Journal articles on the topic 'Japan Politics and government 1945-'
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1
Irianti, Mufidha Brilian. "Menabur Kebiasaan: Propaganda Gerakan Menabung Jepang (1941-1945)." Lembaran Sejarah 11, no. 1 (April 6, 2017): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.23784.
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Japan colonialism during World War II brought signifcant impact for Indonesia. Aside from political and social impacts, it has affected daily life. Japanese occupation was meant to recruit human resources from the region on behalf of the Pacifc War. Japan made efforts to capture the attention and cooperation of locals. Japanese propaganda used a variety of media to send the messages. One such propaganda consisted to persuade people to save in formal institutions. In order to reach people of all backgrounds, military government used a variety of mass media such as newspapers, magazines, movies, and radio as well as a kind of theatrical art and singing. The concern of the paper is to describe the strategies of Japanese savings propaganda. Exploring how government used media to persuade people to make saving accounts in modern fnancial institution.
2
Phan, Ca Van. "Japan’s political solution in Vietnam from March 1945 to August 1945." Science and Technology Development Journal 19, no. 4 (December 31, 2016): 82–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v19i4.719.
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After the coup d'etat of the French colonial administration in Indochina ending the period of Japan-France co-governing, the Japanese government publicized its policy to support the foundation of Vietnam’s “independence”. However, the overall view of the political context of the time, the establishment of the Bao Dai-Tran Trong Kim government is a Japanese solution to Vietnam’s situation in the post-coup d'etat period. This solution stemmed from the plans of the Japanese ruling authorities and the specific historical context in Vietnam at that time. For Japan, the ultimate goal which needed to be reached after the coup was not to affect the effort of the war. For France, not only they lost colonies but also their standing position was underestimated in the eyes of the colonists. For the relationship between Japan and Vietnam, the nature and its motive would change in the way as it should have been.
3
Hung, Chang-Tai. "The Politics of Songs: Myths and Symbols in the Chinese Communist War Music, 1937–1949." Modern Asian Studies 30, no. 4 (October 1996): 901–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016838.
Abstract:
Nie Er (1912–1935), a young Communist musician from Yunnan, could not possibly have imagined that when he wrote this patriotic song (with lyrics by the left-wing writer Tian Han [1898–1968]) for the 1935 filmChildren of Troubled Times (Fengyun ernü) it would soon become one of the most popular tunes in China. The overwhelming success of the song reflected a nation, long frustrated by imperialist (especially Japanese) aggression, thwarted reforms, domestic armed conflicts, and government ineptitude, venting its anger and crying out for a solution. When the Japanese invaded China two years later, ‘The March of the Volunteers’ was rapidly transformed into the quintessential song of resistance against Japan, sung at schools, in the army, at rallies, and on the streets. The song was influential in capturing the hearts and minds of millions during China's eight-year War of Resistance against Japan (1937–1945); its impact, in the words of one contemporary song critic, was ‘similar to that of the “Marseillaise” [in the French Revolution]’. When the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) seized power in it adopted the song as the official national anthem.
4
Inoguchi, Takashi. "Nambara Shigeru (1889–1974): how a Japanese liberal conceptualized eternal peace, 1918–1951." Japanese Journal of Political Science 19, no. 4 (December 2018): 612–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109918000373.
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AbstractNambara Shigeru was a rara avis of Japanese liberal academics at hard times in that he survived difficult times without being punished by the oppressive government in the pre-war Japan and the occupation authorities in the immediate post-war Japan. He specialized in Western political philosophy especially in Immanuel Kant and Johann Gottlieb Fichte, known as proponents of German idealism and nationalism. His magnum opus was published, without being punished, in 1944, arguing that the Nazi politics was totally against the Western political tradition. In 1945–46, he made clear his opposition to the draft new Constitution in which the emperor be symbolic and the armed forces be abolished. In 1949–1950, he made clear his view that Japan, once Japan admitted to the United Nations, what would become Japanese Self-Defense Forces should donate portions to what would become United Nations Peace Keeping Operations. On the basis of his writings in the war period and the occupation period, comparisons of his positions with Roger Scruton, Vladislav Surkov, Yanaihara Tadao, Akamatsu Kaname, Nitobe Inazo, and Yanagida Kunio on such concepts as democracy promotion, national self-determination, peace keeping are attempted to see the extent to which the pent-up Wilsonian moment burst in the immediate post-war period.
5
Nish, Ian. "An Overview of Relations Between China and Japan, 1895–1945." China Quarterly 124 (December 1990): 601–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000031416.
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The relationship between China and Japan is a many-layered cake, impossible to eat all at once. This article will concentrate on the diplomatic layer of the relationship. Diplomatic history is essentially about the decisions of governments and the documents that are subsequently exchanged. Each of these aspects has its difficulties for the historian of East Asia. For substantial parts of the period under review “government” in a western sense hardly existed in China, while in Japan even the considered decisions of the government in Tokyo frequently failed to reflect the situation on the ground. In Japan's relations with China there was often a dual – if not a multiple – diplomacy at work where the army (among others) had an independent hand in fashioning “policy.”
6
Seekins, Donald M. "Japan's Development Ambitions for Myanmar: The Problem of “Economics before Politics”." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 34, no. 2 (August 2015): 113–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341503400205.
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Myanmar and Japan have had an important shared history since the Pacific War, when Japan occupied the British colony of Burma and established the country's first postcolonial state and army. The period from 1941 to 1945 also witnessed the “militarization” of Myanmar as the country was turned into a battlefield by the Japanese, the Allies and indigenous insurgents. After independence from Britain in 1948, the Union of Burma continued to suffer insurgency and became a deeply conflicted society, especially under the isolationist socialist regime of General Ne Win (1962–1988). However, Japan played a major role in Myanmar's economic development through its allocation of war reparations and official development assistance (ODA), especially yen loans. During the period of martial law from 1988 to 2011, Tokyo exercised some self-restraint in giving aid due to pressure from its major ally, the United States, with its human rights agenda. However, with the transition from junta rule to constitutional government in 2011 came a dramatic increase in Japanese ODA, as Tokyo forgave large amounts of debt and invested in ambitious new special economic zones (SEZ). Japan will no doubt benefit from Myanmar as close ties are expanded: Not only will Japanese companies profit, but Japan will have access to Myanmar's raw materials and gain ability to compete more effectively with an economically expansive China. On Myanmar's side, though, it is unlikely that anyone other than the military and crony capitalist elites will benefit from the flood of new yen loans and infrastructure projects. This paper argues that without a political resolution of Myanmar's many conflicts, including the establishment of genuinely open political institutions, the aid of Japan (and other countries) is likely to make these deep-rooted social and ethnic conflicts even worse.
7
Budi Agustono, Nurhabsyah, Lila Pelita Hati, Junaidi, and Kiki Maulana Affandie. "Kita Sumatora Sinbun newspaper as Japanese propaganda media in East Sumatera, Indonesia, 1943-1945." Talenta Conference Series: Local Wisdom, Social, and Arts (LWSA) 3, no. 4 (December 4, 2020): 11–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.32734/lwsa.v3i4.1122.
