Journal articles on the topic 'Japan Political aspects'
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Shkura, Iryna S., and Oleksii O. Yaloza. "PRACTICAL ASPECTS OF ELABORATION OF INTERNATIONAL INVESTMENT PROJECT IN EDUCATION SPHERE IN JAPAN." Європейський вектор економічного розвитку 1, no. 32 (June 2022): 108–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.32342/2074-5362-2022-1-32-10.
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In Japan, one of the strongest economies in the world and home to 125 million people, proficiency in English language is associated with the huge advantages and signifies privilege since the Meiji era when English was used as a tool by Japanese elite in a technological catch-up with the West. The seven years of U.S. occupation of the country after the Second World War have also left a big impact on the Japan’s economic, political and social development. The reconstruction of Japan aided by Americans altered the perception of Japanese people, associating English language with such ideas like freedom and democracy. During the seven years of occupation the country faced a lot of political and economic changes, including liberalization, and was slowly transitioning its central industries from agriculture to light manufacturing and later to heavy manufacturing. The economy of Japan has been slowly recovering from an era of economic stagnation, it is on the path of the moderate growth. Today, it is the third strongest economy with the nominal GDP of about $5.06 trillion that is focused on advanced manufacturing and export, agriculture, fishing and tourism. Japan is very special and different from other countries; a lot of great companies and unique business practices were born there. It is also leading in high-tech innovations and manufacturing. While having a lot of opportunities for various businesses, being politically stable and safe country, its bureaucracy and the comparative difficulty of doing business for foreigners makes it a controversial but potentially rewarding choose for an investment project. In the recent years, the necessity of knowing how to communicate in English has increased significantly. The school program focuses mainly on such skills as reading and writing, and a lot of attempts to reform the system has failed. That is why parents and students are approaching private language schools to master the abilities of speaking and listening. In addition, English teaching is one of the most popular jobs for foreigners in Japan. The language school market is quite saturated, but at given circumstances it can be very rewarding. The idea of the investment project is to create a private language school that will focus on giving Japanese people the practical English skills. The project involves the creation of Gōdō Kaisha (a Japanese analogue to the LLC). This type of incorporation fits the company best, considering the size and scale of the activities. As the company is not planning to issue certificates, the need for special licensing from the state is absent. Appointing a representative director is obligatory in Japan, but GK, allows to appoint a representative director who is not a resident in Japan. The company plans to hire the foreigners already living in Japan, that way the company will be
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OTHMAN, Suha Adel. "NOBUSUKE KISHI AND HIS ROLE IN JAPANESE POLITICS (1957- 1960)." Rimak International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.15.4.
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The study touched on an important topic in Japan, which is (Prime Minister of Japan Nobusuke Kishi from 1957-1960) and he also had an "important political role because of his great importance to Japan, where in this year (1957) he became the Prime Minister of Japan and had a great role in his proximity It was also characterized by a policy of establishing good relations with European countries for joint cooperation in order to establish friendly relations and establish security agreements, especially with the United States of America. Nobusuke Kishi was the great statesman, especially in the field of economy, and he was loved by the United States of America because of its strong and reassuring relations with him. The study was divided into an introduction, a conclusion, and three sections. The first topic dealt with Nobusuke Kishi, his life and political role until 1957. While the second topic spoke to Nobusuke Kishi's internal policy in Japan, as well as regarding the third topic, it shed light on it, dealing with Nobusuke Kishi's foreign policy. Finally, it should be noted that Nobusuke Kishi's political role still needs more studies and research, especially since this modest effort touched on one aspect of the political aspect. We hope that later studies will address the economic, social and cultural aspects that had an important impact on Japan's policy and in In conclusion. Key words: Nobusuke Kishi, Japan, Political, United States of America, Foreign Policy.
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Kazakov, M. A., and M. S. Lyscev. "MILITARY AND POLITICAL ASPECTS OF RUSSIAN-JAPANESE RELATIONS IN 1990 – EARLY XX CENTURY." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University, no. 1 (April 25, 2018): 24–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2018-1-24-30.
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The article considers the most significant aspects of military cooperation between Russia and Japan within the framework of the development of interstate relations in the Post-Soviet period. It features the main factors that influence the content and intensity of contacts between the defense departments. The current study assesses the interaction in the context of the military-political situation in the north of the Asia-Pacific region and the models of the development of the Russian Military Forces and Japan's self-defense forces. The process of cooperation in the field of defense policy has been divided into several chronological stages, but the stability of the region has always remained a priority. It is concluded that further development of military cooperation between Russia and Japan may give positive results in the fight against international terrorism, as well as prevent uncontrolled actions in case a negative scenario unfolds on the Korean peninsula. The interaction of the Russian Federation and Japan in the military sphere and security is becoming one of the drivers of the development of relations between the countries in the near future, along with economic and technological spheres and cultural exchange. The process of military cooperation between the states, in turn, has already become a factor of stability in the northern part of the Asia-Pacific region.
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Mostipan, O. M. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ASPECTS OF THE FIRST STATE HISTORY OF JAPAN "NIHON SHOKI"." Humanities Studies, no. 31 (2018): 74–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-6805.2018/31-7/11.
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The article analyzes the historical and socio-political foundations for the first draft of the state history in Japan, which gave impetus to the processes of institutional building, as well as the design of mechanisms and structures of government that have proved their effectiveness for centuries in the future.
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Árnason, Jóhann Páll. "Civilizational Aspects of Japanese History: Continuities and Discontinuities." HISTORICKÁ SOCIOLOGIE 13, no. 2 (November 29, 2021): 105–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/23363525.2021.20.
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This paper discusses the merits and problems of civilizational perspectives on Japanese history, with particular reference to the task of combining a comparative approach with valid points made by those who see Japan as a highly self-contained cultural world. After a brief consideration of Claude Lévi-Strauss’s reflections on Japan, the central section of the paper deals with Shmuel Eisenstadt’s work. His conception of Japan as a distinctive civilization characterized by pre-axial patterns is rejected on the grounds that the native mode of thought which he proposes to describe is more plausibly interpreted as an offshoot of Chinese traditions, although a notably autonomous and historically changing one. The transmission of Daoism to Japan, although much less explicit than the reception of Confucianism and Buddhism, was of crucial importance. That said, Eisenstadt’s concrete analyses of Japanese ways to transform foreign inputs are often detailed and insightful, and his comments on the relationship between culture and institutions raise important questions, although they must in many cases be reformulated in more historical terms. The paper discusses the genesis, dynamics and collapse of the Tokugawa regime (1600–1868), and concludes with reflections on Japanese modernity, up to and including its present crisis.
