship frames trust less as a condition than a perception. When a user trusts an indicator light, for example, an app is more likely to see increased acceptance and engagement. Reddy approaches trust from and with b00b, an emphatically intimate (soft, pliable, textile) artifact. “How do we use these … perspectives to deal with uncertainty and things we do not know yet in the future?”, Reddy asks her Brilliant Labs audience (Brilliant Labs / Labos Créatifs). To make this argument, I examine Reddy’s b00b in conversation with a legacy feminist textile performance that brings questions of embodiment (and embodied trust) to an ostensibly disembodied technocratic scene. b00b is a decorative bra that emulates two-factor authentication, or what Reddy calls “b00b factor authentication.” The bra uses its two cups to verify a user’s access to a Website describing the project. With this interaction, the bra is self-referential—asking users to unlock a link that brings them back to someone’s chest. In practice, b00b asks users to scan a bra cup that relies on scanning the companion bra cup for a second passcode. Rather than messaging users, an initial passcode that triggers a second passcode sent by text message, the engagement requires bodily proximity. The bra cups take the place of electronic media (such as the text message) so that a close encounter with the bra enlivens digital trust. Under these circumstances, a trusted user becomes a risk-taker—gaining access while transgressing personal boundaries. In the sections that follow, I thread conversations on digital and algorithmic trustworthiness with critiques of trust and compliance that pervade Reddy’s 2021 handmade experiment. To date, technology analysts tend to treat trust as a perception: feelings of confidence in a person or thing (Gilkson and Woolley). As Natasha Schüll notes, a user might trust a slot machine but might miss its implications for further (and potentially excessive) gambling. Additionally, media scholars such as Evgeny Morozov have since mapped this addiction principle within social media development, pointing to a familiar science of incentive structures, gamification dashboards, and behaviour-change techniques, each designed to raise user engagement and keep people in apps longer. Thinking with Reddy’s work, I argue that trust can reveal an embodied desire, something momentarily felt and differentially shared (see also Gregg; Sharma; Irani). Reddy frames the weft of woven material as code, the purl and knit stitches of knitting as binary, and the knots of rope as algorithms. She urges her audience to see fabric as a means of challenging common assumptions about technology. With needles and thread, she proffers algorithmic trust as a relational ethics. In Technology We Trust From a design perspective, trust grows from the strategic balancing of risk and uncertainty (Cheshire). Users who find a digital feature reliable or trustworthy are more likely to grow their engagement and convince others to join in (Hancock et al.). In a recent analysis of the overlapping dynamics of algorithmic trust and bias, communication and information scholars Jeff Hancock, Mor Namaan, and Karen Levy (95) argue that machine learning tools such as the Chrome extension Just Not Sorry often replicate bias within training data. The extension disproportionately alerts femme users when they use qualifying words like “sorry”, and “I think”. In ​​other contexts, Hancock and colleagues suggest, an AI-aided tool may help mitigate interpersonal biases since if it “imparts signals of trustworthiness between peer-based social exchange partners, these countervailing cues may neutralise stereotypes that would otherwise impede the transaction” (ibid). Here, the signal of trustworthiness holds the promise of accountability. But because the signals focus on cognition (manipulating an individual’s perceptions), what they refer to and how they may alleviate harms caused by entrenched cultural bias remains less clear. Grounded in social-psychological tenets, technology analysts codify trust as the relationship between two primary concepts: risk and uncertainty. As information scholar Coye Chesire (50) explains, “trust is not simply the absence of risk and uncertainty. More accurately, trust is a complex human response to situations that are rife with risk and uncertainty”. Through a range of controlled methods including observations, self-reports, survey questions, and the experimental conditions of a lab study, researchers measure the trustworthiness of user interface features as assessments of risk and uncertainty that explain differing motivations for use and disengagement. For example, design researcher Nick Merrill’s and Cheshire’s study of heart rate monitors finds that listening to an acquaintance's normal heart rate can lead to negative trust-related assessments in challenging contexts such as waiting to meet the acquaintance about a legal dispute. Parallel work by Hancock and colleagues uses self-reports and large-scale experiments on platforms like Facebook to map the significance of AI-enabled curation features like news feeds (Hancock et al.). As a psychological state, trustworthiness tends to indicate a behavioral metric that can be numerically encoded and individually addressed. By measuring trust-infused dimensions of user activity, analysts seek to systematically identify new ways of scaffolding trust-building behaviour by manipulating perception (Hancock, Namaan, and Levy), ultimately convincing a user to comply. A core goal is to maximise participation. The US government applied these principles to mass data collection and dissemination efforts during national census such as the COVID response (Halpern). But a secondary effect grows from the political-economic dimensions of user experience. Through compliance, users become easier to place, measure, count, and amend—a process Michelle Murphy names the economisation of life. When people’s certainty in interpersonal relationships grows, “the source of uncertainty then shifts to the assurance system, thereby making trustworthiness and reliability of the institution or organisation the salient relationship” (Cheshire 54). For instance, we may trust people in our text messages because we meet them face to face and put their numbers in our phones. But once we trust them, this assurance moves to our social media service or cellular phone provider. The service that manages our contacts also preserves the integrity of our contacts, such as when a messaging platform like WhatsApp automatically updates a cell phone number without our knowledge or explicit consent. Conversely, feelings of assurance in a digital interface feature may dwindle with decreased feelings of assurance by a platform. Until November 2022, users may have trusted someone with a blue checkmark on Twitter more than someone without one, even if they did not trust them at an interpersonal level. But with a chaotic acquisition that, according to a Washington Post report (Weatherbed), led to shifting check mark meanings and colours, this assurance grew more complicated. Murphy (24) might call these quantitative practices enriched with affect the “phantasmagrams” of rationalised assurance. Like a check mark that may or may not index a particular measure of confidence, excitement or worry, these shifting dynamics reveal the “trust and belief that animates numbers” (52). A less considered outcome of this framing is how individuated expressions of distrust (situations that foster psychological and physiological concern, skepticism, or fear for a single person) overshadow its complement: non-unconditional expressions of care. How might a user interface foster networks of connection for self and community? As Anna Lauren Hoffmann suggests, efforts to thwart algorithmic discrimination undergird this conundrum—“mirroring some of antidiscrimination discourse’s most problematic tendencies” (901). The particular value placed on trust often proceeds quick-fix techniques such as multi-factor authentication and cryptography that reduce trust to a neutral transaction (see Ashoori, et al.). In this discussion, design researchers have only begun to conceive trust (and distrust) as a deeply embodied process. Looks, Cuts, and Scans Reddy’s b00b invites audiences to explore embodied positioning. Sitting on a static mannequin, the garment invites audience members to engage the handiwork laid atop its breasts. In video documentation (Reddy), Reddy holds up a phone to a mannequin wearing the bra. She touches the phone to the mannequin’s right nipple, and the phone screen opens a Web browser with a password-protected field. As Reddy moves the phone to the mannequin’s left nipple, the phone shares the password ‘banjara,’ a reference to the community from which the embroidery techniques derive. The password opens a Website full of descriptive text and imagery detailing this material reference. In this interaction, b00b joins a movement of artistic work that uses textile artifacts to frame boundaries of self and other as porous and shifting. Consider Nam June Paik’s 1969 TV Bra for Living Sculpture. Across the 1970s, Charlotte Moorman performed the work by playing cello while wearing a transparent brassiere with two miniature television screens mounted on her chest (Paik; Rothfuss). As Moorman played her cello, wires connecting the cello to the two television sets sent sonic signals to the video that manipulate its imagery. Moorman’s instrumentation controlled the visuals displayed on the screens, inviting audience members to come closer to the electronic garment and her body—or, as Joan Rothfuss explains, “never mind that the bra actually encouraged prurience by compelling spectators to stare at [Moorman’s] breasts” (243). TV Bra invited its audience to breach conventional limits of closeness and contact much like users of b00b. Yoko Ono’s celebrated Cut Piece has sparked a similar prurience. During the work Ono dressed in some of her finest clothes and invites audience members to walk on stage and shear away pieces of fabric. Notably documented in the Albert and David Maysles film of Ono’s 1965 Carnegie Hall performance, the audience leaves Ono’s body nearly fully exposed at the performance’s end, save for her arms holding remaining pieces of fabric. With scissors in hand, the performance threatens imminent danger—inspiring snickers, pause, and discomforting ease among audience members eager to participate. Cut Piece encourages the audience to disregard consent and expose a certain breach of trust, practice mirrored with b00b. In this process of cutting cloth, often on the bias (or on a slanted angle; see Benabdallah, et al.; Rosner), feminist performance works have long prompted audiences to trouble the intimate relationship between themselves and the performer. As Vivian Huang has deftly argued, Ono’s shredded fabrics are more than neutral inconveniences; they also hint at whatever racialised and gendered feelings of trust might or might not exist between Ono and her audience. “If Orientalist conflations of the East with femininity have in turn sexualized Asian women as simultaneously hypersexual and submissive”, Haung contends, “then how can we as viewers and readers performatively read Asian femininity in a different, and not anti-relational, orientation to hospitality?” (187). b00b asks a similar question with systems of verification. Examining this possibility, Peggy Kyoungwon Lee recently puts Cut Piece in conversation with the contemporary media art of Lisa Park, and notes that “Ono’s signature composure both enacts and challenges archetypes of the feminized Asian body: cognitive efficiency, durability, calculative emotionality, docility, passivity” (54). For Lee, Cut Piece continues to open pathways for interpretation by diverting audience members from the compliance arguments above. Where algorithmic trust further complicates the making of trust with an added layer of uncertainty (is this made by an algorithm or is this not?), Cut Piece and TV Bra see in and through uncertainty to recentre a relational ethics. This concern for the relationality endures in Reddy’s b00b. To fashion the near-field communication (NFC) cards, Reddy draws from Banjara embroidery, a heritage craft technique featured in her home city of Hyderbad (Telangana). Like Banjara, b00b incorporates varied accessories (mirrors, tassels, shells) with colourful pattern. She embellishes the bra with lively zig-zagging embroidery, fashioning each nipple with a mirror that expertly doubles as an NFT tag hidden behind the embroidery. Garments like Ono’s, Paik and Moorman’s, and now Reddy’s, share an understanding that technology can and should reflect a certain felt complexity. At the Brilliant Labs event, Reddy presents b00b to conference-goers invested in shared hardware design specification standards. Across the 48-minute presentation, b00b interrupts the audience's presumed intentions. As Elizabeth Goodman has argued, hackers and tech enthusiasts interested in schematics, wireframes, and other digital drawings often prioritise formats that anyone can examine, adapt, use, and circulate by overlooking their situated social and political stakes. In the theatrical setting of a tech forum, b00b’s fabric draws attention to the body—manoeuvring the (often white Western) gaze around femme Asian subjectivities and questioning proximities between one body and another. Through its embodied relationality, real or imagined, b00b shares a concern for reimagining trust within mechanisms of control. b00b is Reddy’s attempt at generative justice, a concept of inclusive making she calls part of “bringing the Open Hardware community closer to heritage craft communities” (Reddy). In documentation, she discusses the geopolitical conditions of NFC-based authentication that relies on intimate connection as a means of state-led coercion and control. Situating her work in contemporary trust politics, she describes the Aadhar biometric identification system designed to compel Indian residents to record biometric data through iris scans, fingerprints, and photographs in exchange for a unique identity number (Dixon). She writes that systems like Aadhar “make minority communities more vulnerable to being identified, classified, and policed by powerful social actors” (Dixon). Wearing b00b challenges efforts to root NFC transactions in similar carceral and colonial logics. With an intimate scan, a user or audience makes room for counter-expressions of dis/trust. Sitting across from Reddy during a recent Zoom conference, I felt the tug of this work. With the piece modelled on a mannequin in the background, it reminded me of the homegrown techno-armour worn throughout Friedrichshain, a lively neighborhood in the former eastern part of Berlin. For the onlooker, the bra incites not only intrigue but also a careful engagement; or what Reddy names the “need to actively participate in conveying trust and intimacy with the bra’s wearer”. I couldn't help but wonder what an attendee at the Open Hardware Summit might make of the work. Would they bristle at the intimacy, or would they—like Ono’s audiences—cut in? On the surface, b00b presents a playful counterpoint to the dominant narrative of technology as slick, neutral, and disembodied. By foregrounding the tactile, handmade qualities of electronic media, Reddy’s work suggests we reconsider the boundaries between physical and digital worlds to complicate readings of computational risk. She is taking a highly technical process typically used for practical applications like finance, online identity, or other well-defined authentication problems, and enlivening it. The garment invites her audience to appreciate two-factor encryption as something intimate—both in an abstract sense and in a resolutely embodied sense. By defamiliarising digital trust, Reddy calls attention to its absurdity. How can a term like “trust” (associated with intimacy and mutual concern) also denote the extractive politics of algorithmic control (the verification of a user, the assessment of risk, the escalating manipulation of use)? Look closer at b00b, and the focus on authentication offers something specific for our ideas of algorithmic trust. Reddy turns a computational process into an extension of the body, registering a distinctly affective intrusion within the digital codification of assurance and accountability. Working with interaction design in the tradition of feminist performance, b00b directs our digital gaze back toward the embodied. Toward a Relational Ethics of Trust Fabric artifacts like b00b have long challenged digital scholars to consider questions of uncertainty and accountability. From what counts as computational, to whose labour gets recognised as innovative, woven material sparks a particular performance of risk. As Lisa Nakamura (933) shrewdly observes, gendered and racialised “traits” associated with textiles tend to fuel technological production, casting women of colour as the ideal digital workers. Looking to transnational flows connected with making, Silvia Lindnter argues that these stereotypes bring strategic meanings to feminised Asian bodies that naturalise their role within digital economies. Whose bodies get associated with fabric (through making, repair, consumption, aesthetics) reflects deep-seated stratifications within the masculine history of computing—with seemingly few possibilities for circumvention. If trust works as a felt condition, digital developments might more fully honour that condition. Bringing textile possibilities to NFTs suggests examining how authentication systems work on and through the body, even without touch. It is in this reciprocal encounter between content and user, audience and performer, textile and algorithm that something like a bra can hint at a profound ethics of connection. Reddy’s work reveals the consensual contact that can meaningfully shape who and how we digitally trust. While this essay has focussed on trust, I want to end with a brief consideration of the way a textile—in this case a conceptual and maybe even ontoepistemic (da Silva) artifact—brings the status of users closer to that of audience members. It begins to weave an analytic thread between the orientations, capacities, and desires of performance and design. Across this connection, b00b’s design works as minoritarian performance, as Jasmine Mahmoud (after José Esteban Muñoz) describes: a practice that “centers performance—as an object of study, a method, and theoretical container—as a means of centering minortized knowledge”. As minoritarian knowledge, the embroidered NFT expands Rozsika Parker’s profound insight into the subversive power of needlecraft. As Julia Bryan-Wilson (6) observes, “accounting for textiles—objects that are in close physical contact with us at virtually every minute of the day—demands alternative methodologies, ones that extend from shared bodily knowledge”. For digital scholars, b00b opens a similar possibility under racial technocapitalism. It asks us to notice how an indicator light on an AI-trained surveillance camera, for instance, does not map to an engaged or disaffected condition for an over-monitored user. It registers the need for probing relationships that underlie those tools—relationships between workers and employers, between non-users and corporate platforms, between differentially marked bodies. It challenges the reduction of trust dynamics into individualised or universalised motivations. To trust and be trusted with thread opens the possibility of algorithmic re-embodiment. Acknowledgements I’m grateful to insightful comments and suggestions from Anuradha Reddy, Amanda Doxtater, Scott Magelssen, Jasmine Jamillah Mahmoud, Adair Rounthwaite, Anne Searcy, James Pierce, and the anonymous reviewers of the current M/C Journal issue. References Adam, Martin, Michael Wessel, and Alexander Benlian. "AI-Based Chatbots in Customer Service and Their Effects on User Compliance." Electronic Markets 31.2 (2021): 427-445. Ashoori, Maryam, and Justin D. Weisz. "In AI We Trust? Factors That Influence Trustworthiness of AI-Infused Decision-Making Processes." arXiv 1912.02675 (2019). Benabdallah, Gabrielle, et al. "Slanted Speculations: Material Encounters with Algorithmic Bias." Designing Interactive Systems Conference (2022): 85-99. Brilliant Labs / Labos Créatifs. “AlgoCraft: Remixing Craft, Culture, and Computation with Dr. Anuradha Reddy.” 2023. <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UweYVhsPMjc>. Bryan-Wilson, Julia. Fray: Art and Textile Politics. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2021. Cheshire, Coye. "Online Trust, Trustworthiness, or Assurance?" Daedalus 140.4 (2011): 49-58. Dixon, Pam. “A Failure to ‘Do No Harm’—India’s Aadhaar Biometric ID Program and Its Inability to Protect Privacy in Relation to Measures in Europe and the US.” Health and technology 7.4 (2017): 539-567. Duffy, Margaret, and Esther Thorson, eds. Persuasion Ethics Today. Routledge, 2015. Eglash, Ron, and Audrey Bennett. "Teaching with Hidden Capital: Agency in Children's Computational Explorations of Cornrow Hairstyles." Children Youth and Environments 19.1 (2009): 58-73. Ferreira da Silva, Denise. Unpayable Debt. Sternberg Press / The Antipolitical, 2022. Gass, Robert H., and John S. Seiter. Persuasion: Social Influence and Compliance Gaining. Routledge, 2022. Glikson, Ella, and Anita Williams Woolley. “Human Trust in Artificial Intelligence: Review of Empirical Research.” Academy of Management Annals 14.2 (2020): 627-660. Goodman, Elizabeth Sarah. Delivering Design: Performance and Materiality in Professional Interaction Design. Berkeley: U of California P, 2013. Gregg, Melissa. Counterproductive: Time Management in the Knowledge Economy. Durham: Duke UP, 2018. Halpern, Sue. “Can We Track COVID-19 and Protect Privacy at the Same Time?” New Yorker 27 Apr. 2020. <https://www.newyorker.com/tech/annals-of-technology/can-we-track-covid-19-and-protect-privacy-at-the-same-time>. Hancock, Jeffrey T., Mor Naaman, and Karen Levy. "AI-Mediated Communication: Definition, Research Agenda, and Ethical Considerations." Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 25.1 (2020): 89-100. Huang, Vivian L. "Inscrutably, Actually: Hospitality, Parasitism, and the Silent Work of Yoko Ono and Laurel Nakadate." Women & Performance: A Journal of Feminist Theory 28.3 (2018): 187-203. Irani, Lilly. "‘Design Thinking’: Defending Silicon Valley at the Apex of Global Labor Hierarchies." Catalyst: Feminism, Theory, Technoscience 4.1 (2018): 1-19. Lee, Peggy Kyoungwon. "The Alpha Orient: Lisa Park and Yoko Ono." TDR 66.2 (2022): 45-59. 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Introduction Ngarrindjeri futures depend on the survival of the land, waters, and other interconnected living things. The Murray-Darling Basin is recognised nationally and internationally as a system under stress. Ngarrindjeri have long understood the profound and intricate connection of land, water, humans, and non-humans (Trevorrow and Hemming). In an effort to secure environmental sustainability the Ngarrindjeri Regional Authority (NRA) have engaged in political negotiations with the State, primarily with the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR), to transform natural resource management arrangements that engage with an ethics of justice, redistribution, and recognition (Hattam, Rigney and Hemming). In 1987, prior to the formation of the NRA, Camp Coorong: Race Relations and Cultural Education Centre was established by the Ngarrindjeri Lands and Progress Association in partnership with the South Australian Museum and the South Australian Education Department (Hemming) as a place for all citizens to engage with the values of a land ethic of care. The complex includes a cultural museum, accommodation, conference facilities, and workshop facilities for primary, secondary, and tertiary education students; it also serves as a base for research and course development on Indigenous and Ngarrindjeri culture and history (Hattam, Rigney and Hemming). Camp Coorong seeks to share Ngarrindjeri cultural values, knowledges, and histories with students and visitors in order to “improve relations between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people with a broader strategy aimed at securing a future for themselves in their own ‘Country’” (Hemming 37). The Centre is adjacent to the Coorong National Park and 200 km South-East of Adelaide. The establishment of Camp Coorong on Ngarrindjeri Ruwe/Ruwar (land/body/spirit) occurred when Ngarrindjeri Elders negotiated with the Department of Education and Children’s Services (DECS) to establish the race relations and cultural education centre. This negotiation was the beginning of many subsequent negotiations between Ngarrindjeri, local, State, and Federal governments about reclaiming ownership, management, and control of Ngarrindjeri lands, waters, and knowledge systems for a healthy Country and by implication healthy people (Hemming, Trevorrow and Rigney). As Elder Tom Trevorrow states: The waters and the seas, the waters of the Kurangh (Coorong), the waters of the rivers and lakes are all spiritual waters…The land and waters is a living body…We the Ngarrindjeri people are a part of its existence…The land and waters must be healthy for the Ngarrindjeri people to be healthy…We say that if Yarluwar-Ruwe dies, the water dies, our Ngartjis die, the Ngarrindjeri will surely die (Ngarrindjeri Nation Yarluwar-Ruwe Plan 13). Ruwe/Ruwar is an important aspect of the public pedagogy practiced at Camp Coorong and by the Ngarrindjeri Regional Authority (NRA). The NRA’s nation building activities arise from negotiated contractual agreements called KNYs: Kungan Ngarrindjeri Yunnan (Listen to Ngarrindjeri people talking). KNYs establish a vital aspect of the NRA’s strategic platform for political negotiations. However, the focus of this paper is concerned with local Indigenous experience of teaching and experience with the education system rather than the broader Ngarrindjeri educational objectives in the area. The specific concerns of this paper are the performance of storytelling and the dialectic relationship between the listener/learner (Tur and Tur). The pedagogy and place of Camp Coorong seeks to engage non-Indigenous people with Indigenous epistemologies through storytelling as a pedagogy of experience and a “pedagogy of discomfort” (Boler and Zembylas). Before detailing the relationship of these with one another, it is necessary to grasp the importance of the interconnectedness of Ruwe/Ruwar articulated in the opening statement of Ngarrindjeri Nations Yarluwar-Ruwe Plan: Caring for Ngarrindjeri Sea, Country and Culture: Our Lands, Our Waters, Our People, All Living Things are connected. We implore people to respect our Ruwe (Country) as it was created in the Kaldowinyeri (the Creation). We long for sparkling, clean waters, healthy land and people and all living things. We long for the Yarluwar-Ruwe (Sea Country) of our ancestors. Our vision is all people Caring, Sharing, Knowing and Respecting the lands, the waters, and all living things. Caring for Country The Lakes and the Coorong are dying as irrigation, over grazing, and pollution have left their toll on the Murray-Darling Basin. Camp Coorong delivers a key message (Hemming, 38) concerning the on-going obligation of Ngarrindjeri’s Ruwe/Ruwar to heal damaged sites both emotionally and environmentally. Couched as a civic responsibility, caring for County augments environmental action. However, there are epistemological distinctions between Natural Resources Management and Ngarrindjeri Ruwe/Ruwar. Ngarrindjeri conceive of the River Murray as one system that cannot be demarcated along state lines. Ngarrrindjeri Elder Uncle Matt Rigney, who recently passed away, argued that the River Murray and the Darling is embodied and that when the river is sick it impacts directly on Ngarrindjeri personhood and wellbeing (Hemming, Trevorrow and Rigney). Therefore, Ngarrindjeri have a responsibility to care for Ngarrindjeri Country and Ngarrindjeri governance systems are informed by cultural and ethical obligations to Ruwe/Ruwar of the lower Murray River, Lakes and Coorong. Transmitting knowledge of Country is imperative as Aunty Ellen Trevorrow states: We have to keep our culture alive. We want access to our special places, our lands and our waters. We need to be able to protect our places, our ngatji [totems], our Old People and restore damaged sites. We want respect for our land and our water and we want to pass down knowledge (cited in Bell, Women and Indigenous Religions 3). Ruwe/Ruwar is an ethic of care where men and women hold distinctive cultural and environmental knowledge and are responsible for passing knowledge to future generations. Knowledge is not codified into a “canon” but is “living knowledge” connected to how to live and how to understand the connection between material, spiritual, human, and non-human realms. Elders at Camp Coorong facilitate understandings of this ontology by sharing stories that evoke questions in children and adults alike. For settler Australians, the first phase of this understanding begins with an engagement with the discomfort of the colonial history of Indigenous dispossession. It also requires learning new modes of “re/inhabition” through a pedagogy informed by “place-consciousness” that centralises Indigenous connection to Country (Gruenewald Both Worlds). Many settler communities embody a dualist western epistemology that is necessarily disrupted when there is acknowledgment from whence one came (Carter 2009). The activities and stories at Camp Coorong provide a positive transformative pedagogy that transforms a possessive white logic (Moreton-Robinson) to one of shared cultural heritage. Ngarrindjeri epistemologies of connection to Country are expressed through a pedagogy of storytelling at Camp Coorong. This often occurs during weaving, making feather flowers, or walking on Ngarrindjeri Country with visitors and students. Enactments such as weaving are not simply occupational or functional. Weaving has deep cultural and metaphorical significance as Aunty Ellen Trevorrow states: There is a whole ritual in weaving. From where we actually start, the centre part of a piece, you’re creating loops to weave into, then you move into the circle. You keep going round and round creating the loops and once the children do those stages they’re talking, actually having a conversation, just like our Old People. It’s sharing time. And that’s where our stories were told (cited in Bell, Ngarrindjeri Wurruwarrin 44). At Camp Coorong learning involves listening to stories while engaging with activities such as weaving or walking on Country. The ecological changes and the history of dispossession are woven into narrative on Country and students see the impact of the desecration of the Coorong, Lower Murray and Lakes and lands. In this way the relatively recent history of colonial race relations and contemporary struggles with government bureaucracies and legislation also comprise the warp and weave of Ngarrindjeri knowledge and connection to Country. Pedagogy of Experience A pedagogy of experience involves telling the story of Indigenous peoples’ sense of “placelessness” within the nation (Watson) as a story of survival and resistance. It is through such pedagogies that Ngarrindjeri Elders at Camp Coorong reconstruct their lives and create agency in the face of settler colonialism. The experiences of growing up in Australia during the assimilation era, fighting against the State on policies that endorsed child theft, being forced to live at fringe camps, experiencing violent racisms, and, for some, living as part of a diaspora in one’s own Country is embedded in the stories of survival, resilience and agency. “Camp Coorong began as an experiment in alternative teaching methods developed largely by George Trevorrow, a local Ngarrindjeri man” (Hemming 38). Classroom malaise was experienced by Ngarrindjeri Elders from Camp Coorong, such as Uncle Tom and Aunty Ellen Trevorrow and the late Uncle George Trevorrow, Aunty Alice Abdulla, and others when interacting or employed in schools as Aboriginal Education Workers (AEWs). It was the invisibility of these Elders’ knowledges inside schools that generated the impetus to establish Camp Coorong as a counter-institution. The spatial dimension of situationality, and its attention to social transformation, connects critical pedagogy to a pedagogy of place at Camp Coorong. Both discourses are concerned with the contextual, geographical conditions that shape people, and the actions people take to shape these conditions (Gruenewald, Both Worlds). Place-based education at Camp Coorong advocates a new localism in order to stimulate community revitalisation and resistance to globalisation and commodity capitalism. It provides the space and opportunity to develop the capacity for inventiveness and adaptation to changing environments and resistance to ecological destruction. Of concern to the growing field of place-based education are how to promote care for people and places (Gruenewald and Smith, xix). For Gruenewald and Smith this requires decolonisation and developing sensitivity to forms of thought that injure and exploit people and places, and re/inhabitation by identifying, conserving, and creating knowledge that nurtures and protects people and places. Engaging in a land ethic of care on Country informs the educational paradigm at Camp Coorong that does not begin in front of bulldozers or under police batons at anti-globalisation rallies, but in the contact zones (Somerville 342) where “a material and metaphysical in-between space for the intersection of multiple and contested stories” (Somerville 342) emerge. Ngarrindjeri knowledge, environmental knowledge, scientific knowledge, colonial histories, and media representations all circulate in the contact zone and are held in productive tension (Carter). Decolonising Pedagogy and Pedagogies of Discomfort The critical and transformative aspects of decolonising pedagogies emerge from storytelling and involve the gift of narrative and the enactment of reciprocity that occurs between the listener and the storyteller. Reciprocity is based on the principles of interconnectedness, balance, and the idea that actions create corresponding action through the gift of story (Stewart-Harawira). Camp Coorong is a place for inter-cultural dialogue through storytelling. Being located on Ngarrindjeri Country the non-Indigenous listener is more able to “hear” and at the same time move along a continuum of a) disbelief and anger about the dispossession of Indigenous peoples; b) emotional confusion about their own sense of belonging in Australia; c) shock at the ways in which liberal western society’s structural privilege is built on Indigenous inequality on the grounds of race and habitus (Bordieu and Passeron); then, d) towards empathy that is framed as race cognisance (Aveling). Stories are not represented through a sanguine vision of the past, but are told of colonisation, dispossession, as well as of hope for the healing of Ngarrinjderi Country. The listener is gifted with stories at Camp Coorong. However, there is an ethical obligation to the gifting that learners may not understand until later and which concern the rights and obligations fundamental to notions of deep connection to Country. It is often in the recount of one’s experience at Camp Coorong, such as in reflective journals or in conversation, that recognition of the importance of history, social justice, and sovereignty are brought to light. In the first phase of learning, non-Indigenous students and teachers may move from uncomfortable silence, to a space where they can hear the stories and thereby become engaged listeners. They may go through a process of grappling with a range of issues and emotions. There is frustration, anger, and blame that knowledge has been omitted from their education, and they routinely ask: “How did we not know this history?” In the second stage learners tend to remain outside of the story until they are hooked by an aspect that draws them into it. They have the choice of engagement and this requires empathy. At this stage learners are grappling with the antithetical feelings of guilt and innocence; these feelings emerge when those advantaged and challenged by their complicity with settler colonialism, racism, and the structural privilege of whiteness start to understand the benefits they gain from Indigenous dispossession and ask “was it my fault?” Thirdly, learners enter a space which may disavow and dismiss the newly encountered knowledge and move back into resistance, silence, and reluctance to hear. However, it is at this point that a choice emerges. The choice to engage in the emotional labour required to acknowledge the gift of the story and thereby unsettle white Australian identity (Bignall; Boler and Zembylas). In this process “inscribed habits of attention,” as described by Boler and Zembylas (127), are challenged. These habits have been enabled by the emotional binaries of “us” and “them”. The colonial legacy of Indigenous dispossession is an emotive subject that disrupts national pride that is built on this binary. At Camp Coorong, discomfort is created during the reiteration of stories and engagement in various activities. Uncertainty and discomfort are necessary parts of restructuring the emotional habitus and reconstructing identity. The primary ethical aim of a pedagogy of discomfort is the creation of contestability. The learner comes to understand the rights and obligations of caring for Country and has to decide how to carry the story. Ngarrindjeri ethics of care inspire the learner to undertake the emotional labour necessary to relocate their understanding of identity. As a zone of cultural contestation, Camp Coorong also enables pedagogies that allow for critical reflection on common educational practices undertaken by educators and students. Conclusion The aim of the camp was to overturn racism and provide employment for Ngarrindjeri on Country (Hemming, 38). Students and teachers from around the state come to Camp Coorong and learn to weave, make feather flowers, and listen to stories about Ngarrindjeri Country whilst walking on Country (Hemming 38). Camp Coorong fosters understanding of Ngarrindjeri Ruwe/Ruwar and at the same time overturns essentialist notions developed by deficit theories that routinely remain embedded in the school curriculum. Camp Coorong’s anti-racist epistemology mobilises an Indigenous pedagogy of storytelling and experience as a decolonising methodology. Learning Ngarrindjeri history, cultural heritage, and land ethic of care deepens students’ understanding of connecting to Country through reflection on situations, histories, and shared spaces of human and non-human actors. Pedagogies of discomfort also inform practice at Camp Coorong and the intersections of theory and practice in this context disrupts identity formations that have been grounded in a white colonial construction of nationhood. Education is a means of social and cultural reproduction, as well as a key site of resistance and vehicle for social change. Although the analysis of domination is a feature of critical pedagogy, what is urgently required is a language of hope and transformation understood from a Ngarrindjeri standpoint; something that is achieved at Camp Coorong. Acknowledgments I would like to acknowledge the process of collaboration that occurred at Camp Coorong with Aunty Ellen Trevorrow, Aunty Alice Abdulla, and Deborah Rankine. The key ideas were established in conversation and the article was revised on subsequent occasions whilst at Camp Coorong with the aforementioned authors. This paper was produced as part of the Australian Research Council Discovery Project, ‘Negotiating a Space in the Nation: The Case of Ngarrindjeri’ (DP1094869). 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I. First Brexit, then Trump: Has the past year or so ushered in a “wave” (Weisberg), a “barrage” (Desmond-Harris) or a “deluge” (Sidahmed) of that notoriously noxious affect, hate? It certainly feels that way to those of us identified with progressive social and political causes—those of us troubled, not just by Trump’s recent electoral victory, but by the far-right forces to which that victory has given voice. And yet the questions still hanging over efforts to quantify emotional or affective states leaves the claim that there has been a clear spike in hate moot (Ngai 26; Massumi 136-7; Ahmed, Promise 3-8). So let’s try asking a different question. Has this same period seen a rise, across liberal media platforms, in the rhetorical work of “hate-attribution”? Here, at least, an answer seems in readier reach. For no one given to scrolling distractedly through liberal Anglophone media outlets, from The New York Times, to The Guardian, to Slate, will be unfamiliar with a species of journalism that, in reporting the appalling activities associated with what has become known as the “alt-right” (Main; Wallace-Wells; Gourarie), articulates those activities in the rubric of a calculable uptick in hate itself.Before the U.S. Presidential election, this fledgling journalistic genre was already testing its wings, its first shudderings felt everywhere from Univision anchor Jorge Ramos’s widely publicized documentary, Hate Rising (2016), which explores the rise of white supremacist movements across the South-West U.S, to an edition of Slate’s Trumpcast entitled “The Alt-Right and a Deluge of Hate,” which broached the torment-by-Twitter of left-wing journalist David French. In the wake of the election, and the appalling acts of harassment and intimidation it seemed to authorize, the genre gained further momentum—leading to the New Yorker’s “Hate Is on the Rise After Trump’s Election,” to The Guardian’s “Trump’s Election led to Barrage of Hate,” and to Vox’s “The Wave of Post-Election Hate Reportedly Sweeping the Nation, Explained.” And it still has traction today, judging not just by James King’s recent year-in-review column, “The Year in Hate: From Donald Trump to the Rise of the Alt-Right,” but by Salon’s “A Short History of Hate” which tracks the alt-right’s meteoric 2016 rise to prominence, and the New York Times’ recently launched hate-speech aggregator, “This Week in Hate.”As should already be clear from these brisk, thumbnail accounts of the texts in question, the phenomena alluded to by the titular term “hate” are not instances of hate per se, but rather instances of “hate-speech.” The word “hate,” in other words, is being deployed here not literally, to refer to an emotional state, but metonymically, as a shorthand for “hate-speech”—a by-now widely conventionalized and legally codified parlance originating with the U.N. Declaration to describe “violent or violence-inciting speech or acts that “aim or intend to inflict injury, or incite prejudice or hatred, against persons of groups” because of their ethnic, religious, sexual or social affiliation. And there is no doubt that, beyond the headlines, these articles do incredibly important work, drawing connections between, and drawing attention to, a host of harmful activities associated with the so-called “alt-right”—from a pair of mangled, pretzel-shaped swastikas graffiti-ed in a children’s playground, to acts of harassment, intimidation and violence against women, African-Americans, Latinos, Muslims, Jews, and LGBTQ people, to Trump’s own racist, xenophobic and misogynistic tweets. Yet the fact that an emotion-term like hate is being mobilized across these texts as a metonym for the “alt-right” is no oratorical curio. Rather, it perpetuates a pervasive way of thinking about the relationship between the alt-right (a political phenomenon) and hate (an emotional phenomenon) that should give pause to those of us committed to mining that vein of cultural symptomatology now consigned, across the social sciences and critical humanities, to affect theory. Specifically, these headlines inscribe, in miniature, a kind of micro-assessment, a micro-geography and micro-theory of hate. First, they suggest that, even prior to its incarnation in specific, and dangerous, forms of speech or action, hate is in and of itself anathema, a phenomenon so unquestioningly dangerous that a putative “rise” or “spike” in its net presence provides ample pretext for a news headline. Second, they propose that hate may be localized to a particular social or political group—a group subsisting, unsurprisingly, on that peculiarly contested frontier between the ideological alt-right and the American Midwest. And third, they imply that hate is so indubitably the single most significant source of the xenophobic, racist and sexist activities they go on to describe that it may be casually used as these activities’ lexical proxy. What is crystallizing here, I suggest, is what scholars of rhetoric dub a rhetorical “constellation” (Campbell and Jamieson 332)—a constellation from which hate emerges as, a) inherently problematic, b) localizable to the “alt-right,” and, c) the primary engine of the various activities and expressions we associate with them. This constellation of conventions for thinking about hate and its relationship to the activities of right-wing extremist movement has coalesced into a “genre” we might dub the genre of “hate-attribution.” Yet while it’s far from clear that the genre is an effective one in a political landscape that’s fast becoming a political battleground, it hasn’t appeared by chance. Treating “hate,” then, less as a descriptive “grid of analysis” (Sedgwick 152), than as a rhetorical projectile, this essay opens by interrogating the “hate-attribution” genre’s logic and querying its efficacy. Having done so, it approaches the concept of “alternatives” by asking: how might calling time on the genre help us think differently about both hate itself and about the forces catalyzing, and catalyzed by, Trump’s presidential campaign? II.The rhetorical power of the genre of hate-attribution, of course, isn’t too difficult to pin down. An emotion so thoroughly discredited that its assignment is now in and of itself a term of abuse (see, for example, the O.E.D’s freshly-expanded definition of the noun “hater”), hate is an emotion the Judeo-Christian tradition deems not just responsible for but practically akin to murder (John 3:1). In part as a result of this tradition, hate has proven thoroughly resistant to efforts to elevate it from the status of an expression of a subject’s pestiferous inner life to the status of a polemical response to an object in the world. Indeed, while a great deal of the critical energy amassing under the rubric of “affect theory” has recently been put into recuperating the strategic or diagnostic value of emotions long scorned as irrelevant to oppositional struggle—from irritation and envy, to depression, anger and shame (Ngai; Cvetkovich; Gould; Love)—hate has notably not been among them. In fact, those rare scholarly accounts of affect that do address “hate,” notably Ahmed’s excellent work on right-wing extremist groups in the United Kingdom, display an understandable reluctance to rehabilitate it for progressive thought (Cultural Politics). It should come as no surprise, then, that the genre of “hate-attribution” has a rare rhetorical power. In identifying “hate” as the source of a particular position, gesture or speech-act, we effectively drain said position, gesture or speech-act of political agency or representational power—reducing it from an at-least-potentially polemical action in or response to the world, to the histrionic expression of a reprehensible personhood. Yet because hate’s near-taboo status holds across the ideological and political spectrum, what is less clear is why the genre of hate-attribution has achieved such cachet in the liberal media in particular. The answer, I would argue, lies in the fact that the work of hate-attribution dovetails all too neatly with liberal political theory’s longstanding tendency to laminate its social and civic ideals to affective ideals like “love,” “sympathy,” “compassion,” and, when in a less demonstrative humor, “tolerance”. As Martha Nussbaum’s Political Emotions has recently shown, this tradition has an impressive philosophical pedigree, running from Aristotle’s philia (16), John Locke’s “toleration” and David Hume’s “sympathy” (69-75), to the twentieth century’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights, with its promotion of “tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups.” And while the labour of what Lauren Berlant calls “liberal sentimentality” (“Poor Eliza”, 636) has never quite died away, it does seem to have found new strength with the emergence of the “intimate public sphere” (Berlant, Queen)—from its recent popular apotheosis in the Clinton campaign’s notorious “Love Trumps Hate” (a slogan in which “love,” unfortunately, came to look a lot like resigned technocratic quietism in the face of ongoing economic and environmental crisis [Zizek]), to its revival as a philosophical project among progressive scholars, many of them under the sway of the so-called “affective turn” (Nussbaum; Hardt; Sandoval; hooks). No surprise, then, that liberalism’s struggle to yoke itself to “love” should have as its eerie double a struggle to locate among its ideological and political enemies an increasingly reified “hate”. And while the examples of this project we’ve touched on so far have hailed from popular media, this set of protocols for thinking about hate and its relationship to the activities of right-wing extremist movements is not unique to media circles. It’s there in political discourse, as in ex-DNC chair Debbie Wasserman Schultz’s announcement, on MSNBC, that “Americans will unite against [Trump’s] hatred.” And it’s there, too, in academic media studies, from FLOW journal’s November 2016 call for papers inviting respondents to comment, among other things, on “the violence and hatred epitomized by Trump and his supporters,” to the SCMS conference’s invitation to members to participate in a pop-up panel entitled “Responding to Hate, Disenfranchisement and the Loss of the Commons.” Yet while the labor of hate-attribution to which many progressive forces have become attached carries an indisputable rhetorical force, it also has some profound rhetorical flaws. The very same stigma, after all, that makes “hate” such a powerful explanatory grenade to throw also makes it an incredibly tough one to land. As Ahmed’s analysis of the online rhetoric of white supremacist organizations should remind us (Cultural Politics), most groups structured around inciting and promoting violence against women and minorities identify, perversely, not as hate groups, but as movements propelled by the love of race and nation. And while left-wing pundits pronounce “hate” the signature emotion of a racist, misogynist Trump-voting right, supporters of Trump ascribe it, just as routinely, to the so-called “liberal elite,” a group whose mythical avatars—from the so-called “Social Justice Warrior” or “SJW,” to the supercilious Washington politico—are said to brand “ordinary [white, male] Americans” indiscriminately as racist, misogynistic, homophobic buffoons. Thus, for example, The Washington Post’s uncanny, far-right journalistic alter-ego, The Washington Times, dubs the SPLC a “liberal hate group”; the Wikipedia mirror-site, Conservapedia, recasts liberal objections to gun violence as “liberal hate speech” driven by an “irrational aversion to weapons”; while one blood-curdling sub-genre of reportage on Steve Bannon’s crypto-fascist soapbox, Breitbart News, is devoted to denouncing what it calls “ ‘anti-White Racism.’” It’s easy enough, of course, to defend the hate-attribution genre’s liberal incarnations while dismissing its right-wing variants as cynical, opportunistic shams, as Ahmed does (Cultural Politics)—thereby re-establishing the wellspring of hate where we are most comfortable locating it: among our political others. Yet to do so seems, in some sense, to perpetuate a familiar volley of hate-attribution. And to the extent that, as many media scholars have shown (Philips; Reed; Tett; Turow), our digital, networked political landscape is in danger of being reduced to a silo-ed discursive battleground, the ritual exchange of terminological grenades that everyone seems eager to propel across ideological lines, but that no one, understandably, seems willing to pick up, seems counter-productive to say the least.Even beyond the genre’s ultimate ineffectiveness, what should strike anyone used to reflecting on affect is how little justice it does to the ubiquity and intricacy of “hate” as an affective phenomenon. Hate is not and cannot be the exclusive property or preserve of one side of the political spectrum. One doesn’t have to stretch one’s critical faculties too far to see the extent to which the genre of hate-attribution participates in the emotional ballistics it condemns or seeks to redress. While trafficking in a relatively simple hate-paradigm (as a subjective emotional state that may be isolated to a particular person or group), the genre itself incarnates a more complex, socially dynamic model of hate in which the emotion operates through logics of projection perhaps best outlined by Freud. In the “hate-attribution” genre, that is, hate—like those equally abjected categories “sentimentality,” “worldliness” or “knowingness” broached by Sedgwick in her bravura analyses of “scapegoating attribution” (150-158)—finds its clearest expression in and through the labor of its own adscription. And it should come as no surprise that an emotion so widely devalued, where it is not openly prohibited, might also find expression in less overt form.Yet to say as much is by no means to discredit the genre. As legal scholar Jeremy Waldron has recently pointed out, there’s no particular reason why “the passions and emotions that lie behind a particular speech act” (34)—even up to and including hate—should devalue the speech acts they rouse. On the contrary, to pin the despicable and damaging activities of the so-called “alt right” on “hate” is, if anything, to do an injustice to a rich and complex emotion that can be as generative as it can be destructive. As Freud suggests in “Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego,” for example, hate may be the very seed of love, since the forms of “social feeling” (121) celebrated under the liberal rubric of “tolerance,” “love,” and “compassion,” are grounded in “the reversal of what was first a hostile feeling into a positively-toned tie in the nature of an identification” (121; italics mine). Indeed, Freud projects this same argument across a larger, historical canvas in Civilization and its Discontents, which contends that it is in our very struggle to combat our “aggressive instincts” that human communities have developed “methods intended to incite people into identifications and aim-inhibited relationships of love” (31). For Freud, that is, the practice of love is a function of ongoing efforts to see hate harnessed, commuted and transformed. III.What might it mean, then, to call time on this round of hate-attribution? What sort of “alternatives” might emerge when we abandon the assumption that political engagement entails a “struggle over who has the right to declare themselves as acting out of love” (Ahmed, Cultural Politics 131), and thus, by that same token, a struggle over the exact location and source of hate? One boon, I suggest, is the license it gives those of us on the progressive left to simply own our own hate. There’s little doubt that reframing the dangerous and destructive forms of speech fomented by Trump’s campaign, not as eruptions of hate, or even as “hate-speech,” but as speech we hate would be more consistent with what once seemed affect theory’s first commandment: to take our own affective temperature before launching headlong into critical analysis. After all, when Lauren Berlant (“Trump”) takes a stab at economist Paul Krugman’s cautions against “the Danger of Political Emotions” with the timely reminder that “all the messages are emotional,” the “messages” she’s pointing to aren’t just those of our political others, they’re ours; and the “emotions” she’s pointing to aren’t just the evacuated, insouciant versions of love championed by the Clinton campaign, they’re of the messier, or as Ngai might put it, “uglier” (2) variety—from shame, depression and anger, to, yes, I want to insist, hate.By way of jump-starting this program of hate-avowal, then, let me just say it: this essay was animated, in part, by a certain kind of hate. The social critic in me hates the breathtaking simplification of the complex social, economic and emotional forces animating Trump voters that seem to actuate some liberal commentary; the psychologist in me hates the self-mystification palpable in the left’s insistence on projecting and thus disowning its own (often very well justified) aggressions; and the human being in me, hating the kind of toxic speech to which Trump’s campaign has given rise, wishes to be able to openly declare that hatred. Among its other effects, hate is characterized by hypervigilance for lapses or failings in an object it deems problematic, a hypervigilance that—sometimes—animates analysis (Zeki and Romoya). In this sense, “hate” seems entitled to a comfortable place in the ranks of what Nick Salvato has recently dubbed criticism’s creative “obstructions”—phenomena that, while “routinely identified as detriments” to critical inquiry, may also “form the basis for … critical thinking” (1).Yet while one boon associated with this disclosure might be a welcome intellectual honesty, a more significant boon, I’d argue, is what getting this disclosure out of the way might leave room for. Opting out of the game of hurling “hate” back and forth across a super-charged political arena, that is, we might devote our column inches and Facebook posts to the less sensational but more productive task of systematically challenging the specious claims, and documenting the damaging effects, of a species of utterance (Butler; Matsuda; Waldron) we’ve grown used to simply descrying as pure, distilled “hate”. And we also might do something else. Relieved of the confident conviction that we can track “Trumpism” to a spontaneous outbreak of a single, localizable emotion, we might be able to offer a fuller account of the economic, social, political and affective forces that energize it. Certainly, hate plays a part here—although the process by which, as Isabelle Stengers puts it, affect “make[s] present, vivid and mattering … a worldly world” (371) demands that we scrutinize that hate as a syndrome, rather than simply moralize it as a sin, addressing its mainsprings in a moment marked by the nerve-fraying and life-fraying effects of what has become known across the social sciences and critical humanities as conditions of social and economic “precarity” (Muehlebach; Neil and Rossiter; Stewart).But perhaps hate’s not the only emotion tucked away under the hood. Here’s something affect theory knows today: affect moves not, as more traditional theorists of political emotion have it, “unambiguously and predictably from one’s cognitive processing,” but in ways that are messy, muddled and indirect (Gould 24). That form of speech is speech we hate. But it may not be “hate speech.” That crime is a crime we hate. But it may not be a “hate-crime.” One of the critical tactics we might crib from Berlant’s work in Cruel Optimism is that of decoding and decrypting, in even the most hateful acts, an instance of what Berlant, herself optimistically, calls “optimism.” For Berlant, after all, optimism is very often cruel, attaching itself, as it seems to have done in 2016, to scenes, objects and people that, while ultimately destined to “imped[e] the aim that brought [it to them] initially,” nevertheless came to seem, to a good portion of the electorate, the only available exponent of that classic good-life genre, “the change that’s gonna come” (“Trump” 1-2) at a moment when the Democratic party’s primary campaign promise was more of the free-market same. 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Imagine this historical scene, if you will. It is 1892, and you are up in the gallery at Her Majesty’s Theatre in Sydney, taking in an English burlesque. The people around you have just found out that Alice Leamar will not be performing her famed turn in Ta-ra-ra-boom-de-ay tonight, a high-kicking Can-Canesque number, very much the dance du jour. Your fellow audience members are none too pleased about this – they are shouting, and stamping the heels of their boots so loudly the whole theatre resounds with the noise. Most people in the expensive seats below look up in the direction of the gallery with a familiar blend of fear and loathing. The rough ‘gods’ up there are nearly always restless, more this time than usual. The uproar fulfils its purpose, though, because tomorrow night, Leamar’s act will be reinstated: the ‘gods’ will have their way (Bulletin, 1 October 1892). Another scene now, this time at the Newtown Bridge Theatre in Sydney, shortly after the turn of the twentieth century. A comedian is trying a new routine for the crowd, but no one seems much impressed so far. A few discontented rumbles begin at first – ‘I want to go home’, says one wag, and then another – and soon these gain momentum, so that almost everyone is caught up in an ecstasy of roisterous abuse. A burly ‘chucker out’ appears, trying to eject some of the loudest hecklers, and a fully-fledged punch-up ensues (Djubal 19, 23; Cheshire 86). Eventually, one or two men are made to leave – but so too is the hapless comedian, evicted by derisive howls from the stage. The scenes I have just described show that audience interaction was a key feature in late-nineteenth century popular theatre, and in some cases even persisted into the following century. Obviously, there was no formal voting mechanism used during these performances à la contemporary shows like Idol. But rowdy practises amounted to a kind of audience ‘vote’ nonetheless, through which people decided those entertainers they wanted to see and those they emphatically did not. In this paper, I intend to use these bald parallels between Victorian audience practices and new-millennium viewer-voting to investigate claims about the links between democracy and plebiscitary entertainment. The rise of voting for pleasure in televised contests and online polls is widely attended by debate about democracy (e.g. Andrejevic; Coleman; Hartley, “Reality”). The most hyped commentary on this count evokes a teleological assumption – that western history is inexorably moving towards direct democracy. This view becomes hard to sustain when we consider the extent to which the direct expression of audience views was a feature of Victorian popular entertainment, and that these participatory practices were largely suppressed by the turn of the twentieth century. Old audience practices also allow us to question some of the uses of the term ‘direct democracy’ in new media commentary. Descriptions of voting for pleasure as part of a growth towards direct democracy are often made to celebrate rather than investigate plebiscitary forms. They elide the fact that direct democracy is a vexed political ideal. And they limit our discussion of voting for leisure and fun. Ultimately, arguing back and forth about whether viewer-voting is democratic stops us from more interesting explorations of this emerging cultural phenomenon. ‘To a degree that would be unimaginable to theatregoers today’, says historian Robert Allen, ‘early nineteenth-century audiences controlled what went on at the theatre’. The so-called ‘shirt-sleeve’ crowd in the cheapest seats of theatrical venues were habitually given to hissing, shouting, and even throwing objects in order to evict performers during the course of a show. The control exerted by the peanut-chomping gallery was certainly apparent in the mid-century burlesques Allen writes about (55). It was also apparent in minstrel, variety and music hall productions until around the turn of the century. Audience members in the galleries of variety theatres and music halls regularly engaged in the pleasure of voicing their aesthetic preferences. Sometimes comic interjectors from among them even drew more laughs than the performers on stage. ‘We went there not as spectators but as performers’, as an English music-hall habitué put it (Bailey 154). In more downmarket venues such as Sydney’s Newtown Bridge Theatre, these participatory practices continued into the early 1900s. Boisterous audience practices came under sustained attack in the late-Victorian era. A series of measures were taken by authorities, theatre managers and social commentators to wrest the control of popular performances from those in theatre pits and galleries. These included restricting the sale of alcohol in theatre venues, employing brawn in the form of ‘chuckers out’, and darkening auditoriums, so that only the stage was illuminated and the audience thus de-emphasised (Allen 51–61; Bailey 157–68; Waterhouse 127, 138–43). They also included a relentless public critique of those engaging in heckling behaviours, thus displaying their ‘littleness of mind’ (Age, 6 Sep. 1876). The intensity of attacks on rowdy audience participation suggests that symbolic factors were at play in late-Victorian attempts to enforce decorous conduct at the theatre. The last half of the century was, after all, an era of intense debate about the qualities necessary for democratic citizenship. The suffrage was being dramatically expanded during this time, so that it encompassed the vast majority of white men – and by the early twentieth century, many white women as well. In Australia, the prelude to federation also involved debate about the type of democracy to be adopted. Should it be republican? Should it enfranchise all men and women; all people, or only white ones? At stake in these debates were the characteristics and subjectivities one needed to possess before being deemed capable of enfranchisement. To be worthy of the vote, as of other democratic privileges, one needed to be what Toby Miller has called a ‘well-tempered’ subject at the turn of the twentieth century (Miller; Joyce 4). One needed to be carefully deliberative and self-watching, to avoid being ‘savage’, ‘uncivilised’, emotive – all qualities which riotous