Journal articles: 'Japan Public opinion'

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Sigeki, Nisihira. "Public Opinion in Japan." Japanstudien 4, no. 1 (January 1993): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09386491.1993.11827033.

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Yamada, Shigeru, and Nicolaos E. Synodinos. "PUBLIC OPINION SURVEYS IN JAPAN." International Journal of Public Opinion Research 6, no. 2 (1994): 118–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/6.2.118.

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Wiegand, Krista E., and Ajin Choi. "Nationalism, public opinion, and dispute resolution." Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 27, no. 2 (November 20, 2017): 232–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/japc.27.2.05wie.

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Abstract For several decades South Koreans have rallied around the Dokdo/Takeshima islets, small rocky outcroppings in the East Sea/Sea of Japan. There have been significant mobilization efforts by the Korean government, opposition parties, media, and civic groups that stir up a strong level of nationalism in South Korea. Why is public opinion about Dokdo, as the islets are named by Koreans, so fierce in South Korea despite the fact that South Korea has maintained effective control of the islets for over 50 years? How can public opinion and territorial nationalism affect dispute resolution? In this research project, we argue that domestic mobilization, stalwart public opinion, and strong territorial nationalism exist primarily because the islets symbolize other salient issues disputed with Japan and such issue linkage makes the territorial dispute difficult to resolve.

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Iimoto, Takeshi, Ryuta Takashima, Hiroshi Kimura, Kazuhisa Kawakami, Hironori Endo, Hiroshi Yasuda, Natsuki Nagata, Noriaki Sakai, Yumiko Kawasaki, and Makoto Funakoshi. "RESULTS AND DISCUSSION ON JAPANESE PUBLIC OPINION SURVEYS (2006–17) ABOUT NUCLEAR AND RADIATION APPLICATIONS." Radiation Protection Dosimetry 184, no. 3-4 (June 7, 2019): 523–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/rpd/ncz127.

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Abstract Public opinion on the application of nuclear technology and radiation could change when a nuclear related event occurs. Japan Atomic Energy Relations Organization has tracked its variation through a nationwide opinion survey in Japan by almost the same way every year since FY 2006. We can identify a continuous long-term fluctuation of Japanese opinion before and after the TEPCO Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster using the data. In this study we focused on the trends of public opinion for nuclear energy, impressions and knowledge on radiation, and zero-risk request. For example, radiation can be recognised that it is dangerous and complicated matter by Japanese public regardless of that accident. However, a big change of opinions on radiation was shown on the impression for the word of ‘Useful’ between before and after the accident.

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Miwa, Hirofumi, and Shiro Sakaiya. "Public Opinion on Constitutional Revision in Postwar Japan:." Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 71, no. 1 (2020): 1_34–1_57. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.71.1_34.

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Kubota, Yuichi. "The Infrastructure of Public Opinion Research in Japan." Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research 1, no. 1 (November 30, 2013): 42–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15206/ajpor.2013.1.1.042.

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Andreescu, Viviana, and Tom “Tad” Hughes. "Public opinion and the death penalty in Japan." Punishment & Society 22, no. 5 (April 1, 2020): 573–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1462474520915572.

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Based on the Japanese General Social Survey conducted in 2010 on a representative sample of adults, the present analysis intends to identify the factors more likely to predict variations in death penalty attitudes in Japan. Compared to death penalty proponents, those who oppose capital punishment are less likely to express punitive attitudes in general and to be dissatisfied with government expenditures on crime control. Relative to retentionists, abolitionists tend to have a higher level of social trust, show a higher level of support for public participation in the criminal justice process, are more likely to practice a religion, and are younger. Instrumental factors, such as victimization and fear of crime, symbolic factors, such as institutional trust, trust in the judiciary, and the police, as well as gender do not differentiate death penalty opponents from supporters. The results of the multinomial logistic regression show that residents who did not express agreement or disagreement with the death penalty have more in common with those who oppose capital punishment than with those who favor it. Although the majority of the population (65.2%) expressed support for death penalty, one in four respondents (26.1%) remained ambivalent regarding the use of capital punishment. Additionally, most of those who expressed an opinion (50.5%) said they would hesitate to recommend death, if chosen to serve in the newly instituted citizen judge system. Findings suggest that public support for death penalty is not as strong in the country as the Japanese government claims and that it requires further exploration.

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Kabashima, Ikuo. "Public Opinion and Its Impacts on the 2000 HR election." Japanese Journal of Political Science 1, no. 2 (November 2000): 341–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109900002103.

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This short note analyzes how the public in Japan evaluates the performance of the cabinet and the two major parties, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and the Democratic Party of Japan (DP), and their impacts on the 2000 House of Representatives election held on 25 June.