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Pratidina, Indah S. "Online Perspectives on ASEAN-Japan Relations: An Analysis of ASEAN-related Japanese Tweets." IKAT : The Indonesian Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 2, no. 1 (July 24, 2018): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/ikat.v2i1.37393.
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ASEAN targets internal integration and strong external relations with its partner countries. Japan has stressed its long-standing support for ASEAN. The year 2013 saw the 40th anniversary of Japan-ASEAN relations when Japanese state actors put considerable efforts into marking this anniversary. Although Japan remains one of ASEAN's largest trading partners and sources of foreign direct investment, recent years has witnessed power relations dynamic in the region with China and South Korea actively engaging as well. State actors’ statements and mainstream media coverage on ASEAN-Japan relations, particularly on economic and political security issues, had been the heavy focus of scholars interested in the field. An analysis of social media, and in particular Twitter, offers alternative insights for a more comprehensive observation. The total of 3.29 million tweets containing the word “ASEAN” were collected from November 2013 to December 2015. From the dataset, it was identified that tweets using Japanese language are the third highest in volume after Indonesian and English. Content analyses were conducted to answer the questions on how ASEAN as an entity is viewed by the populations of its partner countries; which aspects of the integration project attract Twitter users’ interests also, in the relation to strong external relations that ASEAN want to pursue, which countries are mentioned in the tweets and on which aspects? Using keywords from the Blueprints of ASEAN Community’s integration aspects, the tweets were categorized as related to economics, political-security and socio-cultural topics. Countries mentioned in the dataset were counted and then categorized according to these aspects as well. The study finds economic and political-security themed tweets are the largest in volume with heavy mentioning of Japan, China and South Korea. Results suggest that online conversations about ASEAN are still strongly influenced by government and mainstream media’s agenda.
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Dyachkov, I. V. "“COMFORT WOMEN” ISSUE AND RELATIONS BETWEEN SOUTH KOREA AND JAPAN: HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL ASPECTS." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities 21, no. 10 (162) (2016): 104–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2016-21-10(162)-104-109.
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Koshiro, Kazutoshi. "Formal and Informal Aspects of Labor Dispute Resolution in Japan." Law & Policy 22, no. 3‐4 (October 2000): 353–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9930.00097.
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Dikarev, A. D. "CHINA AND JAPAN: TERRITORIAL CONFLICT OR REGIONAL COOPERATION?" Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 5 (December 20, 2017): 162–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-5-162-171.
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About some recent trends in economic and political relations between Japan and China. The opinions and conclusions of Western Russian and Japanese scholars with regard to the Chinese policy of Shinzo Abe government and Japanese aspects of Chinese foreign policy under Xi Jinping are considered. Special attention is paid to the ambiguous attitudes of both states to territorial conflicts and their strategy of exploration of islands in the open sea. Evident traces of “double standards“ can be revealed in the political declarations and actions of both countries. Controversies between China and Japan are dangerously aggravating especially with a prospect of strengthening China’s positions in the Asia-Pacific region. Nevertheless solving of territorial question will depend mainly on the outcome of economic rather than military competition between China and Japan.
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Kimura, Mitsuhiko. "Financial Aspects of Korea's Economic Growth under Japanese Rule." Modern Asian Studies 20, no. 4 (October 1986): 793–820. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00013731.
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Feeling strong pressure from Western Powers Japan abandoned her seclusion policy in 1854 and inaugurated serious efforts to modernize her society and economy after the Meiji Restoration in 1868. She, in turn, forced Korea who had been keeping the seclusion policy on her own to open the door in 1876. The feudal Korean government (the Yi Dynasty, 1392–1910) was impelled to embark on social and economic reforms by opening the door. Yet, after nearly thirty years’ struggle to make reforms and to secure the independence of the country, Korea was converted into a protectorate of Japan in 1905 and was officially annexed to her in 1910. The Japanese government recognized that the creation of modern monetary and banking systems in Korea was the precondition for trade expansion between the two countries (for Japan, rice imports on the one hand and textile exports on the other) and thus started its colonial rule over Korea by establishing a central bank, development banks and financial cooperatives. This paper aims at setting forth an analysis of a more or less unexplored field in the study of the economic history of Korea, that is, the financial aspects of her economic growth under Japanese rule. Particularly, emphasis will be placed on quantitative analysis of major financial variables represented by money, interest rates and bank credit. Before proceeding to the main subject, it may well serve to review some of the financial problems in the late Yi Dynasty period.
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Djurayevna, Rasuleva Ilmira. "The Need To Train Specialists With Knowledge Of The Japanese Language In The Context Of The Modern Development Of Uzbek-Japanese Relations." American Journal of Social Science and Education Innovations 03, no. 05 (May 31, 2021): 446–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajssei/volume03issue05-79.
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This article analyses the economic and political aspects of relations between the Republic of Uzbekistan and Japan. The importance of bilateral relations between the Republic of Uzbekistan and Japan in terms of training highly qualified specialists is emphasized. The author points out that the importance of training specialists with knowledge of the Japanese language is important due to the following factors: the growth of economic cooperation between Japan and Uzbekistan, which indicates the need for training for negotiations and joint activities; development of cooperation in the field of joint research and participation in training; development of cooperation in the field of tourism.
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Tanabe, Shunsuke. "Sociological studies on nationalism in Japan." International Sociology 36, no. 2 (March 2021): 171–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02685809211005347.
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Issues regarding nationalism have been increasing since the 1990s on an international scale. This article reviews and summarizes the current state of sociological studies concerning Japanese nationalism and the changes therein, as many sociologists in Japan have focused on nationalism and its related problems. The first half of the article examines historical sociological studies about the emergence and development of nationalism in Japan, which demystify the fictions concerning Japan’s ethnic and cultural homogeneity and describe the specific historical roots of this myth. The latter half of the article reviews various aspects of modern sociological works on Japanese nationalism. While some studies empirically show various forms of nationalism, others demonstrate political components of Japanese nationalism or inquire about this recent phenomenon and related issues that have arisen since the 2010s.
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Kondo, Hiroyuki. "Education and Social Mobility in Postwar Japan: Trends and Some Institutional Aspects." International Journal of Japanese Sociology 9, no. 1 (September 2000): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6781.2000.tb00073.x.
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Kesavan, K. V. "Japan and the Tiananmen Square Incident: Aspects of the Bilateral Relationship." Asian Survey 30, no. 7 (July 1, 1990): 669–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2644557.
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Kesavan, K. V. "Japan and the Tiananmen Square Incident: Aspects of the Bilateral Relationship." Asian Survey 30, no. 7 (July 1990): 669–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1990.30.7.01p0398i.