Abstract:
Japan's ambition to be an Asian giant has been shown since 1937 in the Asia-Pacific War or in Japan it is called the Great East Asian War. In an effort to win the sympathy of the Asian people, Japan carried out various propaganda campaigns. In Indonesia, the propaganda was launched by the Japanese military government was very intensive by stating that they were brothers in arms to drive out Western imperialism, and promised independence for Indonesia. To launch its propaganda, Japan facilitated and supervised what was published in Indonesian newspapers every shu. In East Sumatera, the Japanese-founded propaganda newspaper is called Kita Sumatora Sinbun. Although the coverage of Kita Sumatora Sinbun newspaper varies, almost all of the content contains propaganda for domestic and foreign consumption. This study aims to reveal why Japan formed the Kita Sumatora Sinbun newspaper as their propaganda media in East Sumatera, and how the impact of the propaganda narratives in this newspaper on the political, economic and social aspects of the people of East Sumatera.
8
Azizah, Imamatul, Riska Syafitri, Supriyanto Supriyanto, and Syarifuddin Syarifuddin. "Struktur Pemerintahan Palembang Syu Pada Masa Pendudukan Jepang Tahun 1942-1945." Fajar Historia: Jurnal Ilmu Sejarah dan Pendidikan 5, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.29408/fhs.v5i2.4069.
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This study discusses the government structure of Palembang during the Japanese occupation in 1942-1945, especially regarding the Syu government. The research method used is historical or historical research methods. The purpose of this research is to increase knowledge and dig deeper into the history of Palembang City and also to highlight the historical traces of the Palembang regional political system during the reign of Japan. This research is related to the Syu government system or called Residency. The results of this study are that before the Japanese came and colonized the archipelago, the Palembang area had rules made by the Dutch and customary law then Japan arrived in Sumatra and issued a new law called Seirei (Osamu Seirei), this rule book discusses military government, which levels consist of Syuugun (residence), Bansyuu (sub-residence), Gun (district), and Son (sub-district), the unique thing is that even though it seems to have changed, in fact, the constitutional structure is the same as the previous system but only changes in terms. Penelitian ini membahas tentang struktur pemerintahan Palembang pada masa pendudukan Jepang tahun 1942-1945 khususnya mengenai pemerintahan Syu. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian sejarah atau historis. Tujuan dari penelitian ini untuk menambah ilmu pengetahuan serta menggali lebih dalam mengenai sejarah di Kota Palembang juga mengangkat jejak historis dari sistem politik daerah Palembang saat berkuasanya Jepang. Penelitian ini terkait sistem pemerintahan Syu atau disebut Keresidenan. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah sebelum Jepang datang dan menjajah wilayah nusantara, daerah Palembang telah terdapat aturan yang dibuat Belanda serta hukum adat kemudian Jepang tiba di Sumatera dan mengeluarkan sebuah Undang-undang baru bernama Seirei (Osamu Seirei), kitab aturan ini membahas tentang pemerintahan militer, yang mana tingkatannya terdiri atas Syuugun (Karesidenan), Bansyuu (sub karesidenan), Gun (distrik), dan Son (subdistrik), uniknya walaupun terkesan berubah tetapi sebenarnya susunan ketatanegaraan ini sama dengan sistem sebelumnya namun hanya mengalami pergantian istilah.
9
Kohno, Masaru. "The Politics of Coalition Building in Japan: The Case of the Katayama Government Formation in 1947." British Journal of Political Science 24, no. 1 (January 1994): 148–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006840.
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This Note examines the formation of the Socialist-led coalition government in Japan in 1947. Despite the recent expansion of positive research on coalition governments, the existing literature remains ‘European’ in its scope, leaving ambiguity as to whether the currently available models are truly general theoretical models, as some formal theorists seem to claim, or only applicable to a certain cultural and socio-political environment. The Japanese example presents an excellent vehicle, a hard case, with which to test contemporary coalition theories, because Japan is usually described as a country with a distinctive political culture and historical background.
10
Goto, Ken'ichi. "Caught in the Middle: Japanese Attitudes toward Indonesian Independence in 1945." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 27, no. 1 (March 1, 1996): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400010663.
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In September 1944 the Japanese government promised to give “independence in the near future” to Indonesia. However, when Japan surrendered in 1945, the Allies ordered the Japanese authorities to suppress any move by the Indonesians toward independence. Caught between their old promise and their new role, the Japanese exhibited contrasting patterns of behaviour. This paper analyzes their reactions by using two categories, the “allegiance type” of person who adhered to Allied instructions, and the "renunciation type" who attempted to honour the promise given to the Indonesians.
11
Shimizu, Karli. "Shintō Shrines and Secularism in Modern Japan, 1890–1945." Journal of Religion in Japan 6, no. 2 (2017): 128–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118349-00602006.
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From the late eighteenth century to WWII, shrine Shintō came to be seen as a secular institution by the government, academics, and activists in Japan (Isomae 2014; Josephson 2012, Maxey 2014). However, research thus far has largely focused on the political and academic discourses surrounding the development of this idea. This article contributes to this discussion by examining how a prominent modern Shintō shrine, Kashihara Jingū founded in 1890, was conceived of and treated as secular. It also explores how Kashihara Jingū communicated an alternate sense of space and time in line with a new Japanese secularity. This Shintō-based secularity, which located shrines as public, historical, and modern, was formulated in antagonism to the West and had an influence that extended across the Japanese sphere. The shrine also serves as a case study of how the modern political system of secularism functioned in a non-western nation-state.
12
Tsokhas, Kosmas. "Dedominionization: the Anglo-Australian experience, 1939–1945." Historical Journal 37, no. 4 (December 1994): 861–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015120.
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ABSTRACTThe role of decolonization in the decline of the British empire has received a great deal of attention. In comparison there has been little research or analysis of the process of dedominionization affecting Australia and the other dominions. During the Second World War economic ties were seriously weakened and there were substantial conflicts over economic policy between the British and Australian governments. Australia refused to reduce imports in order to conserve foreign exchange, thus contributing to the United Kingdom's debt burden. The Australian government insisted that the British guarantee Australia's sterling balances and refused to adopt the stringent fiscal policies requested by the Bank of England and the British treasury. Australia also took the opportunity to expand domestic manufacturing industry at the expense of British manufacturers. Economic separation and conflict were complemented by political and strategic differences. In particular, the Australian government realized that British military priorities made it impossible for the United Kingdom to defend Australia. This led the Australians towards a policy of cooperating with the British embargo on Japan, only to the extent that this would be unlikely to provoke Japanese military retaliation. In general, the Australians preferred a policy of compromise in the Far East to one of deterrence preferred by the British.
13
Bull, Jonathan. "National Belonging and the Production of Neglect in the Japanese Repatriate Figure, 1945–1950." Journal of Migration History 8, no. 3 (October 10, 2022): 347–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-08030002.
