Relevant bibliographies by topics / Japan – Foreign relations – Taiwan

Academic literature on the topic 'Japan – Foreign relations – Taiwan'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Japan – Foreign relations – Taiwan"

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SHIRK, SUSAN L. "Changing Media, Changing Foreign Policy in China." Japanese Journal of Political Science 8, no. 1 (March 14, 2007): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109907002472.

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China has undergone a media revolution that has transformed the domestic context for making foreign policy as well as domestic policy. The commercialization of the mass media has changed the way leaders and publics interact in the process of making foreign policy. As they compete with one another, the new media naturally try to appeal to the tastes of their potential audiences. Editors make choices about which stories to cover based on their judgments about which ones will resonate best with audiences. In China today, that means a lot of stories about Japan, Taiwan, and the United States, the topics that are the objects of Chinese popular nationalism. The publicity given these topics makes them domestic political issues because they are potential focal points for elite dis-agreement and mass collective action, and thereby constrains the way China' leaders and diplomats deal with them. Even relatively minor events involving China' relations with Japan, Taiwan, or the United States become big news, and therefore relations with these three governments must be carefully handled by the politicians in the Communist Party Politburo Standing Committee. Because of the Internet, it is impossible for Party censors to screen out news from Japan, Taiwan or the United States that might upset the public. Common knowledge of such news forces officials to react to every slight, no matter how small. Foreign policy makers feel especially constrained by nationalist public opinion when it comes to its diplomacy with Japan. Media marketization and the Internet have helped make Japan China' most emotionally charged international relationship.
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GORE, Lance L. P. "A Watershed Year: Chinese Foreign Policy in 2018." East Asian Policy 11, no. 01 (January 2019): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000047.

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The year 2018 is a watershed year in China’s foreign relations, marked by rapid deterioration of the external environment. The trade war with the United States is fought simultaneously at business, geopolitical and ideological levels. The two were in a struggle to redefine their bilateral relations, which also affected China’s dealings with other states, including the two Koreas, Taiwan and Japan. A more cautious foreign policy is expected from China in 2019.
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Yahuda, Michael. "The Foreign Relations of Greater China." China Quarterly 136 (December 1993): 687–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032306.

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Greater China refers in the first instance to the close economic ties of trade, technology transfers and investment that have emerged since the second half of the 1980s linking Taiwan and Hong Kong with the rapid development of southern China. But it also suggests that the economic links are buttressed by familial, social, historical and cultural ties of a peculiarly Chinese kind. These ties and links have developed between different Chinese communities whose political divergences had until recently precluded such a development. Consequently the emergence of Greater China poses new challenges and opportunities to the political identities of its three constituent members and to the conduct of relations between them. Greater China and its possible future trajectory affects and is also affected by the rest of the Asia-Pacific region including the major powers of the United States and Japan as well as those in the immediate vicinity of South-east Asia.
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CHIANG, Min-Hua. "China’s Economic Relations with Japan, South Korea and Taiwan Sustained by Persistent Technological Gaps." East Asian Policy 11, no. 02 (April 2019): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000138.

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Japan, South Korea and Taiwan are China’s leading sources of imports, a result of China’s efforts to attract foreign direct investment (FDI) to develop its high-technology industry in the 1990s and beyond. Foreign firms in China have relied on importing key components and capital equipment from their home countries. Despite its industrial upgrading in recent years, China continues to run an increasingly large trade deficit with the three economies due to its lack of key technology.
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Whiting, Allen S. "Chinese Nationalism and Foreign Policy After Deng." China Quarterly 142 (June 1995): 295–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000034950.