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Park, Keong-Suk, Ik Ki Kim, and Hiroshi Kojima. "Intergenerational Coresidence and Nearness in Korea and Japan: Unbalanced Aspects of Family Changes." International Journal of Japanese Sociology 8, no. 1 (November 1999): 93–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6781.1999.tb00066.x.
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AKABAYASHI, AKIRA, and BRIAN T. SLINGSBY. "Biomedical Ethics in Japan: The Second Stage." Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 12, no. 3 (July 2003): 261–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180103123079.
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In Japan, modern biomedical ethics emerged in the early 1980s. One of the main triggers was the nationwide debate on organ transplantation and brain death. A lengthy process of academic, religious, and political discussion concerning organ transplantation, lasting well over a few decades, resulted in the enactment of the Organ Transplantation Law in 1997.1 The defining of death and other bioethical issues, including death with dignity and euthanasia, were also stimulating topics throughout the latter end of the twentieth century. For instance, the death-with-dignity movement, which started around the late 1960s, developed into a hospice/palliative-care movement by the end of the 1980s.
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Rinchinov, A. B. "Territorial Disputes between China and Southeast Asian Countries in the XXI Century as a Source of Domestic Political Benefits for PRC." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 35 (2021): 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2021.35.47.
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The article highlights some aspects of territorial disputes of China with Vietnam and India. The author described the Chinese general public reaction on the border incidents with Vietnam, India, and Japan. The examples given by the author indicate that PRC government performs differently in each of the territorial disputes mentioned. The author has given possible reasons for different tactics used by China’s leadership in various crisis situations.
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Arrington, Celeste L. "Hiding in Plain Sight: Pseudonymity and Participation in Legal Mobilization." Comparative Political Studies 52, no. 2 (May 10, 2018): 310–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018774356.
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How and when do people participate in sustained collective action via the courts? Previous research highlights group identity or resources and political opportunities but overlooks civil procedural rules’ effects beyond the courtroom. This article explores how rules regarding privacy shape individuals’ decisions about sustained participation. Fears of exposing one’s identity deter participation, especially in the context of public trials. Yet, a paired comparison of litigation by victims of hepatitis C-tainted blood products in Japan and Korea reveals that court-supervised privacy protections, which were available in Japan but not in Korea, facilitate plaintiffs’ participation inside and outside the courtroom. They ease plaintiff recruitment and enhance claimants’ credibility. Counterintuitively, they also let claimants strategically shed pseudonymity to send a costly signal about their commitment to the cause. Theorizing “pseudonymous participation” as an understudied mode of activism between full exposure and anonymity demonstrates that seemingly technical aspects of law have significant political consequences.
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Prichard, Franz. "Introduction to “City as Landscape” (1970) by Matsuda Masao (1933–2020)." ARTMargins 10, no. 1 (February 2021): 60–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00284.
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Abstract This introduction to Masao Matsuda’s essay, “The City as Landscape,” provides an outline of the essay’s role in the emergence of a radical discourse of landscape, known as fūkei-ron in Japan. In addition to illuminating crucial aspects of the political and discursive context of Matsuda’s writings, the introduction orients contemporary readers to this essay’s contributions to an expansion of the global imaginaries and aesthetic genealogies of the radical left.
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Naumova, Elena A., and Polina I. Ananchenkova. "Representation of Socio-Political Transformation in the Contemporary Vocabulary of Japanese." RUDN Journal of Language Studies, Semiotics and Semantics 12, no. 3 (October 3, 2021): 735–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2299-2021-12-3-735-742.
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The article is devoted to the study of some social aspects of the socio-political changes impact in Japan in 2010-2020 and their contribution to the emergence of neologisms in the Japanese language. The active invasion of the English language into the vocabulary of the Japanese language is associated with social processes in Japan caused by its defeat in World War II, the period of American occupation, as well as the aggressive international policy of the 45th President of the United States Donald Trump. The aim of the work is to show the connection between the social processes in Japan and their international reflection under the pressure of US policy, and the appearance of neologisms of foreign origin in the Japanese language. Materials and methods of research: a method of structural-semantic modeling based on a detailed comparison of Japanese vocabulary. We also used a comparative method of studying socio-political processes. A sociological method was used to select the most common neologisms of foreign origin. Results of the work: we studied the neologisms of foreign origin that appeared in the last decade and have become quite densely included in the vocabulary of the Japanese language under the pressure of the countrys socio-political discourse against the background of US international policy, and, in particular, the aggressive political course of the 45th President of the United States Donald Trump in relation to Japan. In total, about 100 such neologisms were selected. We identified the most common neologisms of foreign origin through a sociological survey and studied in detail the history of the emergence of ten of them. These are lexical units that can be characterized not only as neologisms of exclusively foreign origin, but also as words of a mixed type, which are a combination of kango, words formed from roots of Chinese origin, and borrowings, as well as abbreviations of both types of new words. The work reflects the relationship between social processes in the country against the background of the international Japanese-American confrontation and the emergence of neologisms that entered the Japanese language.
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Nelidov, V. V. "Ukrainian crisis in Japan’s domestic political discourse." Japanese Studies in Russia, no. 4 (January 5, 2023): 108–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.55105/2500-2872-2022-4-108-122.
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The Ukrainian crisis, which came into its active phase in February 2022, led to the collapse of Russia’s relations with many countries, and Japan was no exception. The Japanese government expressed strong criticism of Russia’s actions and joined the anti-Russian sanctions with, probably, most vigor, compared to any other Asian nation. This makes the question about the reasons for such course pursued by Tokyo vis-à-vis Russia a particularly timely one. In Russia, there is a widespread opinion that such position held by Tokyo is caused mostly by pressure from the United States. Yet such view seems to be a gross simplification. This article attempts to analyze the positions of various participants of the Japanese foreign policy making process about the events unfolding in Ukraine. It shows that, even though all key parties, irrespective of their political orientation, take a critical stance towards the actions of the Russian Federation, their statements show some nuances reflecting their ideological priorities. For example, the ruling LDP emphasizes solidarity with the US; its junior coalition partner, Komeito, stresses humanitarian aspects and the role of the UN; the Japan Innovation Party criticizes the government for indecisiveness and calls for more active military policy, while the left-wing populist Reiwa Shinsengumi even refused to support the relevant Diet resolution to demonstrate its principled stance to the voters. There are indeed opinions which can arguably be called apologetic towards Russia. However, those holding such opinions are but a minority and are hardly able to alter the position of the government or the Japanese public as a whole. There is a virtual consensus about the issue, and nuances in the positions of major political forces are inconsequential. One would be justified to assume that, under any probable domestic political situation, Tokyo will not change its policy about the matter.