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Rix, Alan. "Cry Havoc?: Public Opinion and Recent Australia-Japan Relations." Policy, Organisation and Society 4, no. 1 (June 1992): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10349952.1991.11876765.

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Yoshimura, Harumasa. "Study of measurement errors of Cabinet Office opinion survey." Impact 2021, no. 2 (February 26, 2021): 6–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21820/23987073.2021.2.6.

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Public opinion surveys are important for gauging the feelings and behaviours of societies. However, there is the possibility of error, which means that the data collected may not accurately reflect the thoughts and opinions of society, which can have dangerous repercussions. In order to minimise such error, with a specific focus on the Japanese Government's Cabinet Office public opinion survey, Professor Harumasa Yoshimura, Nara University, Japan, is investigating measurement error and, in doing so, he hopes to more accurately reflect the true opinions of Japanese society. This research involves integrating the different factors that can affect the reliability of survey results and looking at non-sampling error, which refers to human mistakes. Yoshimura is proposing a new style of social research that integrates psychometric research with sociological community surveys and believes this is the key to enhancing the reliability of public opinion surveys. Ultimately, improving the accuracy of public opinion surveys will have far-reaching benefits that include more accurately depicting thoughts and behaviours and therefore improving awareness of Japanese society, as well as preventing the negative impacts that inaccurate opinion survey results can have, including the political utilisation of academic endeavours.

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Akami, Tomoko. "The Emergence of International Public Opinion and the Origins of Public Diplomacy in Japan in the Inter-War Period." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 3, no. 2 (2008): 99–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119108x323664.

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AbstractThis article argues that what we now call public diplomacy emerged in the mid- to late 1930s in the case of Japan. It questions the notion that public diplomacy is new in contrast to 'traditional' diplomacy. It also questions the conventional understanding of Japan's diplomatic isolationism of the 1930s. The article argues that as a result of greater mass political participation, the idea of 'international public opinion' emerged as a new norm in inter-war international politics. States increasingly regarded news and cultural activities as crucial resources of their soft power for winning this international public opinion. Responding to technological developments in communications, they developed a more systematic approach to propaganda in order to utilize these resources in mainstream foreign policy. Even in the age of the socalled rise of nationalism and diplomatic isolationism, Japan could neither afford not to respond to other states' actions nor to ignore international public opinion. In the diplomatic crises of the 1930s, Japan began to coordinate news and cultural propaganda activities, and integrated them into a broader propaganda scheme. Here we see the origin of what is now called public diplomacy. This modern and internationalist thinking then prepared the institutional base for wartime propaganda.

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KABASHIMA, IKUO. "Opinion Polls in 2003." Japanese Journal of Political Science 4, no. 2 (November 2003): 357–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109903001191.

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On 26 April 2001, Junichiro Koizumi emerged as the new prime minister of Japan, representing the public's desire for economic recovery through fundamental structural change in Japanese politics. More than two years have passed since then, and Japan has seen neither significant economic revival nor major changes in its political and administrative structures. People's expectation and faith in this henjin (“weirdo” as labeled by Former Foreign Minister Makiko Tanaka) prime minister for rescuing Japan's economy has been greatly undermined as Japan's unemployment rate stays high and stock prices low. Japanese banks are performing poorly as usual, and bad loans seem to never go away or decrease in amount. Despite these seemingly critical shortcomings, however, Prime Minister Koizumi and his administration have maintained a high approval rate from the public.

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Yun, Yongdeok, Hyungseok Oh, and Rohae Myung. "Statistical Modeling of Cultural Differences in Adopting Autonomous Vehicles." Applied Sciences 11, no. 19 (September 28, 2021): 9030. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/app11199030.

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As autonomous driving technology develops, the advantages and disadvantages of autonomous vehicles emerge. In order for automated vehicles to find a place in society, public opinion and acceptance are important, and a number of studies about public opinion and acceptance are underway. In this paper, we investigated the relation between cross cultural differences and public opinion on automated vehicles. Through a literature review, public opinion in various countries, including China, India, Japan, the U.S., the U.K., and Australia, was collected. Through these data, the influence of cross cultural differences in public opinion was identified, and statistical models for predicting public opinion about autonomous vehicles were developed. In addition, the prediction models were validated through the results of the survey conducted in this paper. As a result, the influence of cross cultural differences on public opinion about automated vehicles was confirmed.

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Morris-Suzuki, T. "Ethnic Engineering: Scientific Racism and Public Opinion Surveys in Midcentury Japan." positions: east asia cultures critique 8, no. 2 (September 1, 2000): 499–529. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-8-2-499.