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Abstract This article analyses the discourse of national belonging produced by the Japanese government. After Japanese empire collapsed in August 1945, hikiagesha (‘repatriate’) was the term officials used to categorise approximately 3.2 million Japanese civilians in the colonies when Japan surrendered. Previous research suggests a repatriate figure emerged in postwar Japan so that non-repatriate Japanese could offload anxieties about imperial failure. Consequently, the repatriate figure was important for Japan to transition from an empire to a nation-state. This article reassesses this transition which in previous research seems to be almost a natural outcome of decolonisation. Starting from the premise that such transitions require the active involvement of specific actors, this article examines how Japanese government officials constructed a discourse of national belonging around the repatriate figure to assuage concerns about state affiliation. It then considers the effects of this discourse on the Japanese ‘extruded history’ of former colonial residents.
14
Martin, Brian G. "‘In My Heart I Opposed Opium’: Opium and the Politics of the Wang Jingwei Government, 1940–45." European Journal of East Asian Studies 2, no. 2 (March 24, 2003): 365–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-00202009.
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The Wang Jingwei government has been reviled as the Chinese collaborationist regime par excellence, and one of the major indictments against it was its involvement with the alleged Japanese ‘narcotisation policy’. The politics of collaboration, however, were complex, and are not fully captured by a one-dimensional portrayal of the leading collaborators as ‘national traitors’. The Wang Jingwei government was, indeed, complicit in facilitating the Japanese-sponsored opium monopoly during its early years, although it played only a marginal role in running this monopoly. At the same time, as this article seeks to demonstrate, the regime did attempt to continue implementing the pre-war Nationalist government’s opium suppression programme. Its motives were mixed: it wanted to bolster its legitimacy by portraying itself as the successor regime to the pre-war Nationalist government, and, also like that government, it sought to bolster its parlous finances by recourse to an opium tax. Political developments in Japan in 1943 enabled the Wang Jingwei government to gain control of the opium monopoly, and from 1944 until its demise it made a genuine attempt to implement a policy of opium suppression. This policy achieved some success. The government, however, never resolved the ambiguity between the political aims and the financial needs that drove its policy; nor did it effectively overcome the demoralisation produced by years of open trafficking; and it was never able to curb the Japanese military’s narcotic operations.
15
Oliinyk, O. "JAPANESE "ECONOMIC MIRACLE": HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE COUNTRY IN THE PERIOD OF 1945–1991." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 148 (2021): 46–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.148.8.
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The article presents the experience of Japan in the post-war reconstruction of the country in the period 1945–1991. The socio-economic situation of the country after the Second World War was considered. The historical stages of the country's development in the period under study are determined. The historical conditions in which the country found itself in the postwar period are analyzed. Key historical figures who influenced the development of the country were identified. The directions and measures of reforming and development of the country are revealed and presented. The importance of external factors and foreign policy for the country's assertion on the world stage has been proved. The factors of creating an effective political system, effective public administration, sustainable social and human development are formulated. It was proved that the United States has played an important role in forcing both Japan's political and economic systems. The United States provided Japan with significant financial, economic, and food aid to Japan. During the war between the United States and Korea and Vietnam, the United States placed military orders in Japan, which contributed to the development of the country's industrial base. It was found that the quality of the labor force, its general education and professional level played an extremely important role in the reconstruction of the economy. The effective state regulation of economic development in Japan, which on the one hand was aimed at developing the civil sector of the economy, and on the other at concentrating efforts on cooperation between government and private business at the stage of developing solutions to economic development, played a critical role in "Japanese miracle".
16
Kim, Christine. "Politics and Pageantry in Protectorate Korea (1905–10): The Imperial Progresses of Sunjong." Journal of Asian Studies 68, no. 3 (August 2009): 835–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911809990076.
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In the winter of 1909, at the height of Japan's informal rule in Korea, the protectorate government sent the Korean emperor Sunjong on an extended tour of the provinces. Applying the nation-building techniques of Meiji Japan, the residency-general had intended to promote unity and cooperation through the Korean royal house. Instead, the progresses sparked anti-Japanese nationalism and culminated in expressions of resistance. This article explores the political context of the progresses, the role of the newspapers in Korea and Japan in shaping public opinion, and the contest of official and popular nationalisms in Korea, defined by the symbols of the throne and the national flag.
17
Trachtenberg, Marc. "The United States and Eastern Europe in 1945: A Reassessment." Journal of Cold War Studies 10, no. 4 (October 2008): 94–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2008.10.4.94.
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This article reassesses U.S. Cold War policy in 1945, with particular emphasis on Eastern Europe. The article considers how the U.S. government proposed to deal with the Soviet Union in the postwar period more generally. The article looks closely at U.S. policy toward Poland and toward Romania and Bulgaria and sets these policies into context in order to determine whether U.S. leaders had “written off” the East European countries by the end of the year, consigning them to a Soviet sphere of influence. The article traces the strategic concept underlying U.S policy and analyzes key aspects of Secretary of State James Byrnes's policy at the July 1945 Potsdam conference and in the October–December 1945 negotiations with the USSR about the occupation of Japan.
18
Steiner, Hope. "Master of Silence: Matsumoto Shunsuke’s Muon no fūkei and His Quiet Resistance to Sensōga During the Fifteen-Year War." Mutual Images Journal, no. 5 (December 20, 2018): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.32926/2018.5.ste.mast.
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This article is focused on the wartime works of Japanese artist Matsumoto Shunsuke (1912-1948). In particular, it examines his Muon no fūkei (silent landscapes) series from 1941-1945 and the artist’s motivations behind choosing to depict everyday street scenes in Japan during the Fifteen-Year War (1931-1945). The war was a difficult time for most artists; they were either forced to conform to social and governmental pressures to paint sensōga (war paintings), or they had to virtually stop production rather than run the risk of being arrested. Matsumoto Shunsuke was one of the few painters to focus on individual expression and everyday life scenes during this period. He spent much of Japan’s war wandering the streets, sketching and taking photographs that would later become the templates for his landscapes. The study of wartime art in Japan is still a relatively new topic, but much speculation has been given to Matsumoto’s works as symbols of anti-war resistance. However, the artist’s motivations were far more complex. This paper will explore Matsumoto’s alienation from Japanese society due to his deafness and artistic principles and how these factors, along with his political disagreements with the government and other artists, led him away from sensōga and instead towards the silent landscapes that have today become some of the most popular paintings from the era.
19
Zorikhin, Alexander. "The activity of Japanese military intelligence against the USSR in 1922-1945." Problemy dalnego vostoka, no. 2 (2022): 154. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120018449-4.
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Japan's military intelligence has been continuously working around the world since 1871, and Russia has always remained one of its main goals. After the end of the intervention in 1922, the Japanese government took a course to normalize relations with our country, in connection with which the intelligence agencies of the empire monitored the activities of the Soviet leadership to strengthen the defense and economic potential of the state and the implementation of foreign policy objectives in the Far East, without conducting subversive actions. The USSR state security agencies managed to arrange the transfer of inflated data on the state of the Red Army to the Japanese military intelligence, as the central intelligence agency of the empire, therefore, in 1923-1931, Tokyo's military planning against our country was defensive in nature. After the capture of Manchuria in 1932, Japan faced the Soviet Union's buildup of its troops beyond Lake Baikal, regarding this fact as preparation for an invasion of Northeast China. Japanese intelligence intensified its activities to collect information about the intentions of the Soviet leadership and engaged in the organization of a sabotage apparatus in the event of a war with the USSR in 1937-1938, however, counter measures of the Soviet state security bodies hampered the work of the empire's special services in our country. After the defeat on the Khalkhin-Gol river (1939), the military-political leadership of Japan carried out a radical reorganization of the military intelligence agencies, strengthening their personnel and betting on the collection of information by technical means. Thanks to the information received from the foreign intelligence apparatus, the government of the Empire in the summer and autumn of 1941 came to the conclusion that it was inappropriate to attack the Soviet Union. The entry of the USSR into the war against militaristic Japan in 1945 drew a line under the activities of the empire's military intelligence and became a prologue to its transition to US control.