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Sato, Shigeki. "Modernity, postmodernity, and late modernity: A review of sociological theories in contemporary Japan." International Sociology 36, no. 2 (March 2021): 148–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02685809211005345.
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This article reviews three Japanese sociological theorists, who explore the nature of modernity, or late modernity, in relation to the postmodern assumption that modernization, or late modernization, is far from a single-track evolutionary process. In his criticism of viewing the modernization theory via an indigenous perspective, Yosuke Koto considers the exogenous impacts of advanced countries to illuminate the hybrid nature of modernity. Based on cognitive sociology, Masataka Katagiri explores the transformation of the self during individualization since the 19th century to illuminate several aspects of individualization in late modernity. In contrast to the symbolic model of modern sociological theories since Durkheim, Takeshi Mikami develops a diabolic theory that reveals a new perspective on the connection between individuals and society in late modernity. Referring to Japan as an important case study, these three sociological theorists provide theoretical insights on some of the complex aspects of late modernity.
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Kelly, Dominic. "Rice, Oil and the Atom: A Study of the Role of Key Material Resources in the Security and Development of Japan." Government and Opposition 40, no. 2 (2005): 278–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2005.00153.x.
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AbstractThis article examines the impact on Japan's political economy and foreign policy of its lack of natural resources. Applying the concept of Japan as a ‘reactive’ state to linked case studies of rice, oil and atomic power it explores aspects of the relationship between culture, institutions and political processes in domestic politics and foreign policy. In so doing it argues that Japan's poor resource endowments have driven it to engage (re)actively – and often unwisely – in international affairs, an engagement both facilitated and constrained by its close alliance with the United States. This mediated engagement will continue into the foreseeable future.
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Komarov, Mikhail. "CIVILISATIONAL ASPECTS OF THE INTERACTION BETWEEN PARTIES IN THE PROCESS OF THE ORGANIZING AND CONDUCTING THE OLYMPIC GAMES IN JAPAN." Eastern Analytics, no. 2 (2020): 79–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2020-02-079-084.
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The article considers the topical issue of the civilizational aspects of the interaction between parties in the process of the organizing and conducting the Olympic Games in Japan. This paper makes an attempt to consider these aspects from the perspective of two main concepts of civilization, while highlighting general civilizational trends and trends within the framework of local civilizations. The issue of deepening inter-civilization communication and understanding is analyzed. In addition, the place and potential impact of sport in resolving interstate political conflicts is considered. Specific examples of the influence of civilizational aspects on the global community within the framework of the Olympics are given. The topic of this article can be located at the interface of sociology and economics, therefore this paper may be relevant to researchers of various related scientific fields.
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Atwell, William S. "Some Observations on the “Seventeenth-Century Crisis” in China and Japan." Journal of Asian Studies 45, no. 2 (February 1986): 223–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2055842.
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For more than three decades now, scholars have been debating whether or not a “general crisis” occurred in European social, economic, and political history during the seventeenth century. The debate is far from over, but one of its happy side effects has been that students of seventeenth-century Spain, France, or England now are rarely satisfied to study their chosen countries in total isolation. Indeed, it is generally agreed that many aspects of European history during the early-modern period need to be studied from an international perspective in order to be understood fully.The author maintains that the same is true for early-modern China and Japan. Although they had radically different economic, social, and political systems, the Ming dynasty and Tokugawa shogunate experienced a number of problems during the midseventeenth century that were at once interrelated and strikingly similar to those occurring in other parts of the world at the same time.
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Budi Agustono, Nurhabsyah, Lila Pelita Hati, Junaidi, and Kiki Maulana Affandie. "Kita Sumatora Sinbun newspaper as Japanese propaganda media in East Sumatera, Indonesia, 1943-1945." Talenta Conference Series: Local Wisdom, Social, and Arts (LWSA) 3, no. 4 (December 4, 2020): 11–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.32734/lwsa.v3i4.1122.
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Japan's ambition to be an Asian giant has been shown since 1937 in the Asia-Pacific War or in Japan it is called the Great East Asian War. In an effort to win the sympathy of the Asian people, Japan carried out various propaganda campaigns. In Indonesia, the propaganda was launched by the Japanese military government was very intensive by stating that they were brothers in arms to drive out Western imperialism, and promised independence for Indonesia. To launch its propaganda, Japan facilitated and supervised what was published in Indonesian newspapers every shu. In East Sumatera, the Japanese-founded propaganda newspaper is called Kita Sumatora Sinbun. Although the coverage of Kita Sumatora Sinbun newspaper varies, almost all of the content contains propaganda for domestic and foreign consumption. This study aims to reveal why Japan formed the Kita Sumatora Sinbun newspaper as their propaganda media in East Sumatera, and how the impact of the propaganda narratives in this newspaper on the political, economic and social aspects of the people of East Sumatera.
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Shogimen, Takashi. "Treating the Body Politic: The Medical Metaphor of Political Rule in Late Medieval Europe and Tokugawa Japan." Review of Politics 70, no. 1 (2008): 77–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670508000181.
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AbstractThe essay examines medical metaphors in the discourse on government from a cross-cultural perspective. Drawing on George Lakoff and Mark Johnson's theory of metaphor, a comparison of medical metaphors in the political writings in late medieval Europe (c. 1250–c. 1450) and Tokugawa Japan (1602–1867) demonstrates that the European notion of medical treatment as the eradication of the causes of diseases magnified the coercive and punitive aspects of government, while the Japanese notion of medical treatment as the art of daily healthcare served to accentuate the government's role of preventing conflicts and maintaining stability. These differing images of medical treatment metaphorically structured contrasting conceptions of government in the two historical worlds.
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Melkonyan, Lusine. "Nationalism in Japanese Historiography of the 1990-2010s." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 9 (September 2022): 103–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2022.9.37903.
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The object of the study is the phenomenon of Japanese nationalism in foreign historiography of the 1990-2010's. The subject of the study are the factors that historically formed the concept of Japanese nationalism and its modern perception by researchers. The Japanese political model and its components, including nationalism, are often subject to biased interpretation. Western approaches to Japanese nationalism almost always boil down to the fact that Japanese individualism is considered not as a kind of individualism, but as nationalism. The author examines the works of nationalism researchers who have used various methods and approaches to the analysis of this topic in order to compare the main models of nationalism in Japan and Western states. The author uses problem-chronological and comparative research methods. The novelty of the research lies in the author's comparison and study of the concepts of national identity and nationalism used in Japan by political elites to solve the problem of consolidating power, establishing state control over all aspects of the life of Japanese society, as well as combating external threats. The study of a country with a non-Western political culture demonstrates that if in Western approaches "nationalism" is usually defined as a phenomenon, a sense of solidarity arising from a common historical experience, then nationalism in the Japanese sense is an ideological mixture of militaristic, industrial and reformist aspects of the national idea and contains many complex factors. In addition to Japanese researchers, the author also studied the works of Russian and Western researchers.