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Horiuchi, Toru. "Public Opinion in Japan and the Nationalization of the Senkaku Islands." East Asia 31, no. 1 (February 19, 2014): 23–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12140-014-9202-6.

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Green, David. "Immigrant Perception in Japan." Asian Survey 57, no. 2 (March 2017): 368–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.2.368.

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Japan’s rapidly aging populace and its accompanying demographic, social, and economic problems are forcing a gradual opening to increased immigration. This paper consequently considers what factors influence public opinion toward immigration in Japan, using multilevel statistical modeling to test hypotheses regarding economic threat, cultural threat, contact, and salience of change.

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Bobrow, Davis B., and Mark A. Boyer. "Public Opinion and International Policy Choices: Global Commitments for Japan and Its Peers?" Japanese Journal of Political Science 2, no. 1 (May 2001): 67–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109901000147.

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To understand the prospects for global order and progress in the coming years, we explore the joint implications of three premises: (1) states advantaged by the current international order have stakes in its regularity and predictability, and thus in moving to counter or prevent threats to those stakes; (2) along impure public and club goods lines, they are more likely to make efforts to do so when some private or club benefits result; and (3) public opinion provides a bounded policy acceptance envelope offering incentives and disincentives to national political elites to act as envisioned by the first two premises. We present a mosaic of public opinion in major OECD countries (the US, Japan, and major EU members) on three policy areas – foreign aid, UN peace-keeping operations, and environmental quality – that contain international public goods elements. Actual contribution tendencies in those areas found in our previous work largely conform to the public opinion patterns reported here. Within the limits of available data, domestic political incentives as represented by public opinion warrant neither extreme optimism nor pessimism about the prospects for continuing contributions by OECD states to sustaining orderly functioning of the current world system.

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Kitagawa, Risa, and Jonathan A. Chu. "The Impact of Political Apologies on Public Opinion." World Politics 73, no. 3 (June 9, 2021): 441–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887121000083.

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ABSTRACTApology diplomacy promises to assuage historical grievances held by foreign publics, yet in practice appears to ignite domestic backlash, raising questions about its efficacy. This article develops a theory of how political apologies affect public approval of an apologizing government across domestic and foreign contexts. The authors test its implications using large-scale survey experiments in Japan and the United States. In the surveys, the authors present vignettes about World War II grievances and randomize the nature of a government apology. They find that apology-making, both as statements acknowledging wrongdoing and as expressions of remorse, boosts approval in the recipient state. But in the apologizing state, backlash is likely among individuals with strong hierarchical group dispositions—manifested as nationalism, social-dominance orientation, and conservatism—and among those who do not consider the recipient a strategically important partner. This microlevel evidence reveals how leaders face a crucial trade-off between improving support abroad and risking backlash at home, with implications for the study of diplomatic communication and transitional justice.

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Lim, Sijeong, Nives Dolsak, Aseem Prakash, and Seiki Tanaka. "Distributional concerns and public opinion: EV subsidies in the U.S. and Japan." Energy Policy 164 (May 2022): 112883. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.enpol.2022.112883.

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MIDORI AOYAGI. "Mass Media Coverage on Climate Change Issues and Public Opinion in Japan." Development and Society 43, no. 2 (December 2014): 207–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21588/dns.2014.43.2.004.

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Risse-Kappen, Thomas. "Public Opinion, Domestic Structure, and Foreign Policy in Liberal Democracies." World Politics 43, no. 4 (July 1991): 479–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010534.

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The paper discusses the role of public opinion in the foreign policy-making process of liberal democracies. Contrary to prevailing assumptions, public opinion matters. However, the impact of public opinion is determined not so much by the specific issues involved or by the particular pattern of public attitudes as by the domestic structure and the coalition-building processes among the elites in the respective country. The paper analyzes the public impact on the foreign policy-making process in four liberal democracies with distinct domestic structures: the United States, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, and Japan. Under the same international conditions and despite similar patterns of public attitudes, variances in foreign policy outcomes nevertheless occur; these have to be explained by differences in political institutions, policy networks, and societal structures. Thus, the four countries responded differently to Soviet policies during the 1980s despite more or less comparable trends in mass public opinion.

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Lotchin, Roger W. "A Research Report." Southern California Quarterly 97, no. 4 (2015): 399–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ucpsocal.2015.97.4.399.

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Public opinion polls taken between 1939 and 1945 questioned Americans’ attitudes toward Japan and Germany and toward the people of Japan and Japanese Americans. The polls’ quantified responses provide previously overlooked data that should be taken into account by scholars of Japanese American and World War II history.