20
Li, Ping, and Chuanmao Tian. "Translation Policy, Social System, and Ideology: A Study on the English Translation of Modern Chinese Fiction for America During the CWRAJ." SAGE Open 11, no. 3 (July 2021): 215824402110469. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21582440211046944.
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This article explores translation policy on the English translations of modern Chinese fiction to American readers during China’s War of Resistance against Japan (1931–1945). The research findings show that translation policy may not be explicitly stated, but implicitly embodied in some political, diplomatic, and cultural policies made by the American and Chinese governments. Translation policy making as a social system is influenced by the political environment during the war. Different policy makers’ motives and policies change over time in reaction to each other with the course of the war, and the changing socio-political climate in China and the US had great effects on the English translations of Chinese fiction before the entry of the US into the war and after the US government became actively involved in translation projects. Moreover, the ideological preferences and political interests of the various actors shape actual translation practice—the selection of texts and actual choices in wording. This course of events affects the reception of these translations by the US public. In other words, the readership of these books grew after the Chinese government became allies in the war with the American government.
21
Kim, Jimin. "Empire Versus Empire." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 22, no. 4 (November 26, 2015): 315–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02204003.
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Many studies on u.s.-Korea relations describe the bilateral interactions to 1905 and the restored diplomatic relations after Korea’s liberation in 1945. This study focuses instead on the interwar years proceeding from the premise that American understandings of colonial Korea are important to grasp u.s. wartime planning for Korea’s future. It explores unofficial levels of interactions, representations, and perceptions of Japan and the United States regarding colonial Korea. On one hand, American writers and professionals portrayed Korea as a developing country needing critical help from Japanese colonizers that coincided with imperial imperatives. On the other hand, professional scholars and u.s. government officials began to look at Japan’s rule in Korea from a more critical perspective, observing problems with Japanese rule in Korea in economic, political, and social affairs. u.s. officials posted in Korea, in particular, saw how Koreans were suffering from Japan’s discrimination and harsh rule. This repressive colonial rule was creating appeal for communism among the Korean people. u.s. officials began to doubt the feasibility of Japan’s pan-Asian doctrine, questioning if it could be a successful ruler. These varied American views of colonial Korea became the basis of u.s. policy toward post-colonial Korea after 1945.
22
Richardson, Lauren. "The Forgotten Victims of the Atomic Bomb: North Korean Pipokja and the Politics of Victimhood in Japan-DPRK Relations." Pacific Affairs 96, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/202396161.
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This article examines the redress campaign waged by activists in Japan on behalf of roughly 2,000 North Korean A-bomb victims (pipokja). These victims were repatriated from Japan after being subjected to the 1945 US nuclear attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, while under colonial rule. From the early 1990s through to the twenty-first century, activists in Japan pursued redress for these A-bomb survivors in close synchronicity with the redress movements centred on South Korean victims. Highlighting the potential of the individual as entrepreneur within collective action settings, the redress developments were initiated and largely driven by an activist, Lee Sil-gun (1929–2020).<br/> Although Tokyo and Pyongyang were initially reluctant to acknowledge that A-bomb survivors existed in North Korea, in the face of sustained pressure by the Japan-based activists, the two governments facilitated a limited redress process for the victims by making various concessions on the issue. How did these activists navigate the structural constraints of the authoritarian North Korean state and the volatile bilateral relationship in enacting their transnational activism? How were they able to elicit concessions on their redress objectives from Tokyo and Pyongyang in the absence of formalized diplomatic relations? Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Japan and South Korea, this article probes these questions by empirically tracing and analyzing the evolution of the redress campaign for the North Korean A-bomb victims. I utilize the concept of polylateral diplomacy to elucidate the dynamic of engagement between the activists and the two governments.
23
Zulkarnain, Zulkarnain. "History Curriculum Policy of Senior High School during Sukarno Era." Paramita: Historical Studies Journal 30, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 180–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/paramita.v30i2.23151.
Abstract:
This article aims to investigate the history curriculum policy of senior high school during the Sukarno era. The method used is qualitative research by using the historical approach. Also, this research used document study as the primary method. A document study was conducted to both the primary and secondary sources for the source triangulation. Additionally, the complementary approach used interviews with several practitioners and academics, including the practitioners of the Indonesia history curriculum. Data analysis used an interactive analysis model. The results show that during 1945-1951, the history curriculum of senior high school still used AMS (Algemene Middelbare School) curriculum as the inheritance from the Dutch Indies era, so it is directed to the political policy, and the materials are clearly oriented to politics, doctrine, national ideology. The philosophical foundation of history curriculum policy in senior high school during the Sukarno Era is based on Pancasila and UUD 1945. But its implementation refers to government politics and essentialism and perennialism philosophy. The position of history subject in senior high school during the Sukarno era has a strategic role in creating historical awareness and nationalism. However, Manipol USDEK indoctrination was very visible. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menyelidiki kebijakan kurikulum sejarah SMA pada era Sukarno. Metode yang digunakan adalah penelitian kualitatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan sejarah. Selain itu, penelitian ini menggunakan studi dokumen sebagai metode utama. Studi dokumen dilakukan pada sumber primer dan sekunder untuk triangulasi sumber. Selain itu, pendekatan komplementer menggunakan wawancara dengan beberapa praktisi dan akademisi, termasuk praktisi kurikulum sejarah Indonesia. Analisis data menggunakan model analisis interaktif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa selama tahun 1945-1951, kurikulum sejarah sekolah menengah atas masih menggunakan kurikulum AMS (Algemene Middelbare School) sebagai warisan dari jaman Hindia Belanda, sehingga mengarah pada kebijakan politik, dan materi yang jelas berorientasi pada politik, doktrin, ideologi nasional. Landasan filosofis kebijakan kurikulum sejarah di Sekolah Menengah Atas pada masa Sukarno berpijak pada Pancasila dan UUD 1945. Namun implementasinya mengacu pada filosofi politik pemerintahan dan esensialisme dan perenialisme. Kedudukan mata pelajaran sejarah di sekolah menengah atas pada era Soekarno memiliki peran strategis dalam menciptakan kesadaran sejarah dan nasionalisme. Namun, indoktrinasi Manipol USDEK sangat terlihat.
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O’Shea, Paul. "Strategic narratives and US military bases in Japan: How ‘deterrence’ makes the Marine base on Okinawa ‘indispensable’." Media, War & Conflict 12, no. 4 (November 21, 2018): 450–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635218810904.