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Yanxia, YE. "Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi’s Great Power Course." Международные отношения, no. 4 (April 2022): 24–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2022.4.39023.
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The study of this article focuses on the policy of Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi (2001-2006) to establish the State as a great power. The subject of the study is selected aspects of this policy: rightconservatism, educational reforms, amendments to the constitution of Japan, military reforms, diplomatic activity in relation to the US, the UN and the Asia Pacific. The author pays special attention to the emergence of the political conjuncture that prompted Prime Minister Koizumi to carry out a series of reforms, and focuses on the transition from Japan’s economic weight to the political one during the premiership of Junichiro Koizumi. The study is based on the theory of political realism, namely, the expression of the national interests of the State in the international arena, such as national security, the interests of the national economy or the maintenance of world order. Similar political processes can be observed in Japan during the premiership of Junichiro Koizumi. In the process of research analytical method, problem-chronological and institutional are widely used. This choice is primarily due to the object and subject of the study. The author describes the course of Junichiro Koizumi: the whole set of measures and reforms is fairly comprehensive and at the same time radical. The author points out that Koizumi’s reforms have not been completed and have served as guidelines for subsequent prime ministers. The relevance of this study is conditioned by the increased political weight of Japan in both APAC and world politics; moreover, the attitude to Junichiro Koizumi’s course is polar: as P.V. Kulneva points out "On the one hand, the great-power policy of Junichiro Koizumi has become a reason for fear of a possible revival of Japanese militarism and nationalism; on the other hand, Japan’s policy of gaining political weight consistent with its economic power, is fully justified and is highly positive".
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Tamrin, Husni, and KIYOMI YAMASHITA. "ISLAMICAND CULTURE IN JAPAN: DYNAMIC AND PROBLEMATIC." Al-Fikra : Jurnal Ilmiah Keislaman 13, no. 1 (September 14, 2017): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.24014/af.v13i1.3995.
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Islam is a minority faith communities that developed in Japan. History of Religion in Japan in Japan, religious freedom is widely given by government to the people. It is contained in the quote: "Noreligious organization shall receive any privileges from the state nor exercise any political authority. No person shall be compelled to take part in any religious act, celebration, rite, or any other religious' activity. The Muslim community in Japan may have a low profile but is steadily growing as Muslims strife to overcome any difficulties they face to adapt to life in the giant Asian country. " Most Japanese participate in rituals and customs derived from several religious traditions. Life cycle events are often marked by visits to a Shinto shrine. The birth of a new baby is celebrated with a formal shrine visit at the age of about one month, as are the third, fifth, and seventh birthdays (Shichi-Go San) and the official beginning of adulthood at age twenty (Seiiinshiki). Wedding ceremonies are often performed by Shinto priests, but Christian wedding ceremonies, called howaitouedingu ("white wedding'), are also popular. These use liturgy but are not always presided over by an ordained priest. Japan today is home to a thriving Muslim community of a'bout 120,000, among nearly 127 million. in the world's tenth most populated country. Described as the Japanese, believes that human interaction is a key point to offer Japanese people a better understanding of Islam. "Islam is essentially a way of life-it is present in every aspect of the daily life of a devout Musiim," people will become interested in Islam through seeing its influence in aspects of everyday life, and that personal contoet with Muslims will help them to understand Islam better who participated ill the eetablishm.ent of the lslamic Center of Japan, islam puts a stronq emphasis on correct behavior and the virtues of charity
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Kurmyzov, Aleksandr. "To the Question of the Ideological Roots of Park Chung Hee’s Socio-political Views (1961-1979)." Problemy dalnego vostoka, no. 4 (2022): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120021381-0.
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This article analyzes the sources of South Korean President Park Chung Hee’s ideas of 1960-1970s. Park Chung Hee guided South Korea’s modernization and tried to create a state ideology that justified his political course. The evolution of this ideology was determined not only by the situation on the Korean Peninsula but also by Park’s personal views. His political views had a great influence on important political decisions in the country. The article reveals the basic roots of Park Chung Hee’s views. We analyzed the influence of Confucianism, ideas and experience of Meiji Japan and policy of Japanese militarism, North Korean Juche ideology. Park’s worldview was not monolithic, but composed of different ideas and influences. His ideas about state and society were influenced by Confucian concepts. Park being a Japanese trained officer was deeply influenced by Japanese colonial and military legacies. He borrowed many slogans and aspects of economic policy from Japan. Comparing himself with Meiji Japan’s modernizers Park Chung Hee was a Korean nationalist. He intended to build a militarily and economically developed state led by a strong leader. Park remolded his soft authoritarian regime into a unlimited dictatorship (Yushin) in 1972. His ideal of state had a lot of similarities with regime of Kim II Sung in North Korea.
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Lyubimova, Natalya S. "Образ Японии в России – старые элементы в новом оформлении." Вестник антропологии (Herald of Anthropology) 51, no. 3 (September 20, 2020): 153–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.33876/2311-0546/2020-51-3/153-167.
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This article compares the image of Japan in Russia in two periods of time: at the end of XIX – beginning of the XX c. and in modern days. It reviews the images existing in the European part of Russia. Chronological periods were chosen for comparison based on some shared traits: both economical and political relations between the two countries are relatively weak, so the mass-media potential for propaganda is only used at times when a certain political problem becomes relevant (Russan-Japanese war/ the peace treaty problem and the Kuril Islands dispute), while there also is a fashion for Japanese or pseudo-Japanese products (japonisme in art, incl. decorative arts and literature/ Japanese cuisine, cartoons etc.). The image of Japan at the beginning of the XX c. is described based on literature with the use of journalistic and scientific publications. In addition, the author used pulp fiction as a source, which has not been previously done in research by Russian scholars. Analysis of the modern image of Japan is based on the results of a questionnaire survey, conducted via Internet in June 2019, and supplemented by the non-formalized content analysis of the on-line mass media. Image of Japan as special case of an image of the Other has one permanent trait – it is exotic. This exoticism comes from the notion of Japanese traditionalism as well as from perceiving Japan as a futuristic land. Both of these aspects can have negative or positive connotations. The historical part of this research shows how these connotations shift depending on the historical context and views of a particular author. The 2019 survey demonstrated the predominance of positive characterizations in the modern image of Japan and also that mass-media have little effect on this image.