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Larin, V. L., and L. L. Larina. "Modern Perception of Japan by Vladivostok Citizens (Based on a 2021 Survey)." Russian Japanology Review 5, no. 2 (January 24, 2023): 34–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.55105/2658-6444-2022-2-34-58.

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This article presents an analysis of the contemporary perception of Japan by the Vladivostok citizens, as well as their views of the current state of Russia-Japan relations and their prospects. The research is based on the results of a survey conducted in May–September 2021 by the Public Opinion Studies Laboratory of the Institute of History of the Far East Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The data obtained are compared with the results of similar investigations of previous years and Vladivostok people’s views of other countries that are significant for Vladivostok, namely, China, the USA, India, and the two Koreas.The authors point out that the Japanese factor has played an important role in the history of the city, and therefore Japan attracts so much attention of the city’s dwellers. In their opinion, the high level of attractiveness of Japan which, in the past two decades, has been recorded by public opinion surveys in Vladivostok and other centers of Pacific Russia is based, primarily, on the people’s interest in the unique culture of the Land of the Rising Sun, their high assessment of the economic and technological development of Japan and the prosperity of the Japanese people. At the same time, the historical experience of Russia-Japan relations and the political contradictions existing between the two countries make a large part of the respondents (about one-third of their total number) believe that there are threats to Russia from Japan, which are naturally associated with Japan’s territorial claims. Yet, the Vladivostok residents, for the most part, demonstrate a fairly high level of trust in Japan, positively assess the quality of current Russia-Japan relations and prospects for their future, and favor their active development.

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Zagoria, Donald, Everett Carll Ladd, and Karlyn H. Bowman. "Public Opinion in America and Japan: How We See Each Other and Ourselves." Foreign Affairs 75, no. 5 (1996): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047804.

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Kamo, Tomoki. "Strong Society, Smart State: The rise of public opinion in China's Japan policy." Chinese Journal of Communication 6, no. 2 (June 2013): 260–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2013.785687.

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Hosokawa, Shuhei. "The Noise Abatement Campaign in Industrializing Japan, 1923–37." Resonance 1, no. 3 (2020): 298–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/res.2020.1.3.298.

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Drawing on Karin Bijsterveld’s triple definition of noise as ownership, political responsibility, and causal responsibility, this article traces how modern Japan problematized noise, and how noise represented both the aspirational discourse of Western civilization and the experiential nuisance accompanying rapid changes in living conditions in 1920s Japan. Primarily based on newspaper archives, the analysis will approach the problematic of noise as it was manifested in different ways in the public and private realms. In the public realm, the mid-1920s marked a turning point due to the reconstruction work after the Great Kantô Earthquake (1923) and the spread of the use of radios, phonographs, and loudspeakers. Within a few years, public opinion against noise had been formed by a coalition of journalists, police, the judiciary, engineers, academics, and municipal officials. This section will also address the legal regulation of noise and its failure; because public opinion was “owned” by middle-class (sub)urbanites, factory noises in downtown areas were hardly included in noise abatement discourse. Around 1930, the sounds of radios became a social problem, but the police and the courts hesitated to intervene in a “private” conflict, partly because they valued radio as a tool for encouraging nationalist mobilization and transmitting announcements from above. In sum, this article investigates the diverse contexts in which noise was perceived and interpreted as such, as noise became an integral part of modern life in early 20th-century Japan.

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CHUGROV, SERGEY V., and DMITRY V. STRELTSOV. "Interdependence of Russo-Japanese Relations and Mutual Images of Japan and Russia." Japanese Journal of Political Science 18, no. 1 (February 14, 2017): 22–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s146810991600030x.

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AbstractThe current efforts of Moscow and Tokyo to unblock the territorial impasse are complicated by some barriers of a socio-psychological character, including mutual mistrust and contradictory images of past events. Public opinion surveys reveal predominant vectors in Russo-Japanese relations, which the authors believe strongly correlate with the evolution of the contradictory images. Apparently, these images surprisingly exhibit interrelated ‘mirror’ dynamics connected with the independent variable – events happening in bilateral relations. Apparently, these images surprisingly exhibit interrelated ‘mirror’ dynamics connected with the independent variable – events happening in bilateral relations. The authors also investigate how public opinion has a real impact on politics and relations between states. In the authors’ opinion, Russia and Japan definitely do not have major unresolved problems in their bilateral relations, with the exception of the territorial problem. However, why is the public so suspicious of Russia? Can the territorial dispute be the only reason? It is far from that. The analyzed arguments give grounds to believe that it is very difficult for Japan and Russia to find a mutually acceptable solution, as their relations are not free from suspicion and mutual mistrust which are deeply rooted in the history of their relations. It will be much easier to overcome the mistrust and, accordingly, to reach agreement on the territorial issue when they manage to calmly analyze the historical grudges, understand their nature and origin, and realize that this is history, which has no contemporary value.