Abstract:
Governed directly by the US from the Battle of Okinawa in 1945 until its reversion to Japan in 1972, the island of Okinawa hosts the majority of US military bases in Japan despite comprising only a fraction of a percent of the total land area. The central government in Tokyo has refused to countenance revision of the status quo in the face of increasing local opposition, including mass protests and the election of anti-base politicians at the local, prefectural and national level. The relocation of the controversial Marine base at Futenma to Henoko in the north of the island, has become the locus of opposition in recent years. Activists, local media and local politicians call for it to be relocated outside Okinawa to reduce the burden on the prefecture, while the central government, conservative national media and the US maintain that the current relocation plan must be implemented – to do otherwise would undermine deterrence. This article analyses the projection of the deterrence strategic narrative in the conservative Japanese media. The first section locates the concept of strategic narratives in a discursive epistemology, and highlights the importance of discursively empowered actors, before placing the newspapers in the broader context of the Japanese media environment, which differs from that of other highly developed countries in the way it empowers traditional actors. The main section of the article then traces the development of the narrative from the late 1990s, analysing how it discursively links the Marines’ presence with the ‘China threat’, and how it renders those who question the narrative as naïve, or even dangerous, for potentially undermining the Japan–US alliance and thus the security of all Japan. The article concludes by assessing the effects of the narrative, including potential unintended consequences for deterrence in the long run.
25
Thomas, Martin. "Imperial backwater or strategic outpost? The British takeover of Vicky Madagascar, 1942." Historical Journal 39, no. 4 (December 1996): 1049–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00024754.
Abstract:
ABSTRACTBetween June 1940 and September 1942 the French colony of Madagascar was a part of the Vichy French empire and a life-line for supplies to French Indo-China. Governor Paul Annet's island administration assumed a critical importance to Britain and South Africa after the fall of Singapore in February 1942. Conscious of the precedent of Vichy's two-fold capitulation to Japanese demands upon Indo-China in August 1940 and July 1941, both the British and the American governments feared that Annet might follow suit, conceding to Japan the use of Madagascar's principal ports and air bases. This threat led to the invasion of Madagascar by British empire forces. The attack began in May 1942 and was completed by October. Much to General Charles de Gaulle's lasting annoyance, the Free French movement played no part in these operations, although the British installed a Free French administration at Tananarive in December. This article examines the Madagascar invasion in the light of this exclusion of the Free French. It measures the strategic importance of the island against the political damage caused to Anglo-Free French relations by the British rebuttal of de Gaulle. It is argued that the British government utilized the Madagascar takeover as a means to keep the French national committee in check, disregarding Free French proposals as a result. Albeit temporary, this generated political confusion within Madagascar itself.
26
Fistié, Pierre. "Le problème territorial des Kouriles du Sud dans les relations nippo-soviétiques." Études internationales 13, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 23–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701313ar.
Abstract:
Since 1956 normal diplomatic relations have been re-established between Japon and Soviet Union, but without any peace treaty. That situation is linked to the problem of the Southern Kuriles occupied by USSR since 1945 but claimed by Japon which took possession of these islands at the end of the I8th century - a state of affairs recognized by Russia in 1855. The Yalta conference attributed « the Kuriles » to USSR and the Son Francisco Treaty (which Moscow did not sign) stipulated their relinquishment by Japon. The latter has always considered that tins text could not apply to the Southern Kuriles. The Hatoyamo government however was ready in 1955 to renounce the two main islands, but the same year the formation of the liberal-democrat party was accompanied by a sudden change in the Japanese position. The 1956 modus vivendi avoided the territorial question and mode possible the development of economic relations between the two countries but the Southern Kuriles problem was revived by Tokyo in the wake of the 1969 agreement on Okinawa. One finds it since at all the turning points of the nippo-soviet relations in spite of the fact that the re-establisment of diplomatic sino-japanese relations in 1972 and the acceptation of the anti-hegemony clause by Tokyo in 1978 make more unlikely than ever a solution in favour of Japan. This one, however, maintains its claim for reasons where the national psychology plays a great part while political and, above all, strategic motives render practically unthinkable that USSR will ever comply. The problem will remain as a thorn in the relations between Tokyo and Moscow.
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YEŞILBURSA BEHÇET, KEMAL. "FROM FRIENDSHIP TO ENMITY SOVIET-IRANIAN RELATIONS (1945-1965)." History and Modern Perspectives 2, no. 1 (March 30, 2020): 92–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2020-2-1-92-105.
Abstract:
On 26 February 1921, the Soviet Union signed a «Treaty of Friendship» with Iran which was to pave the way for future relations between the two states. Although the Russians renounced various commercial and territorial concessions which the Tsarist government had exacted from Iran, they secured the insertion of two articles which prohibited the formation or residence in either country of individuals, groups, military forces which were hostile to the other party, and gave the Soviet Union the right to send forces into Iran in the event that a third party should attempt to carry out a policy of usurpation there, use Iran as a base for operations against Russia, or otherwise threaten Soviet frontiers. Furthermore, in 1927, the Soviet Union signed a «Treaty of Guarantee and Neutrality» with Iran which required the contracting parties to refrain from aggression against each other and not to join blocs or alliances directed against each other’s sovereignty. However, the treaty was violated by the Soviet Union’s wartime occupation of Iran, together with Britain and the United States. The violation was subsequently condoned by the conclusion of the Tripartite Treaty of Alliance of 29 January 1942, which permitted the Soviet Union to maintain troops in Iran for a limited period. Requiring restraint from propaganda, subversion and hostile political groups, the treaty would also appear to have been persistently violated by the Soviet Union: for example, the various radio campaigns of «Radio Moscow» and the «National Voice of Iran»; the financing and control of the Tudeh party; and espionage and rumour-mongering by Soviet officials in Iran. Whatever the Soviet’s original conception of this treaty may have been, they had since used it one-sidedly as a treaty in which both countries would be neutral, with one being «more neutral than the other». In effect, both the 1921 and 1927 treaties had been used as «a stick to beat the Iranians» whenever it suited the Soviets to do so, in propaganda and in inter-governmental dealings. During the Second World War, the treaty between the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union and Iran, dated 29 January 1942 - and concluded some 5 months after the occupation of parts of Iran by allied forces, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union were entitled to maintain troops in Iran, but the presence of such troops was not to constitute a military occupation. Nonetheless, Soviet forces in the Northern provinces used their authority to prevent both the entry of officials of the Iranian Government and the export of agricultural products to other provinces. The treaty also required military forces to be withdrawn not later than six months after «all hostilities