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MITTER, RANA, and AARON WILLIAM MOORE. "China in World War II, 1937–1945: Experience, Memory, and Legacy." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 2 (February 10, 2011): 225–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x10000387.
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AbstractChina's long war against Japan from 1937 to 1945 has remained in the shadows of historiography until recently, both in China and abroad. In recent years, the opening of archives and a widening of the opportunity to discuss the more controversial aspects of the wartime period in China itself have restored World War II in China (‘the War of Resistance to Japan’) to a much more central place in historical interpretation. Among the areas that this issue covers are the new socio-political history of the war that seeks to restore rationality to the policies of the Guomindang (Nationalist) party, as well as a new understanding in post-war China of the meaning of the war against Japan in shaping Cold War and post-Cold War politics in China. In doing so, it seeks to make more explicit the link between themes that shaped the experience of World War II in China to the war's legacy in later politics and the uses of memory of the conflict in contemporary Chinese society.
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Zhang, Yan Li, Chun Lei Gu, and Yong Jian Ding. "The German Nuclear Phase-Out Plan and its Impact." Advanced Materials Research 347-353 (October 2011): 1621–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.347-353.1621.
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Germany announced on 30 May 2011 that it will shut down all of its 17 nuclear power stations by 2022 (8 of them immediately, the others step by step), which makes Germany become the first developed country in the world that totally give up the nuclear power and fulfill the change of energy structure after the Fukushima nuclear accident in Japan. The paper analyses the political, economic, social and technical aspects of this decision and its consequences for Germany and its possible impact worldwide.
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Kim, Jeong-Ran. "The Borderline of ‘Empire’: Japanese Maritime Quarantine in Busan c.1876–1910." Medical History 57, no. 2 (March 21, 2013): 226–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2012.104.
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AbstractThis paper seeks to balance the regional and thematic focus of cholera historiography by examining maritime quarantine in Busan, as it was devised and implemented by Japanese officials and doctors during the pre-colonial period. It also places the relationship between Korea and Japan in the context of relations with China, Russia and Britain. This paper shows that quarantine measures in Busan and other Korean ports reflected the rise of Japanese imperial power and the increasing desire on the part of the Japanese to establish an effective borderline for their regional empire.From 1879 Japan began to impose maritime quarantine in Busan, where Japanese influence was very strong even before the colonial period, though at that time Japan was unable to perform quarantine in its own ports independently due to the objections of Western powers, particularly Britain. Victories in the Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese wars established Japan as a regional power on equal terms with the West, and as the dominant power in Korea and Eastern Asia. With the acquisition of the right to impose quarantine in its homeland, Japan strengthened and extended the range of quarantine from Japan to Korea, China and Russia. Now quarantine screened Japan from potentially harmful agents – pathogenic and political – and its functions diversified further as modernisation and imperial expansion gathered pace. The reliance which Japan placed upon quarantine in maintaining its empire explains why it was increasingly out of step with other powers regarding international sanitary precautions. The Japanese maritime quarantine in Busan during this period therefore shows many aspects of Japan’s ‘national empire’.
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Solís, Mireya. "Japan's New Regionalism: The Politics of Free Trade Talks with Mexico." Journal of East Asian Studies 3, no. 3 (December 2003): 377–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800001570.
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Since late 1998, Japan reversed its exclusive support for the multilateral trade regime and endorsed for the first time bilateral and preferential trade pacts, signing one with Singapore, negotiating another with Mexico, and announcing free trade talks with South Korea. The newfound Japanese interest in pursuing free trade agreements (FTAs) therefore represents one of the most significant departures in Japanese trade diplomacy of the past half-century. This article seeks to explain the birth of a preferential trading policy in a country that until recently had been a staunch multilateralist, and to analyze the reasons for the launch of FTA negotiations between Japan and Mexico. Indeed, one of the most remarkable aspects of Japan's new trade bilateralism is its cross-regional orientation, seeking preferential trade with a Latin American nation. Trade negotiations with Mexico are of great consequence to the development of Japan's FTA strategy for one more reason. Japan has embarked on this new regionalism to offset the negative effects of competing FTAs, but at the same time it has tried to minimize agricultural concessions to bilateral trade partners. Mexico is the first large agricultural exporter that Japan has approached for trade negotiations and is therefore an important test for the success of the Japanese FTA strategy.
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Guan, Yichen, Dustin Tingley, David Romney, Amaney Jamal, and Robert Keohane. "Chinese views of the United States: evidence from Weibo." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 20, no. 1 (August 10, 2018): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcy021.
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Abstract We study Chinese attitudes toward the United States, and secondarily toward Japan, Russia, and Vietnam, by analyzing social media discourse on the Chinese social media site, Weibo. We focus separately on a general analysis of attitudes and on Chinese responses to specific international events involving the United States. In general, we find that Chinese netizens are much more interested in US politics than US society. Their views of the United States are characterized by deep ambivalence; they have remarkably favorable attitudes toward many aspects of US influence, whether economic, political, intellectual, or cultural. Attitudes toward the United States become negative when the focus turns to US foreign policy – actions that Chinese netizens view as antithetical to Chinese interests. On the contrary, attitudes toward Japan, Russia, and Vietnam vary a great deal from one another. The contrast between these differentiated Chinese views toward the United States and other countries, on the one hand, and the predominant anti-Americanism in the Middle East, on the other, is striking.
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Parvin, Gulsan Ara, Md Habibur Rahman, S. M. Reazul Ahsan, Md Anwarul Abedin, and Mrittika Basu. "Media discourse in China and Japan on the COVID-19 pandemic: comparative analysis of the first three months." Journal of Information, Communication and Ethics in Society 20, no. 2 (January 10, 2022): 308–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jices-05-2021-0047.
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Purpose This study aims to analyze how English-language versions of e-newspapers in the first two countries affected, China and Japan, which are non-English-speaking countries and have different socio-economic and political settings, have highlighted Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic news and informed the global community. Design/methodology/approach A text-mining approach was used to explore experts’ thoughts as published by the two leading English-language newspapers in China and Japan from January to March 2020. This study analyzes the Opinion section, which mainly comprises editorial and the op-ed section. The current study groups all editorial discussions and highlights into ten major aspects, which cover health, economy, politics, culture and others. Findings Within the first three months, the media in both China and Japan shifted their focus from health and preparedness to the economy, politics and social welfare. Governance and social welfare were key concerns in China’s news media, while, in contrast, global politics received the highest level of attention from experts in Japan’s news media. Environment and technologies aspects did not receive much attention by the expert’s columns. Originality/value At the initial stage of a world crisis, how leading nations and initially affected nations deal with the problem, how media play their role and guide mass population with experts’ thoughts are highlighted here. The understanding developed in this study can provide guidance to news media in other countries in playing effective roles in the management of this health crisis and catastrophes.