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Kawamoto, Tatsuro, Takaaki Aoki, and Michiko Ueda. "Graph-based open-ended survey on concerns related to COVID-19." PLOS ONE 16, no. 8 (August 13, 2021): e0256212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0256212.

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The COVID-19 pandemic is an unprecedented public health crisis with broad social and economic consequences. We conducted four surveys between April and August 2020 using the graph-based open-ended survey (GOS) framework, and investigated the most pressing concerns and issues for the general public in Japan. The GOS framework is a hybrid of the two traditional survey frameworks that allows respondents to post their opinions in a free-format style, which can subsequently serve as one of the choice items for other respondents, just as in a multiple-choice survey. As a result, this framework generates an opinion graph that relates opinions and respondents. We can also construct annotated opinion graphs to achieve a higher resolution. By clustering the annotated opinion graphs, we revealed the characteristic evolution of the response patterns as well as the interconnectedness and multi-faceted nature of opinions. Substantively, our notable finding is that “social pressure,” not “infection risk,” was one of the major concerns of our respondents. Social pressure refers to criticism and discrimination that they anticipate receiving from others should they contract COVID-19. It is possible that the collectivist nature of Japanese culture coupled with the government’s policy of relying on personal responsibility to combat COVID-19 explains some of the above findings, as the latter has led to the emergence of vigilantes. The presence of mutual surveillance can contribute to growing skepticism toward others as well as fear of ostracism, which may have negative consequences at both the societal and individual levels.

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Reilly, James. "A Wave to Worry About? Public opinion, foreign policy and China's anti-Japan protests." Journal of Contemporary China 23, no. 86 (October 4, 2013): 197–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2013.832519.

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Kim, Claudia J., and Taylor C. Boas. "Activist Disconnect: Social Movements, Public Opinion, and U.S. Military Bases in East Asia." Armed Forces & Society 46, no. 4 (July 28, 2019): 696–715. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x19864127.

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Do activists seeking to challenge the U.S. military presence overseas succeed in persuading the local population? While the comparative literature on base contestation often makes implicit causal claims about public opinion and behavior, these claims have never been tested empirically using individual-level data. Based on an online survey, experiment with residents of communities hosting U.S. military bases in Korea and Japan, we demonstrate a disconnect between anti-base movements and local residents. Local public opinion is most responsive to pragmatic framing of opposition by social movements and tangible information about the consequences of base expansion. Other common activist tactics have little effect and may even backfire. Our findings fill an important gap in the growing literature on the politics of U.S. military bases abroad.

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SHAN, Wei. "Chinese Nationalism: National Pride and Attitudes Towards Others." East Asian Policy 05, no. 04 (October 2013): 31–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930513000342.

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Public opinion surveys show that Chinese citizens generally have a high level of national pride, indicating a strong sense of national identity. This identity varies across age cohorts, education and income levels, political affiliation, etc. The impression of Japan is negative, yet the younger, the more educated and the wealthier Chinese are more likely to be positive towards Japan. More than 80% agree that peaceful negotiation is the best means to resolving international conflicts.

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Guo, Yu, and Yiwei Li. "Getting ready for mega disasters: the role of past experience in changing disaster consciousness." Disaster Prevention and Management 25, no. 4 (August 1, 2016): 492–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/dpm-01-2016-0008.

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Purpose – Attempting to explore the role of direct experience in influencing disaster consciousness and public opinion, the purpose of this paper is to carry out comparative analyses of Japanese people’s knowledge, risk perception, and policy preference about large-scale earthquake disaster before and after the Great East Japan Earthquake. More importantly, aiming to provide implications regarding the application of past experience, the predictive power of direct experience on disaster consciousness is also examined. Design/methodology/approach – This study analyzed parts of the data collected from two nationwide public opinion surveys among Japanese conducted by the Japanese Government. Analyses of variance were performed to examine changes in disaster consciousness. A path model was developed to examine the predicted effects of direct experience. χ2 tests were performed to examine changes in strategy preference. Findings – This study found significant changes in Japanese people’s knowledge of natural hazards and perception of mega disaster risk. Tests of the path model suggested significant positive effect of societal level impact on disaster consciousness and strong predictive power of knowledge on risk perception. Significant changes in strategy preference were also found. Practical implications – Results supported the predictive power of direct experience, highlighting the significance of recalling past experience as well as creating indirect experience to raise public consciousness and motivate appropriate actions. Originality/value – This is one of the few studies that investigate changes in public opinion among Japanese before and after the Great East Japan Earthquake.