between the Allied Powers and Germany and her associates have been suspended by the conclusion of an armistice or on the conclusion of peace, whichever is the earlier». This entailed that the Soviet Union should have withdrawn its forces by March 1946, six months after the defeat of Japan. Meanwhile, however, there emerged in Iranian Azerbaijan, under Soviet tutelage, a movement for advanced provincial autonomy which developed into a separatist movement under a Communist-led «National Government of Azerbaijan». In 1945, Soviet forces prevented the Iranian army from moving troops into Azerbaijan, and also confined the Iranian garrison to barracks while the dissidents took forcible possession of key points. At the same time, Soviet troops prevented the entry of Iranian troops into the Kurdistan area, where, under Soviet protection, a Kurdish Republic had been set up by Qazi Mohammad. In 1946, after Iran had appealed to the Security Council, the Russians secured from the Iranian Prime Minister, Qavam es Saltaneh, a promise to introduce a bill providing for the formation of a Soviet-Iranian Oil Company to exploit the Northern oil reserves. In return, the Soviet Union agreed to negotiate over Azerbaijan: the Iranians thereupon withdrew their complaint to the Security Council, and Soviet forces left Azerbaijan by 9 May 1946. In 1955, when Iran was considering joining a regional defensive pact, which was later to manifest itself as the Baghdad Pact, the Soviet Government threatened that such a move would oblige the Soviet Union to act in accordance with Article 6 of the 1921 treaty. This was the «big stick» aspect of Soviet attempts to waylay Iranian membership of such a pact; the «carrot» being the conclusion in 1955 of a Soviet-Iranian «Financial and Frontier Agreement» by which the Soviets agreed to a mutually beneficial re-alignment of the frontier and to pay debts arising from their wartime occupation of Northern Iran. The Soviets continued their war of nerves against Iranian accession to the Pact by breaking off trade negotiations in October 1955 and by a series of minor affronts, such as the cancellation of cultural visits and minimal attendance at the Iranian National Day celebrations in Moscow. In a memorandum dated November 26, the Iranian Government openly rejected Soviet criticisms. Soviet displeasure was expressed officially, in the press and to private individuals. In the ensuing period, Soviet and Soviet-controlled radio stations continued to bombard their listeners with criticism of the Baghdad Pact, or CENTO as it later became. In early 1959, with the breakdown of the negotiations for a non-aggression pact, Iran-Soviet relations entered into a phase of propaganda warfare which intensified with the signature of the bilateral military agreement between Iran and the United States. The Soviet Union insisted that Iran should not permit the establishment of foreign military bases on its soil, and continued to threaten Iran despite the Shah’s assurance on this issue. Consequently, the Iranians denounced Articles 5 and 6 of the 1921 treaty, on the basis of which the Soviet Union was making its demands. Attempts by the Secretary-General of the United Nations to improve relations met with little success until September 1959, when Russia offered massive economic support on condition that Iran renounced its military agreements with the United States. This offer was rejected, and, as relations continued to become strained, the Soviets changed their demand to one neither for a written agreement that Iran would not allow its terrain to be used as a base of aggression nor for the establishment of foreign missile bases. The publication by the Soviet Union of the so-called «CENTO documents» did nothing to relieve the strain: the Soviet Union continued to stand out for a bilateral agreement with Iran, and the Shah, in consultation with Britain and the United States, continued to offer no more than a unilateral assurance. In July 1962, with a policy of endeavouring once more to improve relations, the Shah maintained his insistence on a unilateral statement, and the Soviet Government finally agreed to this. The Iranian undertaking was accordingly given and acknowledged on 15 September. The Instruments of ratification of the 1957 Agreements on Transit and Frontier Demarcation were exchanged in Moscow on 26 October 1962 and in Tehran on 20 December, respectively.
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Dalhar, M., Yety Rochwulaningsih, and Dhanang Respati Puguh. "Kiai Fauzan: Pemikiran dan Peranannya di Kabupaten Jepara 1942-1972." Indonesian Historical Studies 3, no. 1 (July 7, 2019): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v3i1.5095.
Abstract:
This study focuses on the life, ideas, and role of Kiai Ahmad Fauzan in developing Islamic teachings and national values. Islam and nationalism are two things that interconnected and not contradictory. In Indonesian history, the two of them caused turmoil, even opposition. The purpose of this study is to prove the return of the Moslem spirit which is in line with the development of local religious leaders, primarily through case studies of local scholars in Jepara, such as Kiai Ahmad Fauzan. This study used a historical method, including heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. Kiai Ahmad Fauzan was a leader of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) who fought through education and politics to uphold the AhlussunahwalJamaah(Aswaja) ideology in Jepara. Fauzan's Islamic and national ideas can be seen from syair[poems] conveyed to the public. Syairbecame a media for propaganda for Kiai Ahmad Fauzan in spreading the religious understanding of Islam Aswaja. It is delivered to the community as reminder and awareness of harmonious religious and national values. His role in the religious and socio-political fields was seen when Japan began occupying Jepara in 1942. He was the target of arrest because of his role as a cleric. Its leadership formed from religious roles carried out mainly through madrasa and da'wah by traveling from one village to another. Kiai Ahmad Fauzan was involved in socio-religious organizations such as the Indonesian Islamic Assembly (MIAI), Indonesian Muslim Council (Masyumi), and NU, especially during the 1955 elections. Kiai Ahmad Fauzan was also trusted by the government to be the first leader of the Ministry of Religion in Jepara after independence revolution.
29
TIKHONOV, Yuriy Nikolayevich. "SOVIET-AFGHANIAN NEGOTIATIONS ABOUT THE PASTURE CONVENTION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE “GREAT GAME” IN CENTRAL ASIA ON THE EVE OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR (1935–1939)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 174 (2018): 203–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2018-23-174-203-209.
Abstract:
The results of the study of the new declassified documents of Russian archives lead to the conclusion that under the influence of “world politics” there were all directions of Afghanistan’s foreign policy. The history of Soviet-Afghan relations on the eve of the Second World War convincingly proves the fact that in the relations of Afghanistan with the Great Powers of that time there were no spheres of cooperation that would not be used by foreign states in the struggle for the “Afghan bridgehead”. A striking proof of this is the attempt of the Soviet government in the 1930s to coordinate the issue of grazing of Afghan herds on Turkmen pastures with a whole range of measures aimed at strengthening the positions of Germany and Japan in Afghanistan. Soviet diplomacy repeatedly asked Kabul about the pastoral convention to speed up the signing of the necessary Soviet treaties with Afghanistan. In 1936 the question of concluding a grazing convention was repeatedly raised during the negotiations on the extension of the Kabul Pact of 1931 (the Neutrality and Mutual Non-Aggression Treaty of 1931) and the conclusion of a general trade agreement with Afghanistan, through which the USSR sought to economically supplant German and Japanese goods from the market of Northern Afghanistan.
30
Iacobelli Delpiano, Pedro. "La “neutralidad” chilena en la Segunda Guerra Mundial (1939-1943): Un análisis historiográfico con énfasis en la literatura sobre las relaciones Chile-Japón." Revista de Historia y Geografía, no. 34 (September 13, 2016): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07194145.34.356.