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As the Deng era approaches its end, concern abroad, particularly in East Asia, focuses on how the People's Republic of China (PRC) will cope with territorial disputes with Japan, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei and India, and the continued quest for Taiwan. Meanwhile Chinese military modernization steadily increases the People's Liberation Army (PLA) air and sea power projection. The question arises: might a beleaguered post-Deng leadership seek to strengthen its legitimacy through exploitation of Chinese nationalism and if so, how would this manifest itself in foreign relations?
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Toyoda, Tetsuya, Ekaterina Vaseneva, and Ryo Takahama. "Security Policy Options for Japan in Three Time Frameworks." RUDN Journal of World History 14, no. 4 (December 15, 2022): 410–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2022-14-4-410-426.

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This paper examines security policy options for Japan at the present stage that may be worth considering in the short term, the midterm, and the long term, respectively. Hence, the aim of the paper is to examine foreign policy security options for Japan in the foreseeable future. While providing a comprehensive overview of the Japanese foreign and security policy at the present stage, the article employs the case study methodological framework to analyze Japan’s foreign policy objectives in case of Tokyo’s relations with the most critical partners in the Asia-Pacific Region - namely, the United States, China, Russia, ASEAN, and Taiwan. Examining the origin and further development of the QUAD, the authors highlight the absence of ASEAN members and India’s hesitation to institutionalize the grouping, while analyzing the Russia-Japan relations they focus on common interests in security cooperation, as well on its limitations. As a result, in the short term, the expansion of the Japan-US alliance to the Indo-Pacific region is the most plausible option. However, without involving the ASEAN countries, the Free and Open IndoPacific (FOIP) strategy can only add Australia and India to the existing Japan-US alliance. In the midterm, an alliance with Russia may be, with some serious limitations, geographically a natural option. In the long term, Japan might need to find a proper place in a China-centered order in East Asia. Therefore, the authors conclude that the relative decline of US influence in East Asia is unavoidable in the coming decades, Japan must adjust or even reconsider its security policy.
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Garin, Artyom, and Sophia Pale. "The Place of the Solomon Islands and Kiribati in China's Geopolitical Thinking." South East Asia Actual problems of Development, no. 3 (52) (2021): 234–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-3-3-52-234-253.

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China’s growing influence has affected the South Pacific, where the small developing island states of Oceania re-directed their foreign policies due to Beijing in order to diversify their external relations. It has caused concerns of Australia, the United States, Japan and New Zealand. In 2019 the leaders of Solomon Islands and Kiribati cut diplomatic ties with Taiwan in favor of China, and this raised Beijing's regional influence to a new level and negatively affected Australia's position in its traditional sphere of influence.
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Putri, Ardila, Silvia Dian Anggraeni, and Radika Ayu A. "Keberhasilan Bantuan Luar Negeri di Asia Timur Laut: Sebuah Pembelajaran Bagi Negara Berkembang." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 9, no. 1 (May 30, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.9.1.1-15.2020.

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After the second world war, Northeast Asian countries such as Japan, South Korea, China and Taiwan, were recipient countries of foreign aid. Then, the countries changed its status from the recipient countries to the donor countries. This paper aims to explain the factors that led to the success of Northeast Asian countries to change their status from foreign aid recipient to foreign aid providers. This research departs from the tradition of empiricism and is a qualitative research using descriptive-analytical methods. This research shows that good governance, the close relations between donor countries and recipient countries, as well as huge investments in infrastructure and human resources are the key to the success of foreign aid in Northeast Asian countries. This study concludes that the country's enormous role (ownership) in the management of foreign aid is the most influencing factor.
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Cha, Victor D. "Balance, Parallelism, and Asymmetry: United States-Korea Relations." Journal of East Asian Studies 1, no. 1 (February 2001): 179–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000278.