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Sato, Hajime, Jun Tomio, Yoshiaki Tanaka, and Emiko Iwasaki. "The public acceptance of smallpox vaccination to fight bioterrorism in Japan: results of a large-scale opinion survey in Japan." Environmental Health and Preventive Medicine 16, no. 5 (December 21, 2010): 290–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12199-010-0199-1.

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Urabe, Itsumasa. "Subjects of Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy to Learn from Public Opinion Survey in Japan." Journal of the Atomic Energy Society of Japan 61, no. 4 (2019): 293–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3327/jaesjb.61.4_293.

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Cheng, Joseph Yu-Shek. "Book review: Strong Society, Smart State: The Rise of Public Opinion in China’s Japan Policy." China Information 27, no. 1 (March 2013): 137–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x12472012h.

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Kang, Su-Jeong. "James Reilly, Strong Society, Smart State: The Rise of Public Opinion in China’s Japan Policy." Journal of Chinese Political Science 18, no. 3 (June 7, 2013): 307–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11366-013-9253-3.

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Bhattacharya, Abanti. "Book Review: Strong Society, Smart State: The Rise of Public Opinion in China’s Japan Policy." China Report 48, no. 3 (August 2012): 365–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445512462296.

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Fujibayashi, Hirotaka. "When public opinion drives national asylum policymaking: The case of Kurdish asylum seekers in Japan." Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies 7, no. 2 (May 2020): 204–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/app5.301.

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Karayılmaz, Kaan. "A field analysis on the emergence of migrant entrepreneurs in Japan and their integration into the Japanese society." BORDER CROSSING 8, no. 2SI (December 11, 2018): 537–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/bc.v8i2si.617.

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Demographic change implies more than the aging of the Japanese population and causes socioeconomic and spatial structural transformation processes. Against the backdrop of demographic change, the issue of integrating migrants into Japanese society is gaining in importance and is increasingly drawing attention to economic policy decisions. The growth of new ethnic populations in Japan since 2000 has made ethnic businesses a matter of importance. The self-employed migrants in Japan includes very heterogeneous social situations. There are among those both low earners in precarious sectors as well as good earners in knowledge-intensive businesses. The different nationality of the interviewees in the analysis is justified by the fact that the process of self-employment is explained not only by the individual characteristics of entrepreneurs, but also by the social structures and cultural background of Japanese society and thus the independence from today's point of view. The public opinion on the migrants or migration to Japan and the opinion of migrants about Japanese society is the subject of the study, which explores migrant, Japanese and immigrant perspectives on migration, integration and self-employment.

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Kobayashi, Tetsuro, and Azusa Katagiri. "THE “RALLY ’ROUND THE FLAG” EFFECT IN TERRITORIAL DISPUTES: EXPERIMENTAL EVIDENCE FROM JAPAN–CHINA RELATIONS." Journal of East Asian Studies 18, no. 3 (July 13, 2018): 299–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2018.21.

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AbstractThis study examines the impact of China's growing territorial ambitions on Japanese public opinion. By experimentally manipulating perceived territorial threats from China, we tested two potential mechanisms of increased support for a conservative incumbent leader in Japan. The first is the “rally ’round the flag” model, in which threats universally boost support for the leader through emotion. The second is the “reactive liberal” model, in which support from conservatives remains constant, but threatened liberals move toward supporting the conservative leader. Two survey experiments provided no support for the emotion-based “rally ’round the flag” model, but they lent support for the reactive liberal model in explaining the impact on Japanese public opinion. However, the second experiment indicated that priming with an image of the prime minister that highlights his role as the supreme commander of the national defense forces completely eliminated the gain in approval rates among liberals.

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Adachi, Kenki. "Why Japan Signed the Mine Ban Treaty: The Political Dynamics behind the Decision." Asian Survey 45, no. 3 (May 2005): 397–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2005.45.3.397.

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This article clarifies the dynamics of Japan's decision-making process regarding its signing of the Mine Ban Treaty, analyzing the influence of non-governmental organizations on policymakers. It will demonstrate that this case was atypical in the Japanese decision-making process and that NGOs, with the support of domestic and international public opinion, can overcome entrenched bureaucratic policies.

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42

Chugrov, Sergey V., and Liubov B. Karelova. "Japan as a “Normal Country”: Metamorphoses of Political Identity (Review and Analysis of Public Opinion Polls)." Sociological Journal 26, no. 1 (2020): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/socjour.2020.26.1.7054.