Abstract:
ResumenLa literatura sobre la historia internacional de Chile durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial ha centrado el debate en torno al juego de presiones ejercidas por los Estados Unidos hacia los gobiernos radicales de Jerónimo Méndez Arancibia y Juan Antonio Ríos Morales para conseguir que Chile se sumara a la política continental contra las fuerzas del Eje. La neutralidad chilena fue interpretada como una actitud traicionera por los estadounidenses y en un triunfo por los países del Eje durante 1941 a 1943. Este artículo introduce el debate y busca presentar las posibilidades historiográficas al incluir a Japón, tanto como actor relevante en la política chilena como receptor de la “neutralidad” chilena en el periodo.Palabras clave: Chile, Japón, Segunda Guerra Mundial, Estados Unidos, historiografíaThe Chilean “Neutrality” in World War II (1939-1943): A historiographical analysis focused on the literature of the diplomatic relations between Chile and JapanAbstractThe literature about Chile´s international history during World War II has heavily laid on the power dynamics between the US and the Chilean radical governments of vice-president (interim) Jerónimo Méndez Arancibia and president Juan Antonio Rios Morales. Since the Roosevelt administration sought to secure the rupture of diplomatic relations between Chile and the Axis powers, Santiago´s refusal to break relations was understood as treason by the US and as a diplomatic success by the Axis powers during 1941-1943.This paper delves into the historiographical possibilities in including Japan, either as a relevant actor in the Chilean politics and as receptor of the newsabout Chile´s neutrality.Keywords: Chile, Japan, Second World War, United States, historiographyA “neutralidade” chilena na segunda guerra mundial(1939-1943): uma análise historiográfica, com ênfase naliteratura sobre as relações Chile-JapãoResumoA literatura sobre a história internacional do Chile durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial tem-se centrado no debate em torno ao jogo de pressões exercidas pelos Estados Unidos aos governos radicais de Jerónimo Méndez Arancibia e Juan Antonio Rios Morales, para conseguir que o Chile pudesse se somar a política continental contra as forças do Eixo. A neutralidade chilena foi interpretada como uma atitude traiçoeira pelos norte-americanos e uma vitória para os países do Eixo durante 1941 a 1943. Este artigo introduz o debate e procura a presentar as possibilidades historiográficas ao incluir ao Japão, tanto como um ator relevante na política chilena como o destinatário da “neutralidade” chilena no período.Palavras-chave: Chile, Japão, Segunda Guerra Mundial, Estados Unidos, historiografia
31
Dore, Ronald. "In Search of the Adequate Level of Intelligence - Martin Chick (ed.): Governments and Markets: Aspects of Government-Industry Relations in the UK, Japan, West Germany and the USA since 1945, Aldershot, Edward Elgar, 1990, viii and 229 pp., £38.50." Government and Opposition 26, no. 4 (October 1, 1991): 526–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb00410.x.
32
Stockwin, J. A. A., Masumi Junnosuke, and Lonny E. Carlile. "Postwar Politics in Japan, 1945-1955." Pacific Affairs 60, no. 1 (1987): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758845.
33
Swan, William L. "Japan's Intentions for Its Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere as Indicated in Its Policy Plans for Thailand." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 27, no. 1 (March 1996): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400010742.
Abstract:
The article examines the intent of the Japanese for their Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. It relies on documents that the Japanese government prepared in September 1942 which set forth prospective policy towards Thailand as a member of the Co-Prosperity Sphere. The proposals in these documents specified the political and diplomatic relations Japan expected to have with Thailand, and they were very specific regarding Japan's control over Thailand's economy as a part of the Co-Prosperity Sphere. The documents indicate that the Japanese were aiming at establishing a well-organized, well-regulated sphere as a unity under the direction of Japan. The organic nature that the Japanese envisioned for the Co-Prosperity Sphere was patterned on the same organic unity that they had applied to building and controlling their empire between 1895 and 1940.
34
Stronach, Bruce, Hitoshi Abe, Muneyuki Shindo, Sadafumi Kawato, and James W. White. "The Government and Politics of Japan." Pacific Affairs 68, no. 3 (1995): 438. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2761153.
35
Reed, Steven R., Hitoshi Abe, Muneyuki Shindo, Sadafumi Kawato, and James W. White. "The Government and Politics of Japan." Journal of Japanese Studies 21, no. 2 (1995): 486. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/133030.
36
Morozov, S. V. "POLAND AND THE EASTERN PACT." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University, no. 4 (January 10, 2018): 80–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2017-4-80-84.
Abstract:
The article features the activities of the Soviet and the Polish governments aimed at creating the so-called Eastern Pact in 1933 – the spring of 1935. The archives of Soviet intelligence declassified in the 2000s show that while the Soviet government fought for the pact, the governments of Poland, Germany and Japan were secretly preparing to conduct a policy of aggression against the USSR as early as in 1935; the secret sponsor and mastermind behind the plan was representatives of the British ruling circles. The major figures of the group were the head of the Bank of England M. Norman and the head of the House of Lords and the Minister of War, Lord Hailsham. By the spring of 1935, the Soviet political authorities already possessed all the information of strategic importance, which allowed them to take the necessary action. In March 1935, the Chinese Eastern Railway was sold, in April they publicized the secret Polish-German treaty signed on 25 February, 1934; on 2 May the Franco-Soviet treaty of mutual assistance was signed, and a similar treaty with Czechoslovakia was concluded on 16 May. Thus, the minor collective security system was established, which would put an end to the plans of Berlin, Tokyo and Warsaw to unleash their anti-Soviet intervention before the end of 1935.
37
SAALER, S. "War Memory and Social Politics in Japan, 1945-2005." Social Science Japan Journal 11, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 140–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ssjj/jyn004.
38
Hirano, Takashi. "Retailing in urban Japan, 1868–1945." Urban History 26, no. 3 (December 1999): 373–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926899000334.
Abstract:
In Japan, department stores and public markets grew rapidly from the early twentieth century, and these had significant impacts on both consumers and traditional retailers. Despite pressures from the large-scale retailers, however, traditional, small-scale retailers stubbornly survived. As a result, the Japanese retail system in the pre-war period was characterized as ‘the dual structure’. In addition, the government played a critical role in Japan's retail development. These features can be accounted for as reflections of the unique modernization process of the country.
39
Shackleton, Michael. "The new Europe: politics, government and economy since 1945." International Affairs 69, no. 4 (October 1993): 788. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620657.
40
Conrad, Sebastian. "War Memory and Social Politics in Japan, 1945-2005 (review)." Monumenta Nipponica 62, no. 2 (2007): 232–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mni.2007.0032.
41
Zahara, Mina, and Agus Fiadi. "Sistem Pemerintahan Jepang Pada Muslim Jambi Syu Tahun 1942-1945." Ishlah: Jurnal Ilmu Ushuluddin, Adab dan Dakwah 4, no. 1 (June 21, 2022): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32939/ishlah.v4i1.147.
Abstract:
This research is motivated by the author's observations on Japanese heritage in Jambi. Whether in the form of documents, objects and buildings. Meanwhile, the information regarding the Japanese occupation in Jambi is still insufficient and complete. Therefore the authors are interested in raising the title Reconstruction of the Dynamics of the Japanese Occupation Government in Jambi Syu. 1942-1945 AD. The research objective was to describe the state of Jambi prior to the Japanese occupation. Then describe the history of the Japanese entry in Jambi. Next, he describes the government system that was applied during the Japanese occupation in Jambi. This type of research is literature research using descriptive analytical methods with a historical approach using historical method work steps, the researcher will try to describe and tell what the author found in a thesis entitled Reconstruction of the Dynamics of Japanese Occupation Government in Jambi Syu. 1942-1945 AD. The results of this study indicate that before Japan conquered the Jambi residency, Japan first carried out propaganda in various aspects. Only then did Japan conquer. The government system used by Japan is different from the government system applied during the Dutch administration. the government system applied is a militaristic government sistem. This change has had a profound impact on the lives of the people of Jambi. Although using a different government system, the government structure used follows the old structure with changes in the pronunciation of each position into Japanese.