audience members (like black people and women) were thought not to possess (Lake). This is why the growing respectability of popular theatre is so often considered a key feature of the modernisation of popular culture. Civil and respectful audience behaviours went hand in hand with liberal-democratic concepts of the well-tempered citizen. Working-class culture in late nineteenth-century England has famously (and notoriously) been described as a ‘culture of consolation’: an escapist desire for fun based on a fatalistic acceptance of under-privilege and social discrimination (Jones). This idea does not do justice to the range of hopes and efforts to create a better society among workingpeople at the time. But it still captures the motivation behind most unruly audience behaviours: a gleeful kind of resistance or ‘culture jamming’ which viewed disruption and uproar as ends in themselves, without the hope that they would be productive of improved social conditions. Whether or not theatrical rowdiness served a solely consolatory purpose for the shirt-sleeve crowd, it certainly evoked a sharp fear of disorderly exuberance in mainstream society. Anxieties about violent working-class uprisings leading to the institution of mob rule were a characteristic of the late-nineteenth century, often making their way into fiction (Brantlinger). Roisterous behaviours in popular theatres resonated with the concerns expressed in works such as Caesar’s Column (Donnelly), feeding on a long association between the theatre and misrule. These fears obviously stand in stark contrast to the ebullient commentary surrounding interactive entertainment today. Over-oxygenated rhetoric about the democratic potential of cyberspace was of course a feature of new media commentary at the beginning of the 1990s (for a critique of such rhetoric see Meikle 33–42; Grossman). Current helium-giddy claims about digital technologies as ‘democratising’ reprise this cyberhype (Andrejevic 12–15, 23–8; Jenkins and Thornburn). One recent example of upbeat talk about plebiscitary formats as direct democracy is John Hartley’s contribution to the edited collection, Politicotainment (Hartley, “Reality”). There are now a range of TV shows and online formats, he says, which offer audiences the opportunity to directly express their views. The development of these entertainment forms are part of a movement towards a ‘direct open network’ in global media culture (3). They are also part of a macro historical shift: a movement ‘down the value chain of meaning’ which has taken place over the past few centuries (Hartley, “Value Chain”). Hartley’s notion of a ‘value chain of meaning’ is an application of business analysis to media and cultural studies. In business, a value chain is what links the producer/originator, via commodity/distribution, to the consumer. In the same way, Hartley says, one might speak of a symbolic value chain moving from an author/producer, via the text, to the audience/consumer. Much of western history may indeed be understood as a movement along this chain. In pre-modern times, meaning resided in the author. The Divine Author, God, was regarded as the source of all meaning. In the modern period, ‘after Milton and Johnson’, meaning was located in texts. Experts observed the properties of a text or other object, and by this means discovered its meaning. In ‘the contemporary period’, however – the period roughly following the Second World War – meaning has overwhelming come to be located with audiences or consumers (Hartley, “Value Chain” 131–35). It is in this context, Hartley tells us, that the plebiscite is coming to the fore. As a means of allowing audiences to directly represent their own choices, the plebiscite is part of a new paradigm taking shape, as global culture moves away from the modern epoch and its text-dominated paradigm (Hartley, “Reality” 1–3). Talk of a symbolic value chain is a self-conscious example of the logic of business/cultural partnership currently circulating in neo-liberal discourse. It is also an example of a teleological understanding of history, through which the past few centuries are presented as part of a linear progression towards direct democracy. This teleology works well with the up-tempo talk of television as ‘democratainment’ in Hartley’s earlier work (Hartley, Uses of Television). Western history is essentially a triumphant progression, he implies, from the Dark Ages, to representative democracy, to the enlightened and direct ‘consumer democracy’ unfolding around us today (Hartley, “Reality” 47). Teleological assumptions are always suspect from an historical point of view. For a start, casting the modern period as one in which meaning resided overwhelmingly in the text fails to consider the culture of popular performance flourishing before the twentieth century. Popular theatrical forms were far more significant to ordinary people of the nineteenth century than the notions of empirical or textual analysis cultivated in elite circles. Burlesques, minstrel-shows, music hall and variety productions all took a playful approach to their texts, altering their tone and content in line with audience expectations (Chevalier 40). Before the commercialisation of popular theatre in the late-nineteenth century, many theatricals also worked in a relatively open-ended way. At concert saloons or ‘free-and-easies’ (pubs where musical performances were offered), amateur singers volunteered their services, stepping out from the audience to perform an act or two and then disappearing into it again (Joyce 206). As a precursor to TV talent contests and ‘open mic’ comedy sessions today, many theatrical managers held amateur nights in which would-be professionals tried their luck before a restless crowd, with a contract awarded to performers drawing the loudest applause (Watson 5). Each of these considerations challenge the view that open participatory networks are the expression of an historical process through which meaning has only recently come to reside with audiences and consumers. Another reason for suspecting teleological notions about democracy is that it proceeds as if Foucauldian analysis did not exist. Characterising history as a process of democratisation tends to equate democracy with openness and freedom in an uncritical way. It glosses over the fact that representative democracy involved the repression of directly participatory practices and unruly social groups. More pertinently, it ignores critiques of direct democracy. Even if there are positive aspects to the re-emergence of participatory practices among audiences today, there are still real problems with direct democracy as a political ideal. It would be fairly easy to make the case that rowdy Victorian audiences engaged in ‘direct democratic’ practices during the course of a variety show or burlesque. The ‘gods’ in Victorian galleries exulted in expressing their preferences: evicting lack-lustre comics and demanding more of other performers. It would also be easy to valorise these practices as examples of the kind of culture-jamming I referred to earlier – as forms of resistance to the tyranny of well-tempered citizenship gaining sway at the time. Given the often hysterical attacks directed at unruly audiences, there is an obvious satisfaction to be had from observing the reinstatement of Ta-ra-ra-boom-de-ay at Her Majesty’s Theatre, or in the pleasure that working-class audiences derived from ‘calling the tune’. The same kind of satisfaction is not to be had, however, when observing direct democracy in action on YouTube, or during a season of Dancing with the Stars, or some other kind of plebiscitary TV. The expression of audience preferences in this context hardly carries the subversive connotations of informal evictions during a late-Victorian music-hall show. Viewer-voting today is indeed dominated by a rhetoric of partnership which centres on audience participation, rather than a notion of opposition between producers and audiences (Jenkins). The terrain of plebiscitary entertainment is very different now from the terrain of popular culture described by Stuart Hall in the 1980s – let alone as it stood in the 1890s, during Alice Leamar’s tour. Most commentary on plebiscitary TV avoids talk of ‘cultural struggle’ (Hall 235) and instead adopts a language of collaboration and of people ‘having a ball’ (Neville; Hartley, “Reality” 3). The extent to which contemporary plebiscites are managed by what Hartley calls the ‘plebiscitary industries’ evokes one of the most powerful criticisms made against direct democracy. That is, it evokes the view that direct democracy allows commercial interests to set the terms of public participation in decision-making, and thus to influence its outcomes (Barber 36; Moore 55–56). There is obviously big money to be made from plebiscitary TV. The advertising blitz which takes place during viewer-voting programs, and the vote-rigging scandals so often surrounding them make this clear. These considerations highlight the fact that public involvement in a plebiscitary process is not something to make a song and dance about unless broad involvement first takes place in deciding the issues open for determination by plebiscite, and the way in which these issues are framed. In the absence of this kind of broad participation, engagement in plebiscitary forms serves a solely consolatory function, offering the pleasures of viewer-voting as a substitute for substantive involvement in cultural creation and political change. Another critique sometimes made against direct democracy is that it makes an easy vehicle for prejudice (Barber 36–7). This was certainly the case in Victorian theatres, where it was common for Anglo gallery-members to heckle female and non-white performers in an intimidatory way. A group of American vaudeville performers called the Cherry Sisters certainly experienced this phenomenon in the early 1900s. The Cherry Sisters were defiantly unglamorous middle-aged women in a period when female performers were increasingly expected to display scantily-clad youthful figures on stage. As a consequence, they were embroiled in a number of near-riots in which male audience members hurled abuse and heavy objects from the galleries, and in some cases chased them into the street to physically assault them there (Pittinger 76–77). Such incidents give us a glimpse of the dark face of direct democracy. In some cases, the direct expression of popular views becomes an attack on diversity, leading to the kind of violent mêlée experienced either by the Cherry Sisters or the Middle Eastern people attacked on Sydney’s Cronulla Beach at the end of 2005. ‘Democracy’ is always an obviously politically loaded term when used in debates about new media. It is frequently used to imply that particular cultural or technological forms are inherently liberatory and inclusive. As Graeme Turner points out, reality TV has been celebrated as ‘democratic’ in this way. Only rarely, however, is there an attempt to argue why this is the case – to show how viewer-voting formats actually serve a democratic agenda. It was for this reason that Turner argued that the inclusion of ordinary people on reality TV should be understood as demotic rather than democratic (Turner, Understanding Celebrity 82–5; Turner, “Mass Production”). Ultimately, however, it is immaterial whether one uses the term ‘demotic’ or ‘direct democratic’ to describe the growth of plebiscitary entertainment. What is important is that we avoid making inflated claims about the direct expression of audience views, using the term ‘democratic’ to give an unduly celebratory spin to the political complexities involved. People may indeed be having a ball as they take part in online polls or choose what they want to watch on YouTube or shout at the TV during an episode of Idol. The ‘participatory enthusiasm’ that fans feel watching a show like Big Brother may also have lessons for those interested in making parliamentary process more responsive to people’s interests and needs (Coleman 458). But the development of plebiscitary forms is not inherently democratic in the sense that Turner suggests the term should be used – that is, it does not of itself serve a liberatory or socially inclusive agenda. Nor does it lead to substantive participation in cultural and political processes. In the end, it seems to me that we need to move beyond the discussion of plebiscitary entertainment in terms of democracy. The whole concept of democracy as the yardstick against which new media should be measured is highly problematic. Not only is direct democracy a vexed political ideal to start off with – it also leads commentators to take predictable positions when debating its relationship to new technologies and cultural forms. Some turn to hype, others to critique, and the result often appears as a mere restatement of the commentators’ political inclinations rather than a useful investigation of the developments at hand. Some of the most intriguing aspects of plebiscitary entertainments are left unexplored if we remain preoccupied with democracy. One might well investigate the re-introduction of studio audiences and participatory audience practices, for example, as a nostalgia for the interactivity experienced in live theatres such as the Newtown Bridge in the early twentieth century. It certainly seems to me that a retro impulse informs some of the developments in televised stand-up comedy in recent years. This was obviously the case for Paul McDermott’s The Side Show on Australian television in 2007, with its nod to the late-Victorian or early twentieth-century fairground and its live-theatrical vibe. More relevantly here, it also seems to be the case for American viewer-voting programs such as Last Comic Standing and the Comedy Channel’s Open Mic Fight. Further, reviews of programs such as Idol sometimes emphasise the emotional engagement arising out of their combination of viewer-voting and live performance as a harking-back to the good old days when entertainment was about being real (Neville). One misses this nostalgia associated with plebiscitary entertainments if bound to a teleological assumption that they form part of an ineluctable progression towards the New and the Free. Perhaps, then, it is time to pay more attention to the historical roots of viewer-voting formats, to think about the way that new media is sometimes about a re-invention of the old, trying to escape the recurrent back-and-forthing of debate about their relationship to progress and democracy. References Allen, Robert C. Horrible Prettiness: Burlesque and American Culture .Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991. Andrejevic, Mark. Reality TV: The Work of Being Watched. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2004. Bailey, Peter. Leisure and Class in Victorian England: Rational Recreation and the Contest for Control, 1830–1885. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978. Barber, Benjamin R. Strong Democracy: Participatory Politics for a New Age. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984. ———. “Which Technology and Which Democracy?” Democracy and New Media. Eds. Henry Jenkins and David Thorburn. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 2003. 33–48. Brantlinger, Patrick, Rule of Darkness: British Literature and Imperialism, 1830–1914. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1988. Cheshire, D. F. Music Hall in Britain. Rutherford: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1974. Chevalier, Albert. Before I Forget: The Autobiography of a Chevalier d’Industrie. London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1901. Coleman, Stephen. “How the Other Half Votes: Big Brother Viewers and the 2005 General Election”. International Journal of Cultural Studies 9.4 (2006): 457–79. Djubal, Clay. “From Minstrel Tenor to Vaudeville Showman: Harry Clay, ‘A Friend of the Australian Performer’”. Australasian Drama Studies 34 (April 1999): 10–24. Donnelly, Ignatius. Caesar’s Column: A Story of the Twentieth Century. London: Sampson Low, Marston and Co., 1891. Grossman, Lawrence. The Electronic Republic: Reshaping Democracy in the Information Age. New York: Penguin, 1995. Hall, Stuart. “Notes on Deconstructing the ‘Popular’”. People’s History and Socialist Theory. Ed. Raphael Samuel. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1981. 227–49. Hartley, John, The Uses of Television. London: Routledge, 1999. ———. “‘Reality’ and the Plebiscite”. Politoctainment: Television’s Take on the Real. Ed. Kristina Riegert. New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2006. http://www.cci.edu.au/hartley/downloads/Plebiscite%20(Riegert%20chapter) %20revised%20FINAL%20%5BFeb%2014%5D.pdf. ———. “The ‘Value-Chain of Meaning’ and the New Economy”. International Journal of Cultural Studies 7.1 (2004): 129–41. Jenkins, Henry. “The Cultural Logic of Media Convergence”. International Journal of Cultural Studies 7.1 (2004): 33–43. ———, and David Thornburn. “Introduction: The Digital Revolution, the Informed Citizen, and the Culture of Democracy”. Democracy and New Media. Eds. Henry Jenkins and David Thorburn. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2003. 1–20. Jones, Gareth Stedman. ‘Working-Class Culture and Working-Class Politics in London, 1870-1900: Notes on the Remaking of a Working Class’. Languages of Class: Studies in English Working-Class History, 1832–1982. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983. 179–238. Joyce, Patrick. The Rule of Freedom: Liberalism and the Modern City. London: Verso, 2003. Lake, Marilyn. “White Man’s Country: The Trans-National History of a National Project”. Australian Historical Studies 122 ( 2003): 346–63. Meikle, Graham. Future Active: Media Activism and the Internet. London: Routledge, 2002. Miller, Toby. The Well-Tempered Self: Citizenship, Culture and the Postmodern Subject. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1993. Moore, Richard K. “Democracy and Cyberspace”. Digital Democracy: Discourse and Decision Making in the Information Age. Eds. Barry Hague and Brian D. Loader. London and New York: Routledge, 1999. 39–59. Neville, Richard. “Crass, Corny, But Still a Woodstock Moment for a New Generation”. Sydney Morning Herald, 23 November 2004. Pittinger, Peach R. “The Cherry Sisters in Early Vaudeville: Performing a Failed Femininity”. Theatre History Studies 24 (2004): 73–97. Turner, Graeme. Understanding Celebrity. London: Sage, 2004. ———. “The Mass Production of Celebrity: ‘Celetoids’, Reality TV and the ‘Demotic Turn’”. International Journal of Cultural Studies 9.2 (2006): 153–165. Waterhouse, Richard. From Minstrel Show to Vaudeville: The Australian Popular Stage, 1788–1914. Sydney: New South Wales University Press, 1990. Watson, Bobby. Fifty Years Behind the Scenes. Sydney: Slater, 1924. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Bellanta, Melissa. "Voting for Pleasure, Or a View from a Victorian Theatre Gallery." M/C Journal 10.6/11.1 (2008). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0804/02-bellanta.php>. APA Style Bellanta, M. (Apr. 2008) "Voting for Pleasure, Or a View from a Victorian Theatre Gallery," M/C Journal, 10(6)/11(1). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0804/02-bellanta.php>.