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Schmiegelow, Michèle. "Cutting across doctrines: positive adjustment in Japan." International Organization 39, no. 2 (1985): 261–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300026977.
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Japan's economy keeps changing too fast, its economic policies are too active and independent, and its domestic structures seemingly deviate too much from Western patterns to conform to theories that rely on general equilibrium in mature economies. Static economics, including recent monetarist, supply-side, and rational expectations models, some aspects of dynamic and development economics, and most of the neoliberal current in international relations theory are seriously challenged. On the other hand, the mercantilist paradigm, theories focusing on the role of the state, and analyses exclusively adopting the subsystemic level of international relations theory have substantial problems with the ample evidence of adaptation to external factors, the dynamism and Schumpeterian qualities of Japanese private enterprises and the far-reaching liberalization of Japan's foreign-exchange and foreign-trade control regime. As the only OECD member to have pursued “anticipatory adjustment” on the macrolevel and as the obvious model for the OECD category of “positive adjustment,” Japan presents a case of universal relevance. It suggests propositions linking targets and instruments of quantitative and qualitative policies, as well as processes of internalization of global factors and externalization of domestic factors. It provides material for revising, extending, and integrating international relations theory and the theory of economic policy.
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Huang, Chih‐Wen, and Ai‐Ping Tai. "A Cross‐cultural comparison of customer value perceptions for products: consumer aspects in East Asia." Cross Cultural Management: An International Journal 10, no. 4 (December 1, 2003): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/13527600310797685.
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With increasing competition in the global marketplace, a prime and basic question for many enterprises is how to construct a global strategy for existing product mixes through standardization or localization, so as to achieve success in regional or local markets. The purpose of this paper is to investigate customer value perceptions of products, to view what variables are important to consumers, and lastly to make comparisons via a cross‐cultural study. Using the same survey method to collect data from Taipei (Taiwan), Seoul (South Korea), Shanghai (China), and Tokyo (Japan), perceived customer values of products were collected together in a List of customer values. The results yielded a wide array of both crosscultural differences and similarities in East Asia.
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Vayno, A. A. "Comparative Legal Analysis of the Systems of Executive Power in Russia and Japan." Actual Problems of Russian Law 15, no. 9 (September 29, 2020): 195–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2020.118.9.195-205.
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The paper is devoted to the comparative legal aspects of the study of executive power systems in Russia and Japan. These states, despite the significant difference in both the political and legal historical path and modern forms of government and state structure, have a number of common constitutional and legal features. Both countries have chosen a legal strategy aimed at the full-fledged building of a democratic rule of law. Comparison of executive-power systems reveals both serious similarities and significant differences in the statics and dynamics of their daily functioning. If in Russia ministers perform rather an administrative and managerial function and are actually deprived of many of their own political prerogatives, in Japan the top officials of ministries are, as a rule, public politicians. The difference also lies in the procedure for appointing heads of executive departments — in Russia in this process, the primary role is assigned to the personal will of the elected head of state, in Japan — to the collective will of the elite, self-organizing and legitimized through parliamentary elections. At the same time, a number of common features correspond to the governments of these countries, both in terms of their legal nature and in terms of their functions. These circumstances indicate the need to intensify comparative legal research in this direction in order to clarify questions about the further expediency of the mutual reception of norms and institutions related to the corresponding public law orders.
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Zwerman, Gilda, Patricia Steinhoff, and Donatella Porta. "Disappearing Social Movements: Clandestinity in The Cycle of new Left Protest in The U.S., Japan, Germany, and Italy." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 5, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.5.1.0w068105721660n0.
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Research on social movements has paid little attention to the dynamics of clandestine mobilization as an integral element ofprotest cycles. Studies ofsixteen New Left clandestine groups in Germany, Italy, Japan, and the United States demonstrate strong commonalities in the processes ofgoing underground and staying underground. Activists move from the public to the clandestine realm as a result of increased repression at the protest cycle's peak, commitment to specific ideological frames, and personal ties. Identity conflicts specific to underground roles and other aspects ofunderground life influence the nature ofclandestine violence, further affecting the protest cycle's course.
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Perminova, Vera A. "Problems of the Historical Past in Japanese-Taiwanese Relations during the Chen Shui-bian Administration (2000–2008)." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 13, no. 2 (2021): 293–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2021.211.
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Taiwan, which was ruled by the Japanese Empire from 1895 to 1945, still remains one of the few regions whose inhabitants do not emphasize the negative aspects of the colonial period. Discussions in Taiwanese society about the problems of the historical past traditionally are represented by two issues: the question of sovereignty over the Diaoyudao/Senkaku islands and the demand from Tokyo of an apology and compensation for Taiwanese “comfort women”. Moreover, both of these problems, even if they appeared on the domestic political agenda, were never acute and did not have a significant impact on the development of traditionally close Japanese-Taiwanese relations. Questions of the historical past, as a rule, represented only one part of the larger discussions regarding the national identity of the islanders and the search for models of further development of Taiwan. All these aspects of the “Taiwanese approach” to issues related to the problematic past came into full play during the presidency of Chen Shui-bian (2000–2008). During this time, Tokyo and Taipei maintained a rather high level of political contacts and encouraged cooperation between Japan and Taiwan despite the actualization of the “comfort women” issue, which became the baseline for new discussions about the colonial past and the role of Japan in developing modern Taiwan. The article discusses the approaches of Taiwanese authorities in 2000–2008 to the interpretation of Japan’s war-time past and colonial period of Taiwan history in the context of development of relations between Tokyo and Taipei.
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Hino, Kimihiro, and Themis Chronopoulos. "A review of crime prevention activities in a Japanese local government area since 2008: Beautiful Windows Movement in Adachi Ward." Crime Prevention and Community Safety 23, no. 3 (June 1, 2021): 341–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41300-021-00118-w.
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AbstractThere have been limited reports on crime prevention policies by local governments in Japan, which is one of the safest countries in the world. This article reviews crime prevention policies in Adachi Ward, which used to have the highest crime rates in Tokyo. The government of Adachi Ward introduced the “Beautiful Windows Movement” (BWM) in 2008. Based on BWM, Adachi Ward implemented various programs and interventions based on two different aspects: the aspect of preventing minor crimes and disorder in partnership with the police referring to the Broken Windows Theory and the aspect of literally making the Ward beautiful in cooperation with citizen volunteers. After 11 years of implementing BWM, the number of recorded crimes in Adachi Ward declined the most in Tokyo and residents’ sense of security improved significantly. This case study highlights the advantage of the duality of BWM to both reduce crimes and improve residents’ sense of security.