42
Matsuura, Masahiro. "How the New Government Utilizes Emerging Internet Media in Japan." Asian Politics & Policy 2, no. 4 (September 7, 2010): 671–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1943-0787.2010.01222.x.
43
Swan, William L. "Thai-Japanese Relations at the Start of the Pacific War: New Insight into a Controversial Period." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 18, no. 2 (September 1987): 270–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400020555.
Abstract:
Thailand's relations with Japan during the months surrounding the outbreak of the war in the Pacific are a topic of controversy in Thai historiography; and despite a growing number of studies which have endeavoured to explain, or at least shed light on, the rapid shift in Thai policy from neutrality on 8 December 1941 to an alliance and then declaration of war on the side of Japan by 25 January 1942, little progress or development in the debate has taken place over the decades since the war. This unsatisfactory situation has been largely due to the very limited knowledge available about the diplomatic activities that took place between Thailand and Japan during the period in question. The bulk of our information to date has come from records and recollections of Thais and Europeans involved in the events, and this has concentrated almost entirely on the activities and interplay of Thais and Europeans. The result has been to relegate Japan's presence in events of the period to some dimly perceived undertakings conducted by sinister characters who were nothing more than Thailand's enemies bent on absorbing that country into Japan's new East Asian order. The following article is an effort to redress this imbalance somewhat by directing attention toward Thai-Japanese relations. I have relied greatly on a number of dispatches that passed between Bangkok and Tokyo during the autumn of 1941. Some of the most important of these are available only from “Magic”, the files of intercepted and deciphered Japanese diplomatic messages accumulated by the United States government. The Japanese Foreign Ministry archive files on diplomatic correspondence with Thailand are extremely incomplete, and none of the messages I used from “Magic” are contained in the Japanese files.
44
Orr, James J. "Franziska Seraphim.War Memory and Social Politics in Japan, 1945–2005.:War Memory and Social Politics in Japan, 1945–2005.(Harvard East Asian Monographs, number 278.)." American Historical Review 113, no. 2 (April 2008): 476–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.2.476.
45
Yang, Yiting. "The Soviet–Japanese Neutrality Pact of April 13, 1941: China's response." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 2 (February 2021): 67–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.2.35602.
Abstract:
The subject of this research is response of the government, political parties, and society of the Republic of China to signing the Neutrality Pact between the USSR and Japan on April 13, 1941 – one of the crucial bilateral agreements of the World War II, which entailed fundamental changes to the Far Eastern international system. The Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact negatively affected the relations between the Soviet Union and the Republic of China. The goal of this work is to objectively assess the impact of the Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact of April 13, 1941 upon the domestic and foreign policy of the Chinese government, as well as further development of the Sino-Soviet relations. The novelty of this work consists in the fact that based on the poorly studied Russian and foreign documentary materials, the author examines the questions that have been rarely touched upon within the Russian historiography, such as: China’s response to conclusion of the Neutrality Pact between the USSR and Japan; its effect upon Sino-Soviet relations. The conclusion is made that the Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact of April 13, 1941, which marked the most difficult moment of the Sino-Japanese War, was a psychological blow to China. The position of the Kuomintang government was ambivalent: on the one hand, it refrained from the public anti-Soviet propaganda; while on the other hand, used dissatisfaction of China’s population to enhance pressure on its major political opponent – China’s Communist Party. Therefore, the Sino-Soviet relations in general did not experience severe problems; however, the internal split in the Chinese society has worsened, which substantially undermined the formation of Second United Front.
46
Kim, Myunghee, and Mychal Voorhees. "Government Effectiveness and Institutional Trust in Japan, South Korea, and China." Asian Politics & Policy 3, no. 3 (July 2011): 413–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1943-0787.2011.01278.x.
47
Zinchenko, O. V. "Evolution of the Constitution of Japan (1889-1946): comparative research." Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no. 1 (July 2, 2022): 20–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2022.01.3.
Abstract:
A comparative analysis of the constitutions of Japan in 1889 and 1946, their common features and differences.
It is concluded that both Basic Laws meant the second, after ancient Chinese law, and the third reception of foreign law. The common features and differences inherent in the constitutions, due to the combination of the influence of foreign law with Japanese traditions, and the importance of constitutions in ensuring rapid and effective political and socio-economic development of the country at two historical stages.
Common features include small volumes of texts, the proclamation of Japan as a constitutional monarchy by both basic laws, the consolidation of the principle of separation of powers, the duty of subordinates and citizens to pay taxes, the emperor's right to dissolve the lower house of parliament, constitution by foreign legal ideas, foreign law with Japanese traditions, promoting rapid and effective political and socio-economic development and improving the legal culture of the population.
The differences are the enshrinement of the 1946 Constitution, the principle of people's sovereignty, the radical limitation of the emperor's powers, the proclamation of parliament as the supreme body of state power, the abolition of the hereditary chamber of parliament as part of parliament, its replacement by an elected chamber of advisers parliament, the elimination of estates, the consolidation of political and socio-economic rights of citizens, the declaration of their inviolability and the principle of pacifism. Constitutions differ in the responsibility of deputies for expressing opinions outside parliament, the presence or absence of a section in the text on the government, the Secret Imperial Council, the content of the independence of the judiciary, its structure, the status of the emperor, the powers of government.
Also among the differences are the formation of constitutions under the influence of different legal families: Anglo-American law on the Basic Law of 1946 and Romano-Germanic law on the content of the Constitution of 1889. The content of the constitutional monarchy is different: the first basic law provides broad executive and legislative powers of the emperor, and the second ‒ a parliamentary monarchy, with purely ceremonial prerogatives of the emperor.
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Colistete, Renato P. "Productivity, Wages, and Labor Politics in Brazil, 1945–1962." Journal of Economic History 67, no. 1 (March 2007): 93–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050707000046.
Abstract:
After World War II Brazil experienced exceptionally high economic growth, ranking tenth among the largest economies by 1960. Yet evidence shows that real wages lagged far behind productivity, especially from 1956, the heyday of “developmentalism”—an economic ideology aimed at state-led, accelerated industrialization, with foreign and domestic private capital as active partners. The outcome diverged from that of the “social compact for growth,” the cornerstone of the “golden age” in Europe and Japan. A key reason was that in Brazil left-wingers controlled the main trade unions and pushed an agenda of social reform that was widely rejected by industrialists.
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Assmann, Stephanie, and Sebastian Maslow. "“Digital Government” in Japan: A Selective Survey of Japanese Ministry Web Sites." Asian Politics & Policy 2, no. 2 (April 2, 2010): 291–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1943-0787.2010.01191.x.
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Nakamura, Keisuke. "Book Review: Industrial Relations, Politics Government: Disparaged Success: Labor Politics in Postwar Japan." ILR Review 53, no. 4 (July 2000): 713–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979390005300410.