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The George W. Bush presidency has raised wide speculation about future United States' policy toward the Korean peninsula. The conventional wisdom among pundits in Washington, Seoul and elsewhere is that the incoming administration will switch to a ‘harder line’ regarding the Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea (DPRK) and move away from the engagement policy practiced during the Clinton administration. In a similar vein, others have argued that Bush will place a premium on reaffirming and consolidating ties with traditional allies and friends like the Republic of Korea (ROK), Japan, and Taiwan while downplaying strategic engagement with China. The problem with such punditry is that it is usually overstated and under analyzed. Given the current state of relations, there is little incentive for dramatic changes in U.S. policy toward North Korea or with regard to the U.S.-ROK alliance. Moreover, given what is known of the Bush administration's foreign policy vision, there is little evidence upon which to predict an unadulterated hard line swing in policy toward Pyongyang.
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Doumenge, François. "Les relations extérieures de l’halieutique japonaise." Études internationales 18, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 153–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702131ar.

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Japan's distant seafishing industry provides opportunities for supergains, y et it still remains dependent on the internal market. Its activities which are directed by the State, and implemented by the large industrial and commercial enterprises, are part of the whole evolution of the traditional corporations of the Kumiai. A study of the political, technical, and economical conjuncture and balance of power at the international level show three important periods. 1904-1941 : The imperialistic policy of the military-industrial complex supports the operations of the large enterprises. Between 1933 and 1940, Japan has several hundreds of fishing plants along the coasts of the Russian Far East; factory vessels are used for the canning of salmon and crabs in the Sea of Okhostk and the Behring Sea, and for whaling in the Antarctic and North Pacific ; industrial trawling is carried on along the coasts of the Asian continent while numerous enterprises are set up in Indo-Malaysia for coastal tuna fishing. 1948-1973 : Within the framework of the reconstruction of its economy, Japan at first resumes the same campaigns as those of the pre-War period; to these are added drifting long line fishing of tuna in the intertropical grounds and a powerful industrial trawling in North Pacific. By 1960, these activities are curtailed due to regulations imposed by USSR, USA, and the International Whaling Commission for stock protection. And then there are new competitors (Taiwan, South Korea). A general fail off after 1965 is partly compensated by the industrial trawling in the Behring Sea. 1974-1986: Significant geopolitical and economic changes force Japan to define and to redeploy its foreign fisheries. Pressured by waterside States, Japan gradually withdraws from traditional fishing grounds and endeavours to find new resources in waters which have remained international so as to maintain a balance with its internal market (tuna drifting long lines and seiners, squid fishery). New technology and profits from the internal market allow the industrial armaments to keep their competitive edge. The State strongly supports this sector through its diplomacy and the provision of funds for research and redeployment and by planning the integration of the distant fishing industry within the economical and social development of the traditional fishing cells of the Archipelago.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Japan – Foreign relations – Taiwan"

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Ponniah, Helen. "Malaysia - Japan relations : economic and political implications." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110876.

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Japanese involvement in Malaysia dates back to the beginning of this century. From the beginning Japanese interests were predominantly economic in nature Japan looked upon Malaya as a source of raw materials and also as a potential market for its finished products Japan was initially drawn by the rubber industry which became lucrative in 1910 and the iron ore mines which were essential for its steel industries. In 1928 iron ore imports from Malaya accounted for 40 percent of Japan's total consumption. Japanese cotton goods and other manufactures were low priced and therefore popular in Malaysia. However Japanese efforts to make in-roads on the Malaysian economy were impeded by the British colonial administration. For example, the British enacted a Rubber Restriction Act in 1917 which limited rubber exports to Japan. The British also introduced a quota system on Japanese manufactured imports in the late 1930s.
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Kim, Nam G. (Nam Gyun). "US-Japan Relations during the Korean War." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278651/.