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The research was focused on the political identity dynamics of the Japanese people through their attitude towards specific political issues, concepts, and doctrines, through ideas about the role of their country in the world, their attitude to “constituent Others” and their military history, as well as the analysis of differences between identities at the macro and micro levels during the emergence of the official course towards transforming Japan into a “normal country”. The solution to this problem is relevant in regards to Russia building a constructive policy in relation to Japan. The article analyzes a series of special and longitudinal studies characterizing generational change over the past 20 years in order to determine how much Japanese political preferences have changed in reference points that reflect their political identity, and which of these points allow us to identify significant determinants. As a key determinant of these surveys, the authors selected the degree of stability of pacifist self-consciousness, while analyzing the cumulative effect of several major factors in the formation of pacifism as the core of Japanese political identity: a) the archetypal principle of harmony (wa), expressed in the tendency of the Japanese people to smoothen out potential conflicts and in the outstanding ability to adapt and to adopt, b) the long-term implications of the constructivist paradigm in political rhetoric concerning the problem of national security; c) the impact of pacifist cultural and political discourse; d) the victimization complex that has developed in the wake of the defeat; and e) the absence of a clear perception of military threat in the society. Together, they make us believe that pacifist self-identification has a large margin of stability, and speak to the bifurcation of the current political identity of the Japanese people, which is experiencing a multi-vector pressure of the ‘power’ strategy of political realism and value-oriented approaches of constructivism. The authors identify the main directions of stratification of the political identity of Japanese society, point to some emerging trends in the realm of ideas on security policy, draw conclusions about the real place and influence of reflection on the Russian-Japanese territorial issue in the structure of Japanese political identity.

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Kraxner, Florian, Jue Yang, and Yoshiki Yamagata. "Attitudes towards forest, biomass and certification – A case study approach to integrate public opinion in Japan." Bioresource Technology 100, no. 17 (September 2009): 4058–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.biortech.2009.03.056.

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Hwang, Wonjae, Wonbin Cho, and Krista Wiegand. "Do Korean-Japanese Historical Disputes Generate Rally Effects?" Journal of Asian Studies 77, no. 3 (May 23, 2018): 693–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911818000438.

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Does ongoing animosity between South Korea and Japan over the disputed Dokdo Islands and other issues that originated from historical disputes generate rally effects in Korean domestic politics? This article argues that the Dokdo Islands dispute—and related disputed issues rooted in the colonial experience of Korea under Japan's rule historically—strongly influence Korean presidents’ abilities to effectively mobilize domestic support for not only the issues, but particularly the public opinion of presidents. Using data on Korean presidents’ approval ratings between 1993 and 2016, this article shows that Korea's bilateral disputes with Japan tend to promote Korean presidential popularity. The findings suggest that external crises with Japan related to historical disputes have positive political effects on leadership ratings in Korea.

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Tsuchida, Akio. "China's "Public Diplomacy" toward the United States before Pearl Harbor." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 17, no. 1 (2010): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656110x523708.

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AbstractAfter the outbreak of Sino-Japanese War in 1937, China sought support and sanctions against Japan from the international community, especially the United States. The government strategy encompassed both official diplomatic channels and non-state channels such as propaganda and private organizations. Drawing from materials in the United States and China, this article presents the evolution of China's "public diplomacy" toward the United States during the early years of the Sino-Japanese War. It argues: (1) China's "public diplomacy" was conducted through the International Department of Ministry of Information of the Chinese Nationalist Party under the direct control of Chiang Kai-shek. (2) Resident agents of China played an indispensable role in forming the American Committee for Non-Participation in Japanese Aggression, a private organization supporting China's cause. (3) The Committee carried out intensive campaigns to bring about pro-China policies and to promote an embargo against Japan. (4) The Chinese government and its agents supported the Committee financially and organizationally until its disbandment in 1941. This article thus demonstrates that wartime China was attempting to compensate for its military weakness by manipulating American public opinion to achieve its own diplomatic goals.

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SHIRK, SUSAN L. "Changing Media, Changing Foreign Policy in China." Japanese Journal of Political Science 8, no. 1 (March 14, 2007): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109907002472.

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China has undergone a media revolution that has transformed the domestic context for making foreign policy as well as domestic policy. The commercialization of the mass media has changed the way leaders and publics interact in the process of making foreign policy. As they compete with one another, the new media naturally try to appeal to the tastes of their potential audiences. Editors make choices about which stories to cover based on their judgments about which ones will resonate best with audiences. In China today, that means a lot of stories about Japan, Taiwan, and the United States, the topics that are the objects of Chinese popular nationalism. The publicity given these topics makes them domestic political issues because they are potential focal points for elite dis-agreement and mass collective action, and thereby constrains the way China' leaders and diplomats deal with them. Even relatively minor events involving China' relations with Japan, Taiwan, or the United States become big news, and therefore relations with these three governments must be carefully handled by the politicians in the Communist Party Politburo Standing Committee. Because of the Internet, it is impossible for Party censors to screen out news from Japan, Taiwan or the United States that might upset the public. Common knowledge of such news forces officials to react to every slight, no matter how small. Foreign policy makers feel especially constrained by nationalist public opinion when it comes to its diplomacy with Japan. Media marketization and the Internet have helped make Japan China' most emotionally charged international relationship.

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Kim, Christine. "Politics and Pageantry in Protectorate Korea (1905–10): The Imperial Progresses of Sunjong." Journal of Asian Studies 68, no. 3 (August 2009): 835–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911809990076.

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In the winter of 1909, at the height of Japan's informal rule in Korea, the protectorate government sent the Korean emperor Sunjong on an extended tour of the provinces. Applying the nation-building techniques of Meiji Japan, the residency-general had intended to promote unity and cooperation through the Korean royal house. Instead, the progresses sparked anti-Japanese nationalism and culminated in expressions of resistance. This article explores the political context of the progresses, the role of the newspapers in Korea and Japan in shaping public opinion, and the contest of official and popular nationalisms in Korea, defined by the symbols of the throne and the national flag.

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KIM, JUNG HYOUN. "The Comparative Analysis of Public Support for Developing Regional Regime in East Sea Rim (Sea of Japan) Region." Japanese Journal of Political Science 15, no. 1 (February 10, 2014): 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109913000388.

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AbstractThe East Sea (or Sea of Japan) (ESR/SOJ) Rim region, in which five countries – Japan, China, Russia, and North and South Korea – have their own coastal areas, is complex and dynamic, with many emerging regional security concerns. In this paper, the author tries to show that there is the possibility of a maritime regional regime in the ESR/SOJ region by investigating the level of public support, in Japan and South Korea, for the formation of a regional regime. Based on the theoretical assumptions of constructivism, the author analyzes what kinds of individual's social position factors influence the level of support for regional regime formation by conducting a nested regression model of survey datasets. The results of the statistical analysis suggest that people with a high level of national pride in South Korea are more likely to support a regional regime in the ESR/SOJ region. In contrast, for Japanese people, there is no relationship between people's national pride and the level of support for regional regime formation. The economic recession in Japan since the early 1990s has made public concern more about domestic policy than about foreign policy issues. Based on strong support of the bottom, public opinion towards regional regime formation, the South Korean government may play a leading role in developing a regional regime in the ESR/SOJ region (when the process of negotiation begins) as in the case of Japan in nineteenth century.

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JOU, WILLY. "How do Citizens in East Asian Democracies Understand Left and Right?" Japanese Journal of Political Science 12, no. 1 (February 21, 2011): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s146810991000023x.

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AbstractBoth general publics and elites have long used labels of left and right as cues for political communication and vote choice in Western democracies. This study examines the utility of these spatial semantics as means of encapsulating major political cleavages in East Asian democracies. Through analysis of public opinion surveys, we investigate the influence of organizational affiliation; views on socio-economic, religious, and ‘new politics’ issues, as well as attitudes toward the political system, as anchors of public understanding of the left–right dimension in Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, and Taiwan. Patterns found in these countries are compared with two ‘Western’ nations in the region, Australia and New Zealand. Results show that citizens’ left–right positions in Japan and the Australasian countries are more clearly structured by well-defined cleavages, such as socio-economic issues and post-materialism, and that parties in these countries compete on the basis of clearer ideological profiles. In contrast, despite high rates of cognition of the left–right scale in South Korea, the Philippines, and Taiwan, left–right orientations are less firmly anchored in attitudes and policy preferences. These differences in publics’ level of ideological conceptualization are likely related to party system development and democratic experience.

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Horesh, Niv, Hyun Jin Kim, Peter Mauch, and Jonathan Sullivan. "Is My Rival's Rival a Friend? Popular Third-Party Perceptions of Territorial Disputes in East Asia." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 32, no. 1 (September 11, 2014): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v32i1.4594.

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This article examines how China's rise and increasing tensions with Japan are portrayed by South Korean bloggers. The deterioration in relations between China and Japan over the last two years generally projects onto the ways and means by which China's rise is portrayed in South Korea. Since Korea's relations with both its more populous neighbours have been historically fraught, and since it is also implicated in various territorial disputes with both countries, determining Korean sensibilities is an important way of gauging shifts in public opinion across the region. Although the conservative political establishments in both South Korea and Japan might see China as a constant threat, South Korean and Japanese netizens still popularly view each other with suspicion. By contrast, popular perceptions of the China threat in either country can be swayed by escalation of territorial disputes these two US allies still have with one another.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Japan Public opinion'

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