Imagine this historical scene, if you will. It is 1892, and you are up in the gallery at Her Majesty’s Theatre in Sydney, taking in an English burlesque. The people around you have just found out that Alice Leamar will not be performing her famed turn in Ta-ra-ra-boom-de-ay tonight, a high-kicking Can-Canesque number, very much the dance du jour. Your fellow audience members are none too pleased about this – they are shouting, and stamping the heels of their boots so loudly the whole theatre resounds with the noise. Most people in the expensive seats below look up in the direction of the gallery with a familiar blend of fear and loathing. The rough ‘gods’ up there are nearly always restless, more this time than usual. The uproar fulfils its purpose, though, because tomorrow night, Leamar’s act will be reinstated: the ‘gods’ will have their way (Bulletin, 1 October 1892). Another scene now, this time at the Newtown Bridge Theatre in Sydney, shortly after the turn of the twentieth century. A comedian is trying a new routine for the crowd, but no one seems much impressed so far. A few discontented rumbles begin at first – ‘I want to go home’, says one wag, and then another – and soon these gain momentum, so that almost everyone is caught up in an ecstasy of roisterous abuse. A burly ‘chucker out’ appears, trying to eject some of the loudest hecklers, and a fully-fledged punch-up ensues (Djubal 19, 23; Cheshire 86). Eventually, one or two men are made to leave – but so too is the hapless comedian, evicted by derisive howls from the stage. The scenes I have just described show that audience interaction was a key feature in late-nineteenth century popular theatre, and in some cases even persisted into the following century. Obviously, there was no formal voting mechanism used during these performances à la contemporary shows like Idol. But rowdy practises amounted to a kind of audience ‘vote’ nonetheless, through which people decided those entertainers they wanted to see and those they emphatically did not. In this paper, I intend to use these bald parallels between Victorian audience practices and new-millennium viewer-voting to investigate claims about the links between democracy and plebiscitary entertainment. The rise of voting for pleasure in televised contests and online polls is widely attended by debate about democracy (e.g. Andrejevic; Coleman; Hartley, “Reality”). The most hyped commentary on this count evokes a teleological assumption – that western history is inexorably moving towards direct democracy. This view becomes hard to sustain when we consider the extent to which the direct expression of audience views was a feature of Victorian popular entertainment, and that these participatory practices were largely suppressed by the turn of the twentieth century. Old audience practices also allow us to question some of the uses of the term ‘direct democracy’ in new media commentary. Descriptions of voting for pleasure as part of a growth towards direct democracy are often made to celebrate rather than investigate plebiscitary forms. They elide the fact that direct democracy is a vexed political ideal. And they limit our discussion of voting for leisure and fun. Ultimately, arguing back and forth about whether viewer-voting is democratic stops us from more interesting explorations of this emerging cultural phenomenon. ‘To a degree that would be unimaginable to theatregoers today’, says historian Robert Allen, ‘early nineteenth-century audiences controlled what went on at the theatre’. The so-called ‘shirt-sleeve’ crowd in the cheapest seats of theatrical venues were habitually given to hissing, shouting, and even throwing objects in order to evict performers during the course of a show. The control exerted by the peanut-chomping gallery was certainly apparent in the mid-century burlesques Allen writes about (55). It was also apparent in minstrel, variety and music hall productions until around the turn of the century. Audience members in the galleries of variety theatres and music halls regularly engaged in the pleasure of voicing their aesthetic preferences. Sometimes comic interjectors from among them even drew more laughs than the performers on stage. ‘We went there not as spectators but as performers’, as an English music-hall habitué put it (Bailey 154). In more downmarket venues such as Sydney’s Newtown Bridge Theatre, these participatory practices continued into the early 1900s. Boisterous audience practices came under sustained attack in the late-Victorian era. A series of measures were taken by authorities, theatre managers and social commentators to wrest the control of popular performances from those in theatre pits and galleries. These included restricting the sale of alcohol in theatre venues, employing brawn in the form of ‘chuckers out’, and darkening auditoriums, so that only the stage was illuminated and the audience thus de-emphasised (Allen 51–61; Bailey 157–68; Waterhouse 127, 138–43). They also included a relentless public critique of those engaging in heckling behaviours, thus displaying their ‘littleness of mind’ (Age, 6 Sep. 1876). The intensity of attacks on rowdy audience participation suggests that symbolic factors were at play in late-Victorian attempts to enforce decorous conduct at the theatre. The last half of the century was, after all, an era of intense debate about the qualities necessary for democratic citizenship. The suffrage was being dramatically expanded during this time, so that it encompassed the vast majority of white men – and by the early twentieth century, many white women as well. In Australia, the prelude to federation also involved debate about the type of democracy to be adopted. Should it be republican? Should it enfranchise all men and women; all people, or only white ones? At stake in these debates were the characteristics and subjectivities one needed to possess before being deemed capable of enfranchisement. To be worthy of the vote, as of other democratic privileges, one needed to be what Toby Miller has called a ‘well-tempered’ subject at the turn of the twentieth century (Miller; Joyce 4). One needed to be carefully deliberative and self-watching, to avoid being ‘savage’, ‘uncivilised’, emotive – all qualities which riotous audience members (like black people and women) were thought not to possess (Lake). This is why the growing respectability of popular theatre is so often considered a key feature of the modernisation of popular culture. Civil and respectful audience behaviours went hand in hand with liberal-democratic concepts of the well-tempered citizen. Working-class culture in late nineteenth-century England has famously (and notoriously) been described as a ‘culture of consolation’: an escapist desire for fun based on a fatalistic acceptance of under-privilege and social discrimination (Jones). This idea does not do justice to the range of hopes and efforts to create a better society among workingpeople at the time. But it still captures the motivation behind most unruly audience behaviours: a gleeful kind of resistance or ‘culture jamming’ which viewed disruption and uproar as ends in themselves, without the hope that they would be productive of improved social conditions. Whether or not theatrical rowdiness served a solely consolatory purpose for the shirt-sleeve crowd, it certainly evoked a sharp fear of disorderly exuberance in mainstream society. Anxieties about violent working-class uprisings leading to the institution of mob rule were a characteristic of the late-nineteenth century, often making their way into fiction (Brantlinger). Roisterous behaviours in popular theatres resonated with the concerns expressed in works such as Caesar’s Column (Donnelly), feeding on a long association between the theatre and misrule. These fears obviously stand in stark contrast to the ebullient commentary surrounding interactive entertainment today. Over-oxygenated rhetoric about the democratic potential of cyberspace was of course a feature of new media commentary at the beginning of the 1990s (for a critique of such rhetoric see Meikle 33–42; Grossman). Current helium-giddy claims about digital technologies as ‘democratising’ reprise this cyberhype (Andrejevic 12–15, 23–8; Jenkins and Thornburn). One recent example of upbeat talk about plebiscitary formats as direct democracy is John Hartley’s contribution to the edited collection, Politicotainment (Hartley, “Reality”). There are now a range of TV shows and online formats, he says, which offer audiences the opportunity to directly express their views. The development of these entertainment forms are part of a movement towards a ‘direct open network’ in global media culture (3). They are also part of a macro historical shift: a movement ‘down the value chain of meaning’ which has taken place over the past few centuries (Hartley, “Value Chain”). Hartley’s notion of a ‘value chain of meaning’ is an application of business analysis to media and cultural studies. In business, a value chain is what links the producer/originator, via commodity/distribution, to the consumer. In the same way, Hartley says, one might speak of a symbolic value chain moving from an author/producer, via the text, to the audience/consumer. Much of western history may indeed be understood as a movement along this chain. In pre-modern times, meaning resided in the author. The Divine Author, God, was regarded as the source of all meaning. In the modern period, ‘after Milton and Johnson’, meaning was located in texts. Experts observed the properties of a text or other object, and by this means discovered its meaning. In ‘the contemporary period’, however – the period roughly following the Second World War – meaning has overwhelming come to be located with audiences or consumers (Hartley, “Value Chain” 131–35). It is in this context, Hartley tells us, that the plebiscite is coming to the fore. As a means of allowing audiences to directly represent their own choices, the plebiscite is part of a new paradigm taking shape, as global culture moves away from the modern epoch and its text-dominated paradigm (Hartley, “Reality” 1–3). Talk of a symbolic value chain is a self-conscious example of the logic of business/cultural partnership currently circulating in neo-liberal discourse. It is also an example of a teleological understanding of history, through which the past few centuries are presented as part of a linear progression towards direct democracy. This teleology works well with the up-tempo talk of television as ‘democratainment’ in Hartley’s earlier work (Hartley, Uses of Television). Western history is essentially a triumphant progression, he implies, from the Dark Ages, to representative democracy, to the enlightened and direct ‘consumer democracy’ unfolding around us today (Hartley, “Reality” 47). Teleological assumptions are always suspect from an historical point of view. For a start, casting the modern period as one in which meaning resided overwhelmingly in the text fails to consider the culture of popular performance flourishing before the twentieth century. Popular theatrical forms were far more significant to ordinary people of the nineteenth century than the notions of empirical or textual analysis cultivated in elite circles. Burlesques, minstrel-shows, music hall and variety productions all took a playful approach to their texts, altering their tone and content in line with audience expectations (Chevalier 40). Before the commercialisation of popular theatre in the late-nineteenth century, many theatricals also worked in a relatively open-ended way. At concert saloons or ‘free-and-easies’ (pubs where musical performances were offered), amateur singers volunteered their services, stepping out from the audience to perform an act or two and then disappearing into it again (Joyce 206). As a precursor to TV talent contests and ‘open mic’ comedy sessions today, many theatrical managers held amateur nights in which would-be professionals tried their luck before a restless crowd, with a contract awarded to performers drawing the loudest applause (Watson 5). Each of these considerations challenge the view that open participatory networks are the expression of an historical process through which meaning has only recently come to reside with audiences and consumers. Another reason for suspecting teleological notions about democracy is that it proceeds as if Foucauldian analysis did not exist. Characterising history as a process of democratisation tends to equate democracy with openness and freedom in an uncritical way. It glosses over the fact that representative democracy involved the repression of directly participatory practices and unruly social groups. More pertinently, it ignores critiques of direct democracy. Even if there are positive aspects to the re-emergence of participatory practices among audiences today, there are still real problems with direct democracy as a political ideal. It would be fairly easy to make the case that rowdy Victorian audiences engaged in ‘direct democratic’ practices during the course of a variety show or burlesque. The ‘gods’ in Victorian galleries exulted in expressing their preferences: evicting lack-lustre comics and demanding more of other performers. It would also be easy to valorise these practices as examples of the kind of culture-jamming I referred to earlier – as forms of resistance to the tyranny of well-tempered citizenship gaining sway at the time. Given the often hysterical attacks directed at unruly audiences, there is an obvious satisfaction to be had from observing the reinstatement of Ta-ra-ra-boom-de-ay at Her Majesty’s Theatre, or in the pleasure that working-class audiences derived from ‘calling the tune’. The same kind of satisfaction is not to be had, however, when observing direct democracy in action on YouTube, or during a season of Dancing with the Stars, or some other kind of plebiscitary TV. The expression of audience preferences in this context hardly carries the subversive connotations of informal evictions during a late-Victorian music-hall show. Viewer-voting today is indeed dominated by a rhetoric of partnership which centres on audience participation, rather than a notion of opposition between producers and audiences (Jenkins). The terrain of plebiscitary entertainment is very different now from the terrain of popular culture described by Stuart Hall in the 1980s – let alone as it stood in the 1890s, during Alice Leamar’s tour. Most commentary on plebiscitary TV avoids talk of ‘cultural struggle’ (Hall 235) and instead adopts a language of collaboration and of people ‘having a ball’ (Neville; Hartley, “Reality” 3). The extent to which contemporary plebiscites are managed by what Hartley calls the ‘plebiscitary industries’ evokes one of the most powerful criticisms made against direct democracy. That is, it evokes the view that direct democracy allows commercial interests to set the terms of public participation in decision-making, and thus to influence its outcomes (Barber 36; Moore 55–56). There is obviously big money to be made from plebiscitary TV. The advertising blitz which takes place during viewer-voting programs, and the vote-rigging scandals so often surrounding them make this clear. These considerations highlight the fact that public involvement in a plebiscitary process is not something to make a song and dance about unless broad involvement first takes place in deciding the issues open for determination by plebiscite, and the way in which these issues are framed. In the absence of this kind of broad participation, engagement in plebiscitary forms serves a solely consolatory function, offering the pleasures of viewer-voting as a substitute for substantive involvement in cultural creation and political change. Another critique sometimes made against direct democracy is that it makes an easy vehicle for prejudice (Barber 36–7). This was certainly the case in Victorian theatres, where it was common for Anglo gallery-members to heckle female and non-white performers in an intimidatory way. A group of American vaudeville performers called the Cherry Sisters certainly experienced this phenomenon in the early 1900s. The Cherry Sisters were defiantly unglamorous middle-aged women in a period when female performers were increasingly expected to display scantily-clad youthful figures on stage. As a consequence, they were embroiled in a number of near-riots in which male audience members hurled abuse and heavy objects from the galleries, and in some cases chased them into the street to physically assault them there (Pittinger 76–77). Such incidents give us a glimpse of the dark face of direct democracy. In some cases, the direct expression of popular views becomes an attack on diversity, leading to the kind of violent mêlée experienced either by the Cherry Sisters or the Middle Eastern people attacked on Sydney’s Cronulla Beach at the end of 2005. ‘Democracy’ is always an obviously politically loaded term when used in debates about new media. It is frequently used to imply that particular cultural or technological forms are inherently liberatory and inclusive. As Graeme Turner points out, reality TV has been celebrated as ‘democratic’ in this way. Only rarely, however, is there an attempt to argue why this is the case – to show how viewer-voting formats actually serve a democratic agenda. It was for this reason that Turner argued that the inclusion of ordinary people on reality TV should be understood as demotic rather than democratic (Turner, Understanding Celebrity 82–5; Turner, “Mass Production”). Ultimately, however, it is immaterial whether one uses the term ‘demotic’ or ‘direct democratic’ to describe the growth of plebiscitary entertainment. What is important is that we avoid making inflated claims about the direct expression of audience views, using the term ‘democratic’ to give an unduly celebratory spin to the political complexities involved. People may indeed be having a ball as they take part in online polls or choose what they want to watch on YouTube or shout at the TV during an episode of Idol. The ‘participatory enthusiasm’ that fans feel watching a show like Big Brother may also have lessons for those interested in making parliamentary process more responsive to people’s interests and needs (Coleman 458). But the development of plebiscitary forms is not inherently democratic in the sense that Turner suggests the term should be used – that is, it does not of itself serve a liberatory or socially inclusive agenda. Nor does it lead to substantive participation in cultural and political processes. In the end, it seems to me that we need to move beyond the discussion of plebiscitary entertainment in terms of democracy. The whole concept of democracy as the yardstick against which new media should be measured is highly problematic. Not only is direct democracy a vexed political ideal to start off with – it also leads commentators to take predictable positions when debating its relationship to new technologies and cultural forms. Some turn to hype, others to critique, and the result often appears as a mere restatement of the commentators’ political inclinations rather than a useful investigation of the developments at hand. Some of the most intriguing aspects of plebiscitary entertainments are left unexplored if we remain preoccupied with democracy. One might well investigate the re-introduction of studio audiences and participatory audience practices, for example, as a nostalgia for the interactivity experienced in live theatres such as the Newtown Bridge in the early twentieth century. It certainly seems to me that a retro impulse informs some of the developments in televised stand-up comedy in recent years. This was obviously the case for Paul McDermott’s The Side Show on Australian television in 2007, with its nod to the late-Victorian or early twentieth-century fairground and its live-theatrical vibe. More relevantly here, it also seems to be the case for American viewer-voting programs such as Last Comic Standing and the Comedy Channel’s Open Mic Fight. Further, reviews of programs such as Idol sometimes emphasise the emotional engagement arising out of their combination of viewer-voting and live performance as a harking-back to the good old days when entertainment was about being real (Neville). One misses this nostalgia associated with plebiscitary entertainments if bound to a teleological assumption that they form part of an ineluctable progression towards the New and the Free. Perhaps, then, it is time to pay more attention to the historical roots of viewer-voting formats, to think about the way that new media is sometimes about a re-invention of the old, trying to escape the recurrent back-and-forthing of debate about their relationship to progress and democracy. References Allen, Robert C. Horrible Prettiness: Burlesque and American Culture .Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991. Andrejevic, Mark. Reality TV: The Work of Being Watched. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2004. Bailey, Peter. Leisure and Class in Victorian England: Rational Recreation and the Contest for Control, 1830–1885. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978. Barber, Benjamin R. Strong Democracy: Participatory Politics for a New Age. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984. ———. “Which Technology and Which Democracy?” Democracy and New Media. Eds. Henry Jenkins and David Thorburn. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 2003. 33–48. Brantlinger, Patrick, Rule of Darkness: British Literature and Imperialism, 1830–1914. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1988. Cheshire, D. F. Music Hall in Britain. Rutherford: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1974. Chevalier, Albert. Before I Forget: The Autobiography of a Chevalier d’Industrie. London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1901. Coleman, Stephen. “How the Other Half Votes: Big Brother Viewers and the 2005 General Election”. International Journal of Cultural Studies 9.4 (2006): 457–79. Djubal, Clay. “From Minstrel Tenor to Vaudeville Showman: Harry Clay, ‘A Friend of the Australian Performer’”. Australasian Drama Studies 34 (April 1999): 10–24. Donnelly, Ignatius. Caesar’s Column: A Story of the Twentieth Century. London: Sampson Low, Marston and Co., 1891. Grossman, Lawrence. The Electronic Republic: Reshaping Democracy in the Information Age. New York: Penguin, 1995. Hall, Stuart. “Notes on Deconstructing the ‘Popular’”. People’s History and Socialist Theory. Ed. Raphael Samuel. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1981. 227–49. Hartley, John, The Uses of Television. London: Routledge, 1999. ———. “‘Reality’ and the Plebiscite”. Politoctainment: Television’s Take on the Real. Ed. Kristina Riegert. New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2006. http://www.cci.edu.au/hartley/downloads/Plebiscite%20(Riegert%20chapter) %20revised%20FINAL%20%5BFeb%2014%5D.pdf. ———. “The ‘Value-Chain of Meaning’ and the New Economy”. International Journal of Cultural Studies 7.1 (2004): 129–41. Jenkins, Henry. “The Cultural Logic of Media Convergence”. International Journal of Cultural Studies 7.1 (2004): 33–43. ———, and David Thornburn. “Introduction: The Digital Revolution, the Informed Citizen, and the Culture of Democracy”. Democracy and New Media. Eds. Henry Jenkins and David Thorburn. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2003. 1–20. Jones, Gareth Stedman. ‘Working-Class Culture and Working-Class Politics in London, 1870-1900: Notes on the Remaking of a Working Class’. Languages of Class: Studies in English Working-Class History, 1832–1982. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983. 179–238. Joyce, Patrick. The Rule of Freedom: Liberalism and the Modern City. London: Verso, 2003. Lake, Marilyn. “White Man’s Country: The Trans-National History of a National Project”. Australian Historical Studies 122 ( 2003): 346–63. Meikle, Graham. Future Active: Media Activism and the Internet. London: Routledge, 2002. Miller, Toby. The Well-Tempered Self: Citizenship, Culture and the Postmodern Subject. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1993. Moore, Richard K. “Democracy and Cyberspace”. Digital Democracy: Discourse and Decision Making in the Information Age. Eds. Barry Hague and Brian D. Loader. London and New York: Routledge, 1999. 39–59. Neville, Richard. “Crass, Corny, But Still a Woodstock Moment for a New Generation”. Sydney Morning Herald, 23 November 2004. Pittinger, Peach R. “The Cherry Sisters in Early Vaudeville: Performing a Failed Femininity”. Theatre History Studies 24 (2004): 73–97. Turner, Graeme. Understanding Celebrity. London: Sage, 2004. ———. “The Mass Production of Celebrity: ‘Celetoids’, Reality TV and the ‘Demotic Turn’”. International Journal of Cultural Studies 9.2 (2006): 153–165. Waterhouse, Richard. From Minstrel Show to Vaudeville: The Australian Popular Stage, 1788–1914. Sydney: New South Wales University Press, 1990. Watson, Bobby. Fifty Years Behind the Scenes. Sydney: Slater, 1924.