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During the Korean War, US-Japan relations changed dramatically from the occupation status into one of a security partnership in Asia. When North Korea invaded South Korea, Washington perceived Japan as the ultimate target. Washington immediately intervened in the Korean peninsula to protect the South on behalf of Japanese security. Japanese security was the most important objective of American policy regarding the Korean War, a reality to which historians have not given legitimate attention. While fighting in Korea, Washington decided to conclude an early peace treaty with Japan to initiate Japanese rearmament. The issue of Japanese rearmament was a focal point in the Japanese peace negotiation. Washington pressed Japan to rearm rapidly, but Tokyo stubbornly opposed. Under pressure from Washington, the Japanese government established the National Police Reserve and had to expand its military forces during the war. When the Korean War ceased in July 1953, Japanese armed forces numbered about 180,000 men. The Korean War also brought a fundamental change to Japanese economic and diplomatic relations in Asia. With a trade embargo on China following the unexpected Chinese intervention in Korea, Washington wanted to forbid Sino-Japanese trade completely. In addition, Washington pressed Tokyo to recognize the Nationalist regime in Taiwan as the representative government of the whole Chinese people. Japan unsuccessfully resisted both policies. Japan wanted to maintain Sino-Japanese trade and recognize the Chinese Communists. The Korean War brought an economic boom to Japan. As a logistical and service supporter for United States war efforts in Korea, Japan received a substantial amount of military procurement orders from Washington, which supplied dollars, technology, and markets for Japan. The Korean War was an economic opportunity for Japan while it was a military opportunity for the United States. The Korean War was the beginning of a new era of American-Japanese military and economic interdependence. This study is based on both American and Japanese sources--primary and secondary.
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Liao, Xuanli, and 廖宣力. "Chinese think tanks and China's policy on Japan." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31243368.

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Herrmann, John. "Japan's economic relations with the South Pacific." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/129551.

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The post-World War II decades witnessed one of the most important economic achievements in recent world history: the rise of Japan as a global economic power. This served notice of Japan's new status as an actor on the world stage and ultimately, of its potential to influence developments around the world. In the South Pacific, Japan's drive to globalise its giant economy over a period of four decades generated a considerable impact on the economies of Pacific Islands countries (PICs). In the period leading up to the mid-1970s, relations between Japan and the South Pacific developed gradually with a continuing emphasis on economic involvement initially through trade and investment. That economic relationship expanded rapidly during the 1980s. Japan's intent for a role beyond a continuing 'economic' emphasis became increasingly apparent during this period with Overseas Development Assistance (ODA), because of its strategic value, becoming a significant component in Japanese involvement. It was the declaration of the Kuranari Doctrine in 1987 that made clear Japan's motivation for a greater political role. Thus, from an initial focus on economic activities in the South Pacific, strategic and political objectives became important considerations for Japan in the growing economic relationship.
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Duho, Drapeau Dann. "The parameters of Japan's political economic strategy : impact of national identity, national interests, and role conceptions on Japanese foreign policy (1980-97)." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28266.

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Research on Japanese current foreign policy suffers from neglect of the influence of domestic factors on Japan's decisions and behaviour in world politics. The question of the nature of Japanese foreign policy needs to go beyond the exogenous cause of state behaviour in international affairs. The object of inquiry of this thesis is the influence of social factors on the orientation of Japan's foreign policy. The central concern is: "how" and "why" Japan behaves as it does in world affairs. This examination addresses the question of the interaction of endogenous and exogenous factors on the foreign economic policy of Japan, and postulates that Japanese national identity, national interests, and role conceptions, are the essence of Japan's defensive attitudes in world affairs on the one hand, and that Japanese behavioural patterns in international relations are in conformity with the ends of Japan's foreign policy: economic security and growth under the Japan-US alliance. Japanese response to US pressure and trade adjustment to the changing framework of the world economy from the 1980s up to the present give a relevant outlook to the defensive character of Japan's foreign policy. For Japanese policy-makers, the stability of Japan's economic performance in the world economy, its pacifist attitude in world affairs, its trade relations with the United States, and its protectorate status as a result of the Japan-US Security Treaty, are beyond question.
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Anderson, Andrew Richard. "A relationship under strain : the FSX fighter and the Japan-US alliance." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114564.