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Assegaf, Abdurrachman. "CURBING CORRUPTION THROUGH TERTIARY EDUCATION IN INDONESIA AND JAPAN (ANALYSIS OF LEGAL SYSTEM AND ISLAMIC PERSPECTIVE)." Analisa: Journal of Social Science and Religion 2, no. 2 (December 29, 2017): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.18784/analisa.v2i2.452.
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Corruption has become a global issue, whereas almost every country, whatever tough or slight it is, got to fight against it. It means that none of single country in the world is corruption free. This study analyzes anti-corruption policies and educational strategies enforced by Indonesian and Japanese Government. Data was collected through documentation and literature review, and to some extent, cultural behaviors of both countries were observed. This study used the theory of legal system by Lawrence M Friedman as an analysis method. The main research questions are: first, how are the Government’s policies enacted to eradicate corruption in Indonesia and Japan? Second, what educational strategies are implemented by both countries for combating corruption? Third, how Islamic perspective deals with anti-corruption practices? The research findings indicate several points: firstly, Indonesia has very complex social and cultural background if compared to Japan. Indeed Indonesia has some weaknesses such as weak of economic conditions, high levels of poverty, lack of political will, weak of cultural order, lack of honest and discipline attitudes, and lack of law enforcement. Indonesia’s anti-corruption policies enforced today is Act Number 31 of 1999, while Japan enacted several interrelated law compiled in Penal Codes (PC). Secondly, the implementation strategy for anti-corruption education in Indonesia is preventive, detective and repressive strategies. Meanwhile, Japan applies integrated strategies in social, political, economic, cultural, and education dimension. It is expected that the results of this study can contribute to the prevention and eradication of corruption in Indonesia more comprehensively, not only through legal means but education, especially higher education through internalization of moral and Islamic values of anti-corruption in all aspects of live.
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Nish, Ian. "An Overview of Relations Between China and Japan, 1895–1945." China Quarterly 124 (December 1990): 601–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000031416.
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The relationship between China and Japan is a many-layered cake, impossible to eat all at once. This article will concentrate on the diplomatic layer of the relationship. Diplomatic history is essentially about the decisions of governments and the documents that are subsequently exchanged. Each of these aspects has its difficulties for the historian of East Asia. For substantial parts of the period under review “government” in a western sense hardly existed in China, while in Japan even the considered decisions of the government in Tokyo frequently failed to reflect the situation on the ground. In Japan's relations with China there was often a dual – if not a multiple – diplomacy at work where the army (among others) had an independent hand in fashioning “policy.”
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Feldman, Eric A. "Why Patients Sue Doctors: The Japanese Experience." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 37, no. 4 (2009): 792–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2009.00450.x.
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The cost of health care, its growing share of the gross domestic product (GDP), and dire predictions about the future are a major political and economic issue in the U.S. The American legal system is commonly viewed as a significant part of the problem, particularly by those who believe that medical providers engage in defensive medicine in an effort to avoid malpractice litigation. Yet scholars and commentators in the U.S. have shown relatively little interest in how other nations manage legal conflict over health care and whether they might learn something from abroad about the relationship between malpractice litigation and the health care system more generally.To that end, this article analyzes the Japanese health care experience, specifically the management of what are variously called adverse outcomes, medical accidents, and medical malpractice. How frequently do Japanese patients sue their doctors? Are medical malpractice litigation rates in Japan rising? If so, what is being done to control the increase and its impact on medical care? How well is Japan doing when it comes to balancing the needs of patients who believe they are victims of medical negligence with those of providers who think they are being unfairly accused? These are the questions, about Japan (and elsewhere), that need to be asked by those interested in the nexus of law and health care in the U.S.
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Shigemori Bučar, Chikako. "Trivial Objects from Taishō Japan in the Collection of Alma M. Karlin." Asian Studies 9, no. 3 (September 10, 2021): 21–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2021.9.3.21-45.
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Alma M. Karlin, a young woman adventurer who made her journey around the world between 1919 and 1927, stayed in Japan for a little more than a year. As a young woman without significant funds, she relied on her own ability to earn a living during her stay in the country. Among the items she brought back from Japan to Slovenia there are many small objects which are not typical “exotic objects from the Far East”. They are rather small and trivial items such as a wall calendar, a streetcar ticket, children’s miniature toys, a part of ceremonial wrappings, and paper bookmarks. This paper focuses on the small and untypical items Karlin brought back from Japan. Karlin’s travelogue and other writings, including her notes on the unused postcards, give us some information about her life in Japan. Together with her travelogue, notes and messages on the objects in her legacy, we can reconstruct some aspects of her everyday life in Japan. Though small and trivial, such items collected by Karlin reveal some important details of her experience in the central part of Tokyo in the Taishō period.
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Thomas, Rhiannon, Russell Deighton, Masashi Mizuno, and Sosei Yamaguchi and Chiyo Fujii. "Shame and self-conscious emotions in Japan and Australia: Evidence for a third shame logic." Culture & Psychology 26, no. 3 (June 3, 2019): 622–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354067x19851024.
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Few studies have examined the more nuanced experiential facets of self-conscious emotion from a cross-cultural perspective. The present study’s aim was to investigate shame and embarrassment experiences in relation to shame logics (or appraisals), shame antecedents and intensity across cultures in Australia and Japan, drawing on Fessler’s Dual Logics Model of Shame ( Fessler, 2004 ), and applying a new instrument (The Self-Conscious Emotion Questionnaire). There were 157 participants from two cultures, Japan (75) and Australia (82) who completed both paper-based and web-based questionnaires. Previous findings showing a higher experienced shame intensity found in Japan were corroborated across all shame and embarrassment logics. While the logic of ‘norm non-conformity’ was the strongest logic in both cultures, the logic of ‘status lowness’ was prominent in Japan but not Australia, and the novel logic of ‘broken positive assumptions about the self’ was prominent in both cultures. Shame in Japan appeared to be stronger with an introspective ‘eyes of self’ but explicitly described trigger, whereas in Australia, it was more publicly ‘eyes of other’ and implicitly induced counter to some expectations. Findings support the Self-Conscious Emotion Questionnaire as an instrument for exploring nuanced aspects of self-conscious emotion in cross-cultural research and lend support to a novel third logic of ‘broken positive assumptions about the self’ in both Australian and Japanese samples.