On 17 January 2013, Wired chose the smart contact lens as one of “7 Massive Ideas That Could Change the World” describing a Google-led research project. Wired explains that the inventor, Dr. Babak Parviz, wants to build a microsystem on a contact lens: “Using radios no wider than a few human hairs, he thinks these lenses can augment reality and incidentally eliminate the need for displays on phones, PCs, and widescreen TVs”. Explained further in other sources, the technology entails an antenna, circuits embedded into a contact lens, GPS, and an LED to project images on the eye, creating a virtual display (Solve for X). Wi-Fi would stream content through a transparent screen over the eye. One patent describes a camera embedded in the lens (Etherington). Another mentions medical sensing, such as glucose monitoring of tears (Goldman). In other words, Google proposes an imagined future when we use contact lenses to search the Internet (and be searched by it), shop online, communicate with friends, work, navigate maps, swipe through Tinder, monitor our health, watch television, and, by that time, probably engage in a host of activities not yet invented. Often referred to as a bionic contact, the smart contact lens would signal a weighty shift in the way we work, socialize, and frame our online identities. However, speculative discussion over this radical shift in personal computing, rarely if ever, includes consideration of how the body, acting as a host to digital information, will manage to assimilate not only significant affordances, but also significant constraints and vulnerabilities. At this point, for most people, the smart contact lens is just an idea. Is a new medium of communication started when it is launched in an advertising campaign? When we Like it on Facebook? If we chat about it during a party amongst friends? Or, do a critical mass of people actually have to be using it to say it has started? One might say that Apple’s Macintosh computer started as a media platform when the world heard about the famous 1984 television advertisement aired during the American NFL Super Bowl of that year. Directed by Ridley Scott, the ad entails an athlete running down a passageway and hurling a hammer at a massive screen depicting cold war style rulers expounding state propaganda. The screen explodes freeing those imprisoned from their concentration camp existence. The direct reference to Orwell’s 1984 serves as a metaphor for IBM in 1984. PC users were made analogous to political prisoners and IBM served to represent the totalitarian government. The Mac became a something that, at the time, challenged IBM, and suggested an alternative use for the desktop computer that had previously been relegated for work rather than life. Not everyone bought a Mac, but the polemical ad fostered the idea that Mac was certainly the start of new expectations, civic identities, value-systems, and personal uses for computers. The smart contact lens is another startling start. News of it shocks us, initiates social media clicks and forwards, and instigates dialogue. But, it also indicates the start of a new media paradigm that is already undergoing popular adoption as it is announced in mainstream news and circulated algorithmically across media channels. Since 2008, news outlets like CNN, The New York Times, The Globe and Mail, Asian International News, United News of India, The Times of London and The Washington Post have carried it, feeding the buzz in circulation that Google intends. Attached to the wave of current popular interest generated around any technology claiming to be “wearable,” a smart contact lens also seems surreptitious. We would no longer hold smartphones, but hide all of that digital functionality beneath our eyelids. Its emergence reveals the way commercial models have dramatically changed. The smart contact lens is a futuristic invention imagined for us and about us, but also a sensationalized idea socializing us to a future that includes it. It is also a real device that Parviz (with Google) has been inventing, promoting, and patenting for commercial applications. All of these workings speak to a broader digital culture phenomenon. We argue that the smart contact lens discloses a process of nascent posthuman adaptation, launched in an era that celebrates wearable media as simultaneously astonishing and banal. More specifically, we adopt technology based on our adaptation to it within our personal, political, medial, social, and biological contexts, which also function in a state of flux. N. Katherine Hayles writes that “Contemporary technogenesis, like evolution in general, is not about progress ... rather, contemporary technogenesis is about adaptation, the fit between organisms and their environments, recognizing that both sides of the engagement (human and technologies) are undergoing coordinated transformations” (81). This article attends to the idea that in these early stages, symbolic acts of adaptation signal an emergent medium through rhetorical processes that society both draws from and contributes to. In terms of project scope, this article contributes a focused analysis to a much larger ongoing digital rhetoric project. For the larger project, we conducted a discourse analysis on a collection of international publications concerning Babak Parviz and the invention. We searched for and collected newspaper stories, news broadcasts, YouTube videos from various sources, academic journal publications, inventors’ conference presentations, and advertising, all published between January 2008 and May 2014, generating a corpus of more than 600 relevant artifacts. Shortly after this time, Dr. Parviz, a Professor at the University of Washington, left the secretive GoogleX lab and joined Amazon.com (Mac). For this article we focus specifically on the idea of beginnings or genesis and how digital spaces increasingly serve as the grounds for emergent digital cultural phenomena that are rarely recognized as starting points. We searched through the corpus to identify a few exemplary international mainstream news stories to foreground predominant tropes in support of the claim we make that smart contacts lenses are a startling idea. Content producers deliberately use astonishment as a persuasive device. We characterize the idea of a smart contact lens cast in rhetorical terms in order to reveal how its allure works as a process of adaptation. Rhetorician and philosopher, Kenneth Burke writes that “rhetorical language is inducement to action (or to attitude)” (42). A rhetorical approach is instrumental because it offers a model to explain how we deploy, often times, manipulative meaning as senders and receivers while negotiating highly complex constellations of resources and contexts. Burke’s rhetorical theory can show how messages influence and become influenced by powerful hierarchies in discourse that seem transparent or neutral, ones that seem to fade into the background of our consciousness. For this article, we also concentrate on rhetorical devices such as ethos and the inventor’s own appeals through different modes of communication. Ethos was originally proposed by Aristotle to identify speaker credibility as a persuasive tactic. Addressed by scholars of rhetoric for centuries, ethos has been reconfigured by many critical theorists (Burke; Baumlin Ethos; Hyde). Baumlin and Baumlin suggest that “ethos describes an audience’s projection of authority and trustworthiness onto the speaker ... ethos suggests that the ethical appeal to be a radically psychological event situated in the mental processes of the audience – as belonging as much to the audience as to the actual character of a speaker” (Psychology 99). Discussed in the next section, our impression of Parviz and his position as inventor plays a dramatic role in the surfacing of the smart contact lens. Digital Rhetoric is an “emerging scholarly discipline concerned with the interpretation of computer-generated media as objects of study” (Losh 48). In an era when machine-learning algorithms become the messengers for our messages, which have become commodity items operating across globalized, capitalist networks, digital rhetoric provides a stable model for our approach. It leads us to demonstrate how this emergent medium and invention, the smart contact lens, is born amid new digital genres of speculative communication circulated in the everyday forums we engage on a daily basis. Smart Contact Lenses, Sensationalism, and Identity One relevant site for exploration into how an invention gains ethos is through writing or video penned or produced by the inventor. An article authored by Parviz in 2009 discusses his invention and the technical advancements that need to be made before the smart contact lens could work. He opens the article using a fictional and sensationalized analogy to encourage the adoption of his invention: The human eye is a perceptual powerhouse. It can see millions of colors, adjust easily to shifting light conditions, and transmit information to the brain at a rate exceeding that of a high-speed Internet connection.But why stop there?In the Terminator movies, Arnold Schwarzenegger’s character sees the world with data superimposed on his visual field—virtual captions that enhance the cyborg’s scan of a scene. In stories by the science fiction author Vernor Vinge, characters rely on electronic contact lenses, rather than smartphones or brain implants, for seamless access to information that appears right before their eyes. Identity building is made to correlate with smart contact lenses in a manner that frames them as exciting. Coming to terms with them often involves casting us as superhumans, wielding abilities that we do not currently possess. One reason for embellishment is because we do not need digital displays on the eyes, so the motive to use them must always be geared to transcending our assumed present condition as humans and society members. Consequently, imagination is used to justify a shift in human identity along a future trajectory.This passage above also instantiates a transformation from humanist to posthumanist posturing (i.e. “the cyborg”) in order to incent the adoption of smart contact lenses. It begins with the bold declarative statement, “The human eye is a perceptual powerhouse,” which is a comforting claim about our seemingly human superiority. Indexing abstract humanist values, Parviz emphasizes skills we already possess, including seeing a plethora of colours, adjusting to light on the fly, and thinking fast, indeed faster than “a high-speed Internet connection”. However, the text goes on to summon the Terminator character and his optic feats from the franchise of films. Filmic cyborg characters fulfill the excitement that posthuman rhetoric often seems to demand, but there is more here than sensationalism. Parviz raises the issue of augmenting human vision using science fiction as his contextualizing vehicle because he lacks another way to imbricate the idea. Most interesting in this passage is the inventor’s query “But why stop there?” to yoke the two claims, one biological (i.e., “The human eye is a perceptual powerhouse”) and one fictional (i.e. Terminator, Vernor Vinge characters). The query suggests, Why stop with human superiority, we may as well progress to the next level and embrace a smart contact lens just as fictional cyborgs do. The non-threatening use of fiction makes the concept seem simultaneously exciting and banal, especially because the inventor follows with a clear description of the necessary scientific engineering in the rest of the article. This rhetorical act signifies the voice of a technoelite, a heavily-funded cohort responding to global capitalist imperatives armed with a team of technologists who can access technological advancements and imbue comments with an authority that may extend beyond their fields of expertise, such as communication studies, sociology, psychology, or medicine. The result is a powerful ethos. The idea behind the smart contact lens maintains a degree of respectability long before a public is invited to use it.Parviz exhumes much cultural baggage when he brings to life the Terminator character to pitch smart contact lenses. The Terminator series of films has established the “Arnold Schwarzenegger” character a cultural mainstay. Each new film reinvented him, but ultimately promoted him within a convincing dystopian future across the whole series: The Terminator (Cameron), Terminator 2: Judgment Day (Cameron), Terminator 3: Rise of the Machines (Mostow), Terminator Salvation (McG) and Terminator Genisys (Taylor) (which appeared in 2015 after Parviz’s article). Recently, several writers have addressed how cyborg characters figure significantly in our cultural psyche (Haraway, Bukatman; Leaver). Tama Leaver’s Artificial Culture explores the way popular, contemporary, cinematic, science fiction depictions of embodied Artificial Intelligence, such as the Terminator cyborgs, “can act as a matrix which, rather than separating or demarcating minds and bodies or humanity and the digital, reinforce the symbiotic connection between people, bodies, and technologies” (31). Pointing out the violent and ultimately technophobic motive of The Terminator films, Leaver reads across them to conclude nevertheless that science fiction “proves an extremely fertile context in which to address the significance of representations of Artificial Intelligence” (63).Posthumanism and TechnogenesisOne reason this invention enters the public’s consciousness is its announcement alongside a host of other technologies, which seem like parts of a whole. We argue that this constant grouping of technologies in the news is one process indicative of technogenesis. For example, City A.M., London’s largest free commuter daily newspaper, reports on the future of business technology as a hodgepodge of what ifs: As Facebook turns ten, and with Bill Gates stepping down as Microsoft chairman, it feels like something is drawing to an end. But if so, it is only the end of the technological revolution’s beginning ... Try to look ahead ten years from now and the future is dark. Not because it is bleak, but because the sheer profusion of potential is blinding. Smartphones are set to outnumber PCs within months. After just a few more years, there are likely to be 3bn in use across the planet. In ten years, who knows – wearables? smart contact lenses? implants? And that’s just the start. The Internet of Things is projected to be a $300bn (£183bn) industry by 2020. (Sidwell) This reporting is a common means to frame the commodification of technology in globalized business news that seeks circulation as much as it does readership. But as a text, it also posits how individuals frame the future and their participation with it (Pedersen). Smart contacts appear to move along this exciting, unstoppable trajectory where the “potential is blinding”. The motive is to excite and scare. However, simultaneously, the effect is predictable. We are quite accustomed to this march of innovations that appears everyday in the morning paper. We are asked to adapt rather than question, consequently, we never separate the parts from the whole (e.g., “wearables? smart contact lenses? Implants”) in order to look at them critically.In coming to terms with Cary Wolf’s definition of posthumanism, Greg Pollock writes that posthumanism is the questioning that goes on “when we can no longer rely on ‘the human’ as an autonomous, rational being who provides an Archimedean point for knowing about the world (in contrast to “humanism,” which uses such a figure to ground further claims)” (208). With similar intent, N. Katherine Hayles formulating the term technogenesis suggests that we are not really progressing to another level of autonomous human existence when we adopt media, we are in effect, adapting to media and media are also in a process of adapting to us. She writes: As digital media, including networked and programmable desktop stations, mobile devices, and other computational media embedded in the environment, become more pervasive, they push us in the direction of faster communication, more intense and varied information streams, more integration of humans and intelligent machines, and more interactions of language with code. These environmental changes have significant neurological consequences, many of which are now becoming evident in young people and to a lesser degree in almost everyone who interacts with digital media on a regular basis. (11) Following Hayles, three actions or traits characterize adaptation in a manner germane to the technogenesis of media like smart contact lenses. The first is “media embedded in the environment”. The trait of embedding technology in the form of sensors and chips into external spaces evokes the onset of The Internet of Things (IoT) foundations. Extensive data-gathering sensors, wireless technologies, mobile and wearable components integrated with the Internet, all contribute to the IoT. Emerging from cloud computing infrastructures and data models, The IoT, in its most extreme, involves a scenario whereby people, places, animals, and objects are given unique “embedded” identifiers so that they can embark on constant data transfer over a network. In a sense, the lenses are adapted artifacts responding to a world that expects ubiquitous networked access for both humans and machines. Smart contact lenses will essentially be attached to the user who must adapt to these dynamic and heavily mediated contexts.Following closely on the first, the second point Hayles makes is “integration of humans and intelligent machines”. The camera embedded in the smart contact lens, really an adapted smartphone camera, turns the eye itself into an image capture device. By incorporating them under the eyelids, smart contact lenses signify integration in complex ways. Human-machine amalgamation follows biological, cognitive, and social contexts. Third, Hayles points to “more interactions of language with code.” We assert that with smart contact lenses, code will eventually govern interaction between countless agents in accordance with other smart devices, such as: (1) exchanges of code between people and external nonhuman networks of actors through machine algorithms and massive amalgamations of big data distributed on the Internet;(2) exchanges of code amongst people, human social actors in direct communication with each other over social media; and (3) exchanges of coding and decoding between people and their own biological processes (e.g. monitoring breathing, consuming nutrients, translating brainwaves) and phenomenological (but no less material) practices (e.g., remembering, grieving, or celebrating). The allure of the smart contact lens is the quietly pressing proposition that communication models such as these will be radically transformed because they will have to be adapted to use with the human eye, as the method of input and output of information. Focusing on genetic engineering, Eugene Thacker fittingly defines biomedia as “entail[ing] the informatic recontextualization of biological components and processes, for ends that may be medical or nonmedical (economic, technical) and with effects that are as much cultural, social, and political as they are scientific” (123). He specifies, “biomedia are not computers that simply work on or manipulate biological compounds. Rather, the aim is to provide the right conditions, such that biological life is able to demonstrate or express itself in a particular way” (123). Smart contact lenses sit on the cusp of emergence as a biomedia device that will enable us to decode bodily processes in significant new ways. The bold, technical discourse that announces it however, has not yet begun to attend to the seemingly dramatic “cultural, social, and political” effects percolating under the surface. Through technogenesis, media acclimatizes rapidly to change without establishing a logic of the consequences, nor a design plan for emergence. Following from this, we should mention issues such as the intrusion of surveillance algorithms deployed by corporations, governments, and other hegemonic entities that this invention risks. If smart contact lenses are biomedia devices inspiring us to decode bodily processes and communicate that data for analysis, for ourselves, and others in our trust (e.g., doctors, family, friends), we also need to be wary of them. David Lyon warns: Surveillance has spilled out of its old nation-state containers to become a feature of everyday life, at work, at home, at play, on the move. So far from the single all-seeing eye of Big Brother, myriad agencies now trace and track mundane activities for a plethora of purposes. Abstract data, now including video, biometric, and genetic as well as computerized administrative files, are manipulated to produce profiles and risk categories in a liquid, networked system. The point is to plan, predict, and prevent by classifying and assessing those profiles and risks. (13) In simple terms, the smart contact lens might disclose the most intimate information we possess and leave us vulnerable to profiling, tracking, and theft. Irma van der Ploeg presupposed this predicament when she wrote: “The capacity of certain technologies to change the boundary, not just between what is public and private information but, on top of that, between what is inside and outside the human body, appears to leave our normative concepts wanting” (71). The smart contact lens, with its implied motive to encode and disclose internal bodily information, needs considerations on many levels. Conclusion The smart contact lens has made a digital beginning. We accept it through the mass consumption of the idea, which acts as a rhetorical motivator for media adoption, taking place long before the device materializes in the marketplace. This occurrence may also be a sign of our “posthuman predicament” (Braidotti). We have argued that the smart contact lens concept reveals our posthuman adaptation to media rather than our reasoned acceptance or agreement with it as a logical proposition. By the time we actually squabble over the price, express fears for our privacy, and buy them, smart contact lenses will long be part of our everyday culture. References Baumlin, James S., and Tita F. Baumlin. “On the Psychology of the Pisteis: Mapping the Terrains of Mind and Rhetoric.” Ethos: New Essays in Rhetorical and Critical Theory. Eds. James S. Baumlin and Tita F. Baumlin. Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press, 1994. 91-112. Baumlin, James S., and Tita F. Baumlin, eds. Ethos: New Essays in Rhetorical and Critical Theory. Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press, 1994. Bilton, Nick. “A Rose-Colored View May Come Standard.” The New York Times, 4 Apr. 2012. Braidotti, Rosi. The Posthuman. Cambridge: Polity, 2013. Bukatman, Scott. Terminal Identity: The Virtual Subject in Postmodern Science Fiction. Durham: Duke University Press, 1993. Burke, Kenneth. A Rhetoric of Motives. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1950. Cameron, James, dir. The Terminator. Orion Pictures, 1984. DVD. Cameron, James, dir. Terminator 2: Judgment Day. Artisan Home Entertainment, 2003. DVD. Etherington, Darrell. “Google Patents Tiny Cameras Embedded in Contact Lenses.” TechCrunch, 14 Apr. 2014. Goldman, David. “Google to Make Smart Contact Lenses.” CNN Money 17 Jan. 2014. Haraway, Donna. Simians, Cyborgs and Women: The Reinvention of Nature. London: Free Association Books, 1991. Hayles, N. Katherine. How We Think: Digital Media and Contemporary Technogenesis. Chicago: University of Chicago, 2012. Hyde, Michael. The Ethos of Rhetoric. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2004. Leaver, Tama. Artificial Culture: Identity, Technology, and Bodies. New York: Routledge, 2012. Losh, Elizabeth. Virtualpolitik: An Electronic History of Government Media-Making in a Time of War, Scandal, Disaster, Miscommunication, and Mistakes. Boston: MIT Press. 2009. Lyon, David, ed. Surveillance as Social Sorting: Privacy, Risk and Digital Discrimination. New York: Routledge, 2003. Mac, Ryan. “Amazon Lures Google Glass Creator Following Phone Launch.” Forbes.com, 14 July 2014. McG, dir. Terminator Salvation. Warner Brothers, 2009. DVD. Mostow, Jonathan, dir. Terminator 3: Rise of the Machines. Warner Brothers, 2003. DVD. Parviz, Babak A. “Augmented Reality in a Contact Lens.” IEEE Spectrum, 1 Sep. 2009. Pedersen, Isabel. Ready to Wear: A Rhetoric of Wearable Computers and Reality-Shifting Media. Anderson, South Carolina: Parlor Press, 2013. Pollock, Greg. “What Is Posthumanism by Cary Wolfe (2009).” Rev. of What is Posthumanism?, by Cary Wolfe. Journal for Critical Animal Studies 9.1/2 (2011): 235-241. Sidwell, Marc. “The Long View: Bill Gates Is Gone and the Dot-com Era Is Over: It's Only the End of the Beginning.” City A.M., 7 Feb. 2014. “Solve for X: Babak Parviz on Building Microsystems on the Eye.” YouTube, 7 Feb. 2012. Taylor, Alan, dir. Terminator: Genisys. Paramount Pictures, 2015. DVD. Thacker, Eugene “Biomedia.” Critical Terms for Media Studies. Eds. W.J.T Mitchell and Mark Hansen, Chicago: Chicago Press, 2010. 117-130. Van der Ploeg, Irma. “Biometrics and the Body as Information.” Surveillance as Social Sorting: Privacy, Risk and Digital Discrimination. Ed. David Lyon. New York: Routledge, 2003. 57-73. Wired Staff. “7 Massive Ideas That Could Change the World.” Wired.com, 17 Jan. 2013.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE AND BIOLOGIC SPECIMEN RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www. swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov

Abstract Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE AND BIOLOGIC SPECIMEN RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. Human Tissue and Biologic Specimen Resources NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www. swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. Human and Animal Cell and Biologic Reagent Resources NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. Animal Resources NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm.The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. Miscellaneous Resources NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. Human Tissue and Biologic Specimen Resources NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770;marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770;marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147;bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147;tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503;cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007;rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154;jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106;jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www. swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892;mfsowers@umich.edu. Human and Animal Cell and Biologic Reagent Resources NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432;parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. Animal Resources NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597;rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819;griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802;Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048;abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819;hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010;nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm.The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443;bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. Miscellaneous Resources NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518;lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790;haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE AND BIOLOGIC SPECIMEN RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; email: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; email: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; email: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; email: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; email: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; email: rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; email: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; email: jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www. swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; email: mfsowers@umich.edu. HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; email: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; email: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; email: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; email: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; email: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; email: hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; email: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; email: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; email: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; email: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

To use the overworked metaphor of the movie reviewers, Adaptation (2002)—directed by Spike Jonze and written by Charlie Kaufman—is that rare Hollywood flower, a “literary” film that succeeds both with the critics and at the box office. But Kaufman’s literary colleagues, his fellow screenwriters whose opinions are rarely noticed by movie reviewers or the public, express their support in more interesting terms. Robert McKee, the real-life screenwriter and teacher played by Brian Cox in the movie, writes about Kaufman as one of the few to “step out of screenwriting anonymity to gain national recognition as an artist—without becoming a director” (131). And the screenwriter Stephen Schiff (Lolita [Adrian Lyne, 1997], The Deep End of the Ocean [Ulu Grosbard, 1999]) embraces the film as a manifesto, claiming that Kaufman’s work offers “redemption” to him and his fellow screenwriters who are “struggling to adapt to the world’s dismissive view of adaptation.” The comments by Kaufman’s colleagues suggest that new respect for the work of adaptation, and the role of the screenwriter go hand in hand. The director—whom auteur theory, the New Wave, and film schools helped to establish as the primary creative agent behind a film—has long overshadowed the screenwriter, but Kaufman’s acclaim as a screenwriter reflects a new sensibility. This was illustrated by the controversy among Academy Award voters in 2002. They found that year’s nominees, including Adaptation, unsettled the Academy’s traditional distinction between “original screenplay” and “adapted screenplay”, debating whether a nominee for best original screenplay, such as My Big Fat Greek Wedding (Joel Zwik, 2002), was more like an adaptation, while Adaptation, a nominee for best adapted screenplay, was more like an original screenplay. The Academy’s confusion on this score is not without precedents; nonetheless, as Rick Lyman of The New York Times reports, it led some to wonder, “in an age of narrative deconstruction and ‘reality television’,” whether the distinction between original and adaptation was still valid. If, as the famed critic Alexandre Astruc claimed, the director should be seen as someone who uses the camera as a pen to “write” the movie, then the screenwriter, in Ben Stoltzfus’s words, is increasingly seen as someone who uses the pen to “shoot” the movie. While this appreciation of the screenwriter as an “adaptor” who directs the movie opens new possibilities within Hollywood filmmaking, it also occurs in a Hollywood where TV shows, video games, and rides at Disneyland are adapted to film as readily as literary works once were. Granted, some stand to gain, but who or what is lost in this new hyper-adaptive environment? While there is much to be said for Kaufman’s movie, I suggest its optimistic account of adaptation—both as an existential principle and cinematic practice—is one-sided. Part of the dramatic impact of the movie’s one word title is the way it shoves the act of adaptation out from the wings and places it front and center in the filmmaking process. An amusing depiction of the screenwriter’s marginalisation occurs at the movie’s beginning, immediately following Charlie’s (Nicholas Cage) opening monologue delivered against a black screen. It is presented as a flashback to the making of Being John Malkovich (Spike Jonze, 1999), the movie for which Kaufman wrote his first screenplay, making him “a name” in Hollywood. Although scripted, the scene is shot with a hand-held video camera and looks as though it is occurring in real time. The central character is John Malkovich in costume as a woman who shouts orders at everyone on the set—deftly illustrating how the star’s power in the new Hollywood enables him or her to become “the director” of the movie. His directions are then followed by ones from the first assistant director and the cinematographer. Meanwhile, Charlie stands silently and awkwardly off to the side, until he is chased away by the first assistant director—not even the director or the cinematographer—who tells him, “You. You’re in the eyeline. Can you please get off the stage?” (Kaufman and Kaufman, 3). There are other references that make the movie’s one-word title evocative. It forces one to think about the biological and literary senses of the word—evolution as a narrative process and narrative as an evolutionary process—lifting the word’s more colloquial meaning of “getting along” to the level of an existential principle. Or, as Laroche (Chris Cooper) explains to Orlean (Meryl Streep), “Adaptation’s a profound process. It means you figure out how to thrive in the world” (Kaufman and Kaufman, 35). But Laroche’s definition of adaptation, which the movie endorses and dramatises, is only half the story. In fact evolutionary science shows that nature’s “losers” vastly outnumber nature’s “winners.” As Peter Bowler expresses it in his historical account of the theory of natural selection, “Evolution becomes a process of trial and error based on massive wastage and the death of vast numbers of unfit creatures”(6). Turning the “profound process” of adaptation into a story about the tiny fraction who “figure out how to thrive in the world” has been done before. It manifested itself in Herbert Spencer’s late-nineteenth-century philosophical “adaptation” of Charles Darwin’s work on natural selection, coining the phrase, “survival of the fittest.” Both the scientist Darwin and the philosopher Spencer, as Bowler points out, would have been horrified at how their work was used to justify the rapacious capitalism and harsh social policies of American industry (301). Nonetheless, although by now largely discredited in the academy, the ideology of social Darwinism persists within the broader culture in various watered-down or subterranean forms. Perhaps in the movie’s violent climax when Laroche is killed by an alligator—a creature that represents one of the more impressive examples of adaptation in the natural world—Kaufman is suggesting the darker side to the story of natural selection in which adaptation is not only a story about the mutable and agile orchid that “figure[s] out how to thrive in the world.” There are no guarantees for the tiny fraction of species that do survive, whether they are as perfectly adapted to their environment as orchids and alligators or, for that matter, individuals like Laroche with his uncanny ability to adapt to whatever life throws at him. But after the movie’s violent eruption, which does away not only with Laroche but also Donald (Nicholas Cage) and in effect Orlean, Charlie emerges as the sole survivor, reassuring the viewer that the story of adaptation is about nature’s winners. The darker side to the story of natural selection is subsumed within the movie’s layers of meta-commentary, which make the violence at the movie’s end an ironic device within Charlie’s personal and artistic evolution—a way for him to maintain a critical distance on the Hollywood conventions he has resisted while simultaneously incorporating them into his art. A cinematically effective montage dramatically represents the process of evolution. However, as with the movie’s one-sided account of adaptation, as a story about those who “figure out how to thrive in the world,” this depiction of evolution is framed, both figuratively and literally, by Charlie’s personal growth—as though the logical and inevitable endpoint of the evolutionary process is the human individual. The montage is instigated by Charlie’s questions to himself, “Why am I here? How did I get here?” and concludes with a close-up on the bawling face of a newborn baby, whom the viewer assumes is Charlie (Kaufman and Kaufman, 3). This assumption is reinforced by the next scene, which begins with a close-up on the face of the adult Charlie who is sweating profusely as he struggles to survive a business luncheon with the attractive studio executive Valerie (Tilda Swinton). Although Orlean’s novel doesn’t provide a feminist reading of Darwin, she does alert her readers to the fact that he was a Victorian man and, as such, his science might reflect the prejudices of his day. In discussing Darwin’s particular fondness for his “‘beloved Orchids’” (47), she recounts his experiments to determine how they release their pollen: “He experimented by poking them with needles, camel-hair brushes, bristles, pencils, and his fingers. He discovered that parts were so sensitive that they released pollen upon the slightest touch, but that ‘moderate degrees of violence’ on the less sensitive parts had no effect ….” (48). In contrast to this humorous view of Darwin as the historically situated man of science, the movie depicts Darwin (Bob Yerkes) as the stereotypical Man of Science. Kaufman does incorporate some of Orlean’s discussion of Darwin’s study of orchids, but the portion he uses advances the screenplay’s sexualisation/romanticisation of Orlean’s relationship with Laroche. At an orchid show, Laroche lectures to Orlean about Darwin’s theory that a particular orchid, Angraecum sesquipedale, is pollinated by a moth with a twelve-inch proboscis. When Orlean takes exception to Laroche for telling her that proboscis means “nose,” he chides her, “Hey, let’s not get off the subject. This isn’t a pissing contest” (23). After this scene bristling with phallic imagery—and with his female pupil sufficiently chastised—Laroche proceeds to wax poetic about pollination as a “little dance” (24) between flower and insect. “[The] only barometer you have is your heart …” (24) he tells Orlean, who is clearly impressed by the depth of his soliloquy. On the literary and social level, a one-sided reading of adaptation as a positive process may be more justified, although here too one may question what the movie slights or ignores. What about the human ability to adapt to murderous and dehumanising social systems: slavery, fascism, colonialism, and so on? Or, more immediately, even if one acknowledges the writer’s “maturity,” as T.S. Eliot famously phrased it, in “stealing” from his or her source, what about the element of compromise implicit in the concept of adaptation? Several critics question whether the film’s ending, despite the movie’s self-referential ironies, ultimately reinforces the Hollywood formulas it sets out to critique. But only Stuart Klawans of The Nation connects it to the movie’s optimistic, one-sided view of adaptation. “Still,” he concludes, “I’m disappointed by that crashing final act. I wonder about the environmental pressure that must bear down on today’s filmmakers as they struggle to adapt, even when they’re as prodigious as Charlie Kaufman.” Oddly, for a self-reflexive movie about the creative process, it has little to say about the “environmental pressure” of the studio system and its toll on the artist. There are incisive character sketches of studio types, such as the attractive and painfully earnest executive, Valerie, who hires Charlie to write the screenplay for Orlean’s book, or Charlie’s sophomoric agent, Marty (Ron Livingston), who daydreams about anal sex with the women in his office while talking to his client. And, of course, a central plot line of the movie is the competition, at least as one of them sees it, between Charlie and his twin brother Donald. Charlie, the self-conscious Hollywood screenwriter who is stymied by his success and notions of artistic integrity, suffers defeat after humiliating defeat as Donald, the screenwriting neophyte who will stoop to any cliché or cheap device to advance his screenplay, receives a six-figure contract for his first effort: a formulaic and absurd serial-killer movie, The Three, that their mother admires as a cross between Psycho (Alfred Hitchcock, 1960) and Silence of the Lambs (Jonathan Demme, 1991). Because of the emotional arc of the brothers’ personal relationship, however, any qualms about Donald selling out look churlish at best. When Donald excitedly tells his brother about his good fortune, Charlie responds approvingly, rather than with one of the snide putdowns the viewer has grown to expect from him, signaling not only Charlie’s acceptance of his brother but the new awareness that will enable him to overcome his writer’s block. While there is a good deal of satire directed at the filmmaking process—as distinct from the studio system—it is ultimately a cherishing sort of satire. It certainly doesn’t reach the level of indictment found in Robert Altman’s The Player (1992) or Joel and Ethan Cohen’s Barton Fink (1991) for example. But the movie most frequently compared to Adaptation is Frederico Fellini’s masterpiece of auteurist self-reflexivity, 8 ½ (1963). This is high praise indeed, although the enthusiastic endorsements of some film critics do not stop there. Writing for the Observer, Philip French cites such New Wave movies as Jean-Luc Godard’s Le Mepris (1963), Francois Truffaut’s La Nuit Americaine (1973), and Alain Robbe-Grillet’s Trans-Europ-Express (1966). However, in passing, he qualifies the comparison by pointing out that, unlike the French auteurs, “Kaufman and Jonze are concerned with turning someone else’s idea into a piece of commercial cinema.” Some would argue the filmmakers’ ability to playfully adapt Orlean’s artistry to the commercial environment of Hollywood is what saves Adaptation’s meta-commentary from the didactic and elitist seriousness of many of its literary and cinematic precursors (Miller). This is a valid preference, but it slights the “environmental pressure” of the new studio system and how it sets the terms for success and failure. While Fellini and the New Wave auteurs were not entirely free of commercial cinema, they could claim an opposition to it that Kaufman, even if he wanted to, cannot. Film scholar Timothy Corrigan argues that the convergence of the new media, in particular television and film, radically alters the meaning and function of “independent” cinema: a more flexible and varied distribution network has responded to contemporary audiences, who now have the need and the power to pick and choose among the glut of images in contemporary television and film culture. Within this climate and under these conditions, the different, the more peculiar, the controversial enter the marketplace not as an opposition but as a revision and invasion of an audience market defined as too large and diverse by the dominant blockbusters. (25-6) Corrigan’s argument explains the qualitative differences between the sense of adaptation employed by the older auteurs and the new sense of adaptation required by contemporary auteurs fully incorporated within the new studio system and its new distribution technologies. Not everyone is disturbed by this state of affairs. A. O. Scott, writing for the New York Times, notes a similar “two-tier system” in Hollywood—with studios producing lavish “critic- and audience-proof franchise pictures” on the one hand and “art” or “independent” movies on the other—which strikes him as “a pretty good arrangement.” Based on what Adaptation does and does not say about the studio system, one imagines that Kaufman would, ultimately, concur. In contrast, however, a comment by Michel Gondry, the director Kaufman worked with on Human Nature (2001), gives a better indication of the costs incurred by adapting to the current system when he expresses his frustration with the delayed release of the picture by New Line Cinema: ‘First they were, like, “O.K. if Rush Hour 2 [Brett Ratner, 2001] does good business, then we’re in a good position,”’ Mr. Gondry said. ‘You fight to do something original and then you depend on Rush Hour 2 for the success of your movie? It’s like you are the last little thing on the bottom of the scale and you’re looking up watching the planets colliding. It’s been so frustrating.’ (Rochlin) No doubt, when Fellini and Godard thought about doing “something original” they also had considerable obstacles to face. But at least the success of 8 ½ or Le Mepris wasn’t dependent upon the success of films like Rush Hour 2. Given this sort of environmental pressure, as Klawans and Corrigan remind us, we need to keep in mind what might be lost as the present system’s winners adapt to what is generally understood as “a pretty good arrangement.” Another indication of the environmental pressure on artists in Hollywood’s present arrangement comes from Adaptation’s own story of adaptation—not the one told by Kaufman or his movie, but the one found in Susan Orlean’s account of how she and her novel were “adapted” by the filmmakers. Although Orlean is an enthusiastic supporter of the movie, when she first read the screenplay, she thought, “the whole thing ‘seemed completely nuts’” and wondered whether she wanted “that much visibility” (Boxer). She decided to give her consent on the condition they not use her name. This solution, however, wouldn’t work because she didn’t want her book “in a movie with someone else’s name on it” (Boxer). Forced to choose between an uncomfortable visibility and the loss of authorship, she chose the former. Of course, her predicament is not Kaufman’s fault; nonetheless, it is important to stress that the process of adaptation did not enforce a similar “choice” upon him. Her situation, like that of Gondry, indicates that successful adaptation to any system is a story of losing as well as winning. References Astruc, Alexandre. “The Birth of a New Avant-Garde: Le Camera-Stylo.” Film and Literature: An Introduction and Reader. Ed. Timothy Corrigan. Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1999, 158-62. Bowler, Peter J. Evolution: The History of an Idea. 3rd ed. Berkeley, CA: U of California P, 2003. Boxer, Sarah. “New Yorker Writer Turns Gun-Toting Floozy? That’s Showbiz.” The New York Times 9 Dec. 2002, sec. E. Corrigan, Timothy. A Cinema without Walls. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers UP, 1991. Eliot, T.S. “Philip Massinger.” The Sacred Wood: Essays on Poetry and Criticism. 1922. http://www.bartleby.com/> French, Philip. “The Towering Twins.” The Observer 2 Mar. 2003. Guardian Unlimited. 12 Feb. 2007. http://film.guardian.co.uk/News_Story/Critic_Review>. Kaufman, Charlie and Donald Kaufman. Adaptation: The Shooting Script. New York: Newmarket Press, 2002. Klawans, Stuart. “Adeptations.” The Nation 23 Dec. 2002. 12 Febr. 2007. http://www.thenation.com/doc/20021223/klawans>. Lyman, Rick. “A Jumble of Categories for Screenwriter Awards.” The New York Times 21 Feb. 2003. McKee, Robert. “Critical Commentary.” Adaptation: The Shooting Script. New York: Newmarket Press, 2002. 131-5. Miller, Laura. “This Is the Way We Live Now.” The New York Times Magazine 17 Nov. 2002. Orlean, Susan. The Orchid Thief. New York: Ballantine Books, 1998. Rochlin, Margy. “From an Untamed Mind Springs an Ape Man.” The New York Times 7 Apr. 2002. Schiff, Stephen. “All Right, You Try: Adaptation Isn’t Easy.” The New York Times 1 Dec. 2002. Scott, A. O. “As Requested My Thoughts on the Oscars.” The New York Times 9 Feb. 2003. Stoltzfus, Ben. “Shooting with the Pen.” Writing in a Film Age. Ed. Keith Cohen. Niwot, CO: UP of Colorado, 1991. 246-63. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Rizzo, Sergio. "Adaptation and the Art of Survival." M/C Journal 10.2 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0705/02-rizzo.php>. APA Style Rizzo, S. (May 2007) "Adaptation and the Art of Survival," M/C Journal, 10(2). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0705/02-rizzo.php>.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. Human Tissue and Biologic Specimen Resources NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770;marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770;marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147;bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147;tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503;cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007;rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154;jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106;jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892;mfsowers@umich.edu. Human and Animal Cell and Biologic Reagent Resources NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432;parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD:Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. Animal Resources NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597;rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819;griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802;Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048;abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819;hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010;nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443;bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. IN SILICO RESOURCES NIDDK, NHLBI, and NIEHS - Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas The Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas (NURSA) has created an in silico resource comprised of curated information about Nuclear Receptors, Coregulators, Ligands, and Downstream Targets. NURSA is sponsored by NIH and provides online access through a public webportal at www.NURSA.org. Ease of navigation through a series of molecule pages allows users to make queries about Nuclear Receptors, Coactivators and Corepressors. Additional information about nuclear receptor ligands is provided, as well as primary datasets relating to expression profiling of nuclear receptors, coregulators and downstream targets. The molecule pages are hyperlinked to data contained in external databases, including NCBI, KEGG, UniProt, and others, allowing for detailed data mining. In partnership with The Endocrine Society, NURSA and Molecular Endocrinology (http://mend.endojournals.org/) have reciprocal links designed to enhance publications in Molecular Endocrinology and the information available through the NURSA molecule pages. Links to additional relevant literature citations are from PubMed at the National Library of Medicine. Miscellaneous Resources NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518;lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790;haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE AND BIOLOGIC SPECIMEN RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigenRecombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. IN SILICO RESOURCES NIDDK, NHLBI, and NIEHS - Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas The Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas (NURSA) has created an in silico resource comprised of curated information about Nuclear Receptors, Coregulators, Ligands, and Downstream Targets. NURSA is sponsored by NIH and provides online access through a public webportal at www.NURSA.org. Ease of navigation through a series of molecule pages allows users to make queries about Nuclear Receptors, Coactivators and Corepressors. Additional information about nuclear receptor ligands is provided, as well as primary datasets relating to expression profiling of nuclear receptors, coregulators and downstream targets. The molecule pages are hyperlinked to data contained in external databases, including NCBI, KEGG, UniProt, and others, allowing for detailed data mining. In partnership with The Endocrine Society, NURSA and Molecular Endocrinology (http://mend.endojournals.org/) have reciprocal links designed to enhance publications in Molecular Endocrinology and the information available through the NURSA molecule pages. Links to additional relevant literature citations are from PubMed at the National Library of Medicine. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. Human Tissue and Biologic Specimen Resources NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. Human and Animal Cell and Biologic Reagent Resources NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. In Silico Resources NIDDK, NHLBI, and NIEHS - Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas The Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas (NURSA) has created an in silico resource comprised of curated information about Nuclear Receptors, Coregulators, Ligands, and Downstream Targets. NURSA is sponsored by NIH and provides online access through a public webportal at www.NURSA.org. Ease of navigation through a series of molecule pages allows users to make queries about Nuclear Receptors, Coactivators and Corepressors. Additional information about nuclear receptor ligands is provided, as well as primary datasets relating to expression profiling of nuclear receptors, coregulators and downstream targets. The molecule pages are hyperlinked to data contained in external databases, including NCBI, KEGG, UniProt, and others, allowing for detailed data mining. In partnership with The Endocrine Society, NURSA and Molecular Endocrinology (http://mend.endojournals.org/) have reciprocal links designed to enhance publications in Molecular Endocrinology and the information available through the NURSA molecule pages. Links to additional relevant literature citations are from PubMed at the National Library of Medicine. Miscellaneous Resources NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. Human Tissue and Biologic Specimen Resources NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu Human and Animal Cell and Biologic Reagent Resources NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigenRecombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. Animal Resources NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. In Silico Resources NIDDK, NHLBI, and NIEHS - Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas The Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas (NURSA) has created an in silico resource comprised of curated information about Nuclear Receptors, Coregulators, Ligands, and Downstream Targets. NURSA is sponsored by NIH and provides online access through a public webportal at www.NURSA.org. Ease of navigation through a series of molecule pages allows users to make queries about Nuclear Receptors, Coactivators and Corepressors. Additional information about nuclear receptor ligands is provided, as well as primary datasets relating to expression profiling of nuclear receptors, coregulators and downstream targets. The molecule pages are hyperlinked to data contained in external databases, including NCBI, KEGG, UniProt, and others, allowing for detailed data mining. In partnership with The Endocrine Society, NURSA and Molecular Endocrinology (http://mend.endojournals.org/) have reciprocal links designed to enhance publications in Molecular Endocrinology and the information available through the NURSA molecule pages. Links to additional relevant literature citations are from PubMed at the National Library of Medicine. Miscellaneous Resources NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE AND BIOLOGIC SPECIMEN RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www. swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigenRecombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. IN SILICO RESOURCES NIDDK, NHLBI, and NIEHS - Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas The Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas (NURSA) has created an in silico resource comprised of curated information about Nuclear Receptors, Coregulators, Ligands, and Downstream Targets. NURSA is sponsored by NIH and provides online access through a public webportal at www.NURSA.org. Ease of navigation through a series of molecule pages allows users to make queries about Nuclear Receptors, Coactivators and Corepressors. Additional information about nuclear receptor ligands is provided, as well as primary datasets relating to expression profiling of nuclear receptors, coregulators and downstream targets. The molecule pages are hyperlinked to data contained in external databases, including NCBI, KEGG, UniProt, and others, allowing for detailed data mining. In partnership with The Endocrine Society, NURSA and Molecular Endocrinology (http://mend.endojournals.org/) have reciprocal links designed to enhance publications in Molecular Endocrinology and the information available through the NURSA molecule pages. Links to additional relevant literature citations are from PubMed at the National Library of Medicine. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE AND BIOLOGIC SPECIMEN RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.htm, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. IN SILICO RESOURCES NIDDK, NHLBI, and NIEHS - Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas The Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas (NURSA) has created an in silico resource comprised of curated information about Nuclear Receptors, Coregulators, Ligands, and Downstream Targets. NURSA is sponsored by NIH and provides online access through a public webportal at www.NURSA.org. Ease of navigation through a series of molecule pages allows users to make queries about Nuclear Receptors, Coactivators and Corepressors. Additional information about nuclear receptor ligands is provided, as well as primary datasets relating to expression profiling of nuclear receptors, coregulators and downstream targets. The molecule pages are hyperlinked to data contained in external databases, including NCBI, KEGG, UniProt, and others, allowing for detailed data mining. In partnership with The Endocrine Society, NURSA and Molecular Endocrinology (http://mend.endojournals.org/) have reciprocal links designed to enhance publications in Molecular Endocrinology and the information available through the NURSA molecule pages. Links to additional relevant literature citations are from PubMed at the National Library of Medicine. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE AND BIOLOGIC SPECIMEN RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. IN SILICO RESOURCES NIDDK, NHLBI, and NIEHS - Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas The Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas (NURSA) has created an in silico resource comprised of curated information about Nuclear Receptors, Coregulators, Ligands, and Downstream Targets. NURSA is sponsored by NIH and provides online access through a public webportal at www.NURSA.org. Ease of navigation through a series of molecule pages allows users to make queries about Nuclear Receptors, Coactivators and Corepressors. Additional information about nuclear receptor ligands is provided, as well as primary datasets relating to expression profiling of nuclear receptors, coregulators and downstream targets. The molecule pages are hyperlinked to data contained in external databases, including NCBI, KEGG, UniProt, and others, allowing for detailed data mining. In partnership with The Endocrine Society, NURSA and Molecular Endocrinology (http://mend.endojournals.org/) have reciprocal links designed to enhance publications in Molecular Endocrinology and the information available through the NURSA molecule pages. Links to additional relevant literature citations are from PubMed at the National Library of Medicine. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. 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In this paper, I focus on disclosures by one participant as enabled by a kind of artistic practice that I term “participation cartography.” By using “participation cartography” as a framework for the analysis of Running Stitch (2006), a piece by Jen Southern (U.K.) and Jen Hamilton (Canada), I demonstrate that disclosures by participants in this practice are to be seen as a form of self-mapping that positions the self in relation to a given performance space. These self-positionings present the self in spatio-temporal terms and by means of performative narratives that re-define the subject from an isolated individual into a participant within an unfolding live process.It is my argument here that most of the participation performances to which the term “participation cartography” may be applied don’t have a mechanism for participants to share reflections about their participation experience embedded in the framework the artists provide. By discussing Running Stitch from some participant’s perspectives—mine included—I demonstrate that if such a sharing mechanism was provided, the participant’s disclosures would enact a poetics of sharing that at once reveals and conceals aspects of the self. “Participation cartography” performances hold the power to generate autobiographical conversations and exchanges. Without these (collective) conversations and exchanges, the disclosures made by participants in and through “participation performances” such as Running Stitch conceal more than what they reveal, shattering thereby the cartographic (self-mapping) power of these practices.Running Stitch (2006)This piece is a performative installation that involves the use of Global Positioning Technology and walking performances by participants in order to produce collaboratively a new kind of “map” or visual-art object, more concretely a tapestry. I experienced it in 2006 in Brighton (UK). It was commissioned by Fabrica, “a gallery promoting the understanding of contemporary art” (see: http://www.fabrica.org.uk/).The following is the description made by the artists of the work on their Website (see: http://www.satellitebureau.net/p8.php):Running Stitch is a 5m x 5m tapestry map, created live during the exhibition by charting the journeys of participants through the city...Visitors to the exhibition took a GPS-enabled mobile phone to track their journeys through the city centre. These walks resulted in individual GPS ‘drawings’ of the visitor’s movements that were then projected live in the exhibition to disclose hidden aspects of the city. Each individual route was sewn, as it happened, into a hanging canvas to form an evolving tapestry that revealed a sense of place and interconnection (see also fig. 1). Figure 1. Image: Jen Southern and Jen Hamilton. Running Stitch and audience members. Fabrica Contemporary Art Gallery, 2006.As the vocabulary used by the artists shows, the work was conceived at that time (2006) as a kind of collaborative map-making process by which previously “hidden aspects of the city” can be disclosed. My interrogation of this practice starts by questioning the assumption that cartography, as illustrated by cases such as this, refers to a physical or geographical space—the city. Through the lens of “participation cartography” I mean to show that that what is being mapped in and through practices such as Running Stitch is not (physical) space but the being-who-moves in space. Rather than the city, it is the multiple subjects-who-move in Brighton’s town centre on a particular day in 2006 and within the frame of this event what is the theme and content of the resulting tapestry and of the disclosures it may contain. Accordingly, the resulting visualisation (the map) is to be seen as a documentation of past performances by concrete individuals rather than as a visual representation of urban space or as an autonomous visual-art object. Practices such as this are a particular form of “spatial auto-bio-graphical” performance art. In these practices, the boundaries between notions of cartography and autobiography are blurred and need to be critically addressed.More established critical vocabularies such as locative media (Hemment), psychogeography (Kanarinka), collaborative mapping (Sant), map-art (Wood), or counter-cartographies (Holmes), with which similar works have been discussed typically focus on studying the relationships between the resulting visual-art objects and notions of space, as well as on issues of representation. Similarly, the term site-specific performance, as articulated for instance by Nick Kaye, draws attention primarily to the physical location in which the meaning of a given artwork may be defined (1), rather than on the participation experience by the subject who engages with the artistic process. In my view, a participants-centred approach is needed in order to adequately understand the power of participation performances such as Running Stitch (2006) and its connections with ‘auto-bio-graphical’ performance. Participation Cartography: A New Vocabulary“Participation cartography” introduces an ontological shift in what is typically considered performance art. From live gestures, or more precisely, “live art by artists,” as art historian Rose Lee Goldberg (9) has defined it, performance is re-defined by these practices into live art by participants in response to a spatio-temporal interaction framework provided by artists.Running Stitch illustrates a kind of practice in which the artists’s creation is not a finished artwork or arrangement of actions and conditions (a conventional performance). Rather, the artists’s creation is a kind of “open work” in the sense that the active role of the participant is envisaged by the artist at the very moment of conceiving the work (Eco 3). The participant is, moreover, conceived of by the artist as an individual who collaborates with the artist or group of artists in the very production of the artwork. From an ontological point of view, I conceptualise more specifically practices such as Running Stitch as what Allan Kaprow termed “participation performances,” that is, performances in which those who take part are literally, the ingredients of the performances (Kaprow 184). These were lifelike pieces in which normal routines by non-actors became the performance of a routine. In participation performances or activities every day life “performances” or “presentations of self” (Goffman) are framed as art, and more concretely, as a happening or a new form of theatre or performance art. For instance, by means of instructions to be enacted by non professional performers, in Kaprow’s participation performance Maneuvers the daily routine of the courtesy shown another person when passing through a doorway becomes the artistic performance of that routine (191).I conceptualise practices such as Running Stitch as a particular form of “participation performance,” namely as “participation cartography.” The cartographic power of such practices needs to be studied from the participant’s perspective. Let me illustrate this idea by discussing Running Stitch more in detail.Over a four weeks period, more than hundred participants collaborated in the production of the object called by the artists “the tapestry map”. Each walk was represented by a line of stitches on the canvas, and each walk was stitched with a different colour. At the end of the process, the tapestry was a colourful and intertwined collection of threads stitched onto the same surface (see fig. 2). Figure 2. Image: Jen Southern and Jen Hamilton. Running Stitch and audience members. Fabrica Contemporary Art Gallery, 2006.But, what did each thread disclose about each participant? Who are they? What exactly is disclosed to whom?On DisclosureIn Running Stitch it is possible to speak of two moments of disclosure, each moment illustrating a different scope of the verb “to disclose.” First, there is the disclosure in real time of the physical location of each walker. Second, there is the disclosure of the sense of purpose of the journey and of all what happened to the participant during the walk and after when confronted with the visualisation of her personal walk. It is this second disclosure what can infuse the “map” with personal meaning.In the first case, disclosure is associated with surveillance. Positioning, as used within the framework of Global Positioning Systems, refers to the computational process whereby the geographical location of the carrier of the GPS device can be pinpointed, usually on a conventional digital map. “To disclose” means here to make visible and, more precisely, to “draw” by means of technology the whereabouts of someone—an anonymous other—who is outside of the gallery walking about Brighton’s city centre. This first moment of disclosure happens for all to be seen in the gallery. It is framed by the artists as the core of what constitutes Running Stitch as an artwork.However, the technology-aided map-making that takes place here conceals the mental processes and the autobiographical stories that go with the actual walk—where did the participants go and why, what made them be there in the first place? This can only be known if the participant is given a voice for him or her to “map” herself by presenting the Self in spatio-temporal terms within the public arena of the ongoing artistic event. This would require an additional sharing mechanism to be embedded within the framework provided by the artists. As organised by the artists, two participants at a time were walking during one hour outside in Brighton’s town centre in the area surrounding the Fabrica Gallery. While this was happening, other members of the public could witness the unfolding journeys live on the canvas inside the gallery. While one was watching, there were of course random and casual opportunities to engage in conversations with other onlookers. However, the artists did not devise more formal opportunities for the public to engage in conversations with previous participants or with other onlookers. After the two walkers in turn had returned to the gallery and finished their walks, the next set of walkers would depart. Typically, the previous walkers would stay for some minutes watching at the resulting visualisation of their walk—the running stitches—on the canvas. The framework provided by the artists placed these previous walkers as onlookers rather than as ‘official’ commentators of their own walks. Their comments and their thoughts on the running stitches representing their walk remained secret—concealed, unless spontaneous conversations would randomly communicate (reveal) them.Fortunately, the artists did ask participants-walkers to fill anonymously a feedback sheet before leaving the gallery. In that sheet, participants had an opportunity to share their comments and thoughts about their participation experience with the artists in writing. These responses provide the evidence that, in practices such as this, a second disclosure moment can take place and, indeed, needs to be seen as integral to the cartographic process. Disclosure, in this second moment, is not associated with surveillance but with the ideas of sharing, self-reflexion, subjective positioning, and self-mapping.“My walk was an act of love…”One Running Stitch participant wrote anonymously in the above mentioned feedback sheet:My walk was for a friend of mine –Sandra- who’s very ill. I wanted to go past various landmarks that had meaning for us both and end up in Prestor Park where I could make a large S shape. There was another park where we used to meet where I wanted to make an ‘X’ shape. Sandra signed her e-mails SX. (“My walk was an act of love”).This testimony, which was not shared with others during the cartographic process called Running Stitch but framed by the artists as private participants’s feedback, not only comments about the walk but constitutes it. This story explains what makes the participant ‘be there’, go to Prestor Park, and walk/draw an “X” shape on the canvas. Rather than a statement about place in itself, it is a “spatial auto-bio-graphical” presentation of Self as a friend of Sandra. Within the framework of “participation cartography,” a “spatial auto-bio-graphical presentation” is a presentation of Self in spatio-temporal terms that involves an act of self-reading. By means of reflexive language, the participant gives an account of his walk as represented by his running stitches on the canvas. Literarily, by drawing his walk on the canvas via the Running Stitch framework, the participant made his Self legible. However, nobody but the walker himself is in the position to make an authoritative reading of his walk. The terms “reading” and “legibility” refer in this context to the ability to both remember and make sense of one’s own steps. In this sense, the drawing—the trace of the walk—must be seen as a mnemonic device enabling the subject who walked to perform self-reading, hermeneutic acts. Disclosure, as illustrated by this case, is then linked with a self-reading process in terms of a walk—a spatio-temporal live process—as documented on the canvas.Certainly, the Self of the participant emerges as the theme of his map as drawn on the canvas: “I wanted to go past various landmarks…” Rather than space, it is the being-who-moves in space what is being read and mapped through self-reflexive language.According to Ervin Goffman’s dramaturgical approach to social interaction, the notion of presentation of Self takes relevance whenever an individual “enters the presence of others” (14). To be in the presence of others, whether wittingly or unwittingly, involves a presentation of Self. Goffman’s influential The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (1959) is primarily concerned with arguing that the ways in which one presents the Self may direct the interlocutors’s attention towards those aspects of the Self one chooses to highlight (14). A premise underlying Goffman’s work is that a presentation of Self generates impressions and that one can manage the impressions one makes of oneself. A crucial concept in his theory is the notion of control: one can control and guide the other’s impressions of oneself, and a number of techniques can be employed to do so. It is crucial to understand that in practices such as Running Stitch, participants are enabled to occupy a dual position as “writers” and “readers” of the Self, as positioners and as the ones positioned. As “writers,” participants position themselves physically, graphically and literally both in the city and “on the map.” This takes place by means of a walking-drawing performance via GPS technology. As “readers”, participants position themselves linguistically (by means of autobiographical stories) and in their mind in relation with the performed space in question.By presenting his walk with words as ‘a walk for a friend of mine—Sandra—who’s very ill’, this participant positions himself subjectively in relation to his performed walk. His auto-biographical narrative infuses his walk with meaning. There is a relatively new approach in social psychology called “positioning theory” (Harre and Slocum). Drawing on Goffman’s work on social interaction, the issue that this theory investigates is the dynamics of creation of patterns of meaning. How can these dynamics be brought to light?Positioning theory analyses the emergence of meaning in terms of story lines. It is concerned exclusively with analysis at the level of acts; that is, of the meaning of actions as expressed through story lines that infuse those actions with meaning. A positioning is not a theoretical knowledge about one’s relationship with a given space. Rather, it is a practised knowledge. Moreover, it is an act of freedom. It is a choice. And it is an ethical choice in the sense that the one who positions himself claims responsibility for his own acts and decisions. The “I” of the one who positions himself emerges as the actor, author, and theme of the narratives that go with that decision. Such an act writes subjectivity (biography). Paraphrasing philosopher Emmanuel Lévinas, a reflexive positioning is a disclosure and opening of being that takes place for others and with others and where being manifests, loses, and finds itself again “so as to possess itself by showing itself, proposing itself as a theme, exposing itself in truth” (99). A reflexive positioning is a moment of truth. However, and still with Lévinas, truth, “before characterizing a statement or a judgment, consists in the exhibition of being” (23). In other words, by presenting the self in public and in spatio-temporal terms, the subject who presents herself produces truth about herself as a relational and spatial being.Positioning, or the Enactment of a Poetics of SharingI use the term sharing as the act of presenting private, subjective, everyday life, and autobiographical material in public contexts. My notion of the term sharing is inspired by Deirdre Heddon’s (21) account of how consciousness-raising events in which women shared personal concerns with each other was tied with the emergence of feminist, autobiographical live performances. In the context of such feminist events, according to Heddon, sharing and consciousness-raising processes were linked.My argument is that, in a similar fashion to feminist’s consciousness-raising events, the “knowledge” that the representations (maps) claim to represent in practices such as Running Stitch cannot be achieved if the voices behind the trajectories are not activated. The transformation of the represented trajectory into self-mapping knowledge cannot be achieved if the individual who took part does not “read” herself by sharing her spatial autobiographical narrative with others. For such a self-mapping to take place, artists need to devise a mechanism for participants to share reflections about their participation experience and embed it in the framework they provide. I use the word poetics as synonymous with the notion of “technology” as articulated by Martin Heidegger in his 1955 lecture on the question of technology. A poetics is “a way of revealing truth” (qtd. in McKenzie 156). In this sense, “participation cartography” is a technology that enables participants to bring forth “truth” (rather than simply disclose truth) about their self as a being-in-motion. However, it is a way of revealing that also conceals. This is precisely what makes this way of revealing a poiesis: it reveals and conceals at once. For instance, the uniqueness of my Running Stitch walk was concealed to me. I walked with my wife, our son, and a couple of friends who lived in Brighton at that time. Our walk was a means for us to spend some time together. In a way, it was a means for building our relationship. The meaning of our walk became conscious to me after I had read the story of Sandra’s friend and the other ninety or so stories. Without these (collective) conversations and exchanges, the disclosures made by participants in and through ‘participation performances’ such as Running Stitch conceal more than what they reveal, shattering thereby the cartographic (self-mapping) power of these practices.The act of validating the sequence of stitches as his is a crucial performative element of this process. It completes the disclosure process: it is the moment in which the voiceless walker on the canvas becomes a speaking subject who authors himself by recognising himself in the uniqueness of his auto-bio-graphical stitch. His spatial autobiographical narrative is a crucial self-positioning performance. By not framing moments of sharing such as this as integral to the cartographic process, I suggest that the artist may scatter the self-mapping and self-positioning agency of this practice. In consequence, the representation loses sight of what it claims to seek and represent. ReferencesEco, Umberto. The Role of the Reader: Explorations in the Semiotics of Texts. London: Hutchinson, 1981.Fabrica Contemporary Art Gallery. 2009. Fabrica Gallery. 6 Dec. 2009 < http://www.fabrica.org.uk/ >.Goffman, Ervin. The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. London: Penguin, 1990.Goldberg, Rose Lee. Performance Art: from Futurism to the Present. London: Thames and Hudson, 2001.Hamilton, Jen, and Southern, Jen. Running Stitch. 2006. 20 Oct. 2009 ‹http://www.satellitebureau.net/p8.php›.Harre, Rom, and Nikki Slocum. “Disputes as Complex Social Events: On the Uses of Positioning Theory”. Common Knowledge 9.1 (2003): 100–118.Heddon, Deirdre. Autobiography and Performance. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.Heidegger, Martin. The Question Concerning Technology and Other Essays, Trans. William Lovitt. New York: Harper and Row, 1977.Hemment, Drew. “Locative Arts.” Leonardo 39.4 (2006): 348–355,Holmes, Brian. “Counter Cartographies.” Else/where: Mapping New Cartographies of Networks and Territories. Eds. Janet Abrams and Peter Hall. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Design Institute, 2006.Kanarinka, “Art-Machines, Body-Ovens and Map-Recipes: Entries for a Psychogeographic Dictionary.” Cartographic Perspectives 53 (2006): 24–40.Kaprow, Allan. “Participation Performance.” Essays on the Blurring of Art and Life. Ed. J. Kelley.. Berkeley, Los Angeles, New York: University of California Press, 2003.Kaye, Nick. Site-Specific Art: Performance, Place, and Documentation. London: Routledge, 2000.Lévinas, Emmanuel. Otherwise than Being, or, Beyond Essence. Trans. Alphonso Lingis. Pittsburgh: Duquesne UP, 2006.McKenzie, Jon. Perform or Else: From Discipline to Performance. London: Routledge, 2001.“My walk was an act of love.” Unpublished anonymous participant's feedback sheet. Running Stitch. Jen Southern and Jen Hamilton. Brighton, U.K.: Fabrica Contemporary Art Gallery, 2006.Running Stitch. Jen Southern and Jen Hamilton. Brighton, UK.: Fabrica Contemporary Art Gallery, 2006. Sant, Alison. “Redefining the Basemap.” TCM Locative Reader (2004). 16 Jan. 2007 < http://locative.net/tcmreader/index.php?mapping;sant >.Wood, Denis. “Map Art.” Cartographic Perspectives: Journal of the North American Cartographic Information Society 53 (2006): 5–14.