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On the 3rd of March 1990, Japanese Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu and President George Bush met in Palm Springs, California, to discuss ways to ease the strained Japan-US relationship. They discussed the fate of both the security alliance and the trade relationship. Central to the discussion were concerns to reduce the American $49 billion trade deficit with Japan and plans to reduce the US troop numbers in Asia by ten percent (from 120,000) or about 5,000 troops in Japan. The trade relationship, currently in a "showdown" stage, faces considerable friction ahead because under the Super "301" clause of the 1988 Omnibus trade bill retaliatory action is required against specified countries (Japan) if progress is not made towards the importation of designated products (lumber, satellites, and supercomputers) by a specified date (June 16, 1990). The Super "301" clause sets deadlines in an ongoing dispute that has years of "no-results" precedents. Setting deadlines creates possible flash points in the Japanese-American relationship.
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Rong, Xuefei, and 榮雪霏. "China in the Japanese press: a case study of Zhu Rongji's visit to Japan in 2000." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42577500.

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Williams, Brad. "Hokkaido-Sakhalin subnational government relations : opportunities and limits of kankyo seibi." Monash University, School of Languages, Cultures and Linguistics, 2003. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/5751.

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LEE, Yu Pan. "The security dilemma in Sino-Japanese relations." Digital Commons @ Lingnan University, 2009. https://commons.ln.edu.hk/pol_etd/2.

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Even though economic relations between China and Japan have improved in recent decades, their security relations raise the prospect of clashes due to the perceived incompatibility of their interests, as manifested for example in territorial claims and rivalry for energy resources. This thesis analyzes the two states’ security relations using the “security-dilemma” and “constructivist theories” of international relations. The security dilemma is a condition in which states’ attempts to increase their own security, out of the mutual fear and suspicion, results a decrease in security for all. The constructivist theories suggest that the identities of actors, social norms, states’ interests and government policies are inter-linked in both domestic and international politics; each component thus shapes and then reshapes others. International relations should not be understood by merely analyzing material capacities. In order to understand the security relations between China and Japan, it is imperative to investigate the threat perceptions of various actors within both states, including the general public, the political leadership, the military, the academics and other sub-state actors. By employing the mentioned theories, it is found that the general public in both states are the key sources to consider the other as a security threat. Fear or resentment among states, which might initially be constructed by the behaviors or policies of other actors, would in turn further shape or limit other actors’ perceptions and interests. The public also put constraints on their governments’ freedom to maneuver diplomatically and to adopt policy choices, it thus affects the security relations between states. The thesis concludes that deepening interactions between people in both state and carefully conducted diplomatic behaviors, such as choice of wording in reconciliation actions and joint action by states’ leaders at symbolic occasions or locations etc, can be the key of preventing the security dilemma from escalating. As a result, in the case of Sino-Japanese relations, the security relations cannot be improved by deploying military means.
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Johnson, Christopher S. "The United States-Japan Security Treaty of 1951: An Essay on the Origins of Postwar Japanese-American Relation." PDXScholar, 1993. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4596.

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The early September day in 1951 that brought the Pacific War to an official end, with the signing of a treaty of peace, concluded as representatives of Japan and the United States signed the Bilateral Security Treaty. The security treaty symbolized new realities of international relations, just as the peace treaty had buried the old. By cementing into place a strategic alliance between the former Pacific antagonists, the treaty represented the great and lasting achievement of postwar American diplomacy in Asia. Nevertheless, the treaty was both the outcome and the perpetuation of a stereotyped and lopsided relationship, now fixed firmly into place, as a Japan diminished by defeat acceded to the necessity of a security embrace with its former conqueror, and the United States enlisted a most valued, albeit a most reluctant ally for the ongoing struggle to meet and defeat the Soviet threat. At the end of the Pacific War such an outcome had been beyond the pale. The security treaty was the product of years of crisis adaptation. Hopes that the U.S. could make China the great power of Asia were dashed by revolution. As cherished verities of U.S. diplomacy fell by the wayside, new truisms, based upon strategic interests inherited from victory in the Pacific and the cold war policy of containment, staunchly rose to assume their place. As a result, U.S. attitudes towards Japan underwent a tortuous reassessment. The initial occupation policies of disarmament and reform were replaced by the urgent need to enlist Japan as a vital cold war asset. However, this reorientation was not easily accomplished. Competing interests within the U.S. Government clashed over the means necessary to insure Japan's security and stability, while also guaranteeing the creation of a reliable ally -- a debate that became ever more heated as the cold war intensified. The Japanese, at great disadvantage, skillfully attempted to negotiate a role for themselves in the postwar world, eager for an alliance, yet fearful of domination. The goal of this thesis is to chart and document the evolution of this policy transformation, in all its twists and odd turns. To accomplish this task I turned to an older tradition of political science, one widely practiced at the dawn of the discipline. To be sure, judicious use was made of many of the theories and methodological approaches prevalent currently. Yet while useful at times, these methods often failed to adequately explain those indeterminate moments of idiosyncratic chance and contingency of events upon which so much, to my mind, the final outcome depended. I turned therefore to a more historical approach. My primary sources became the diplomatic record as revealed in the Foreign Relations of the United States and the memoirs of those who participated in the fashioning of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty. By the time the security treaty was concluded, the agreement reached was not one of shared joint purpose, but one which defined and gave sanction to diverging national aims that could not, nonetheless, be realized in isolation. The continued U.S. military presence in Japan had been the goal of a policy process ultimately defined in military terms, as the final bastion of cold war containment on the rim of Asia. The Japanese understood the need for security in a volatile world, but not the necessity of providing it for themselves, as the postwar political system slowly organized around emerging economic priorities. It was an odd arrangement, but one which met respective needs and desires. Yet its lack of reciprocity and mutual commitment has ensured through the years the continuation of an ambiguous and uncertain alliance.
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Books on the topic "Japan – Foreign relations – Taiwan"

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1921-, Thompson Kenneth W., ed. China, Taiwan, Japan, the United States, and the world. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1997.

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Nitchū kankeishi: Modern history of Japan-China relations. Tōkyō-to Chiyoda-ku: Kabushiki Kaisha Yūhikaku, 2013.

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Geopolitics and trajectories of development: The cases of Korea, Japan, Taiwan, Germany, and Puerto Rico. Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies, 2010.

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Streib, Folker. Der Taifun: Japan und die Zukunft der deutschen Industrie. Hamburg: Hoffmann und Campe, 1994.

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1905-nen Kankoku hogo jōyaku to shokuminchi shihai sekinin: Rekishigaku to kukosaihōgaku no taiwa. Tōkyō: Sōshisha, 2005.

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Tōa Dōbunkai to Chūgoku: Kindai Nihon ni okeru taigai rinen to sono jissen. Tōkyō: Keiō Gijuku Daigaku Shuppankai, 2001.

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Getting over it!: Why Korea needs to stop bashing Japan. Tokyo: Tachibana Publishing, 2015.

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Kindai Nihon no gaikō to senkyōshi. Tōkyō: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2012.

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Sengo Nitchū kankei to Ryō Shōshi: Chūgoku no Japan hanzu to tainichi seisaku. Tōkyō: KeiōGijuku Daigaku Shuppankai, 2013.

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1954-, Yoshino Takashi, and Arikawa Yasuhiro 1969-, eds. Hen'yōsuru Ajia to Nichi-Bei kankei: Japan and the United States in changing Asia. Tōkyō: Tōyō Keizai Shinpōsha, 2012.

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Book chapters on the topic "Japan – Foreign relations – Taiwan"

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Long, Simon. "Taiwan’s Foreign Relations." In Taiwan: China's Last Frontier, 129–57. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230377394_6.

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Vaporis, Constantine Nomikos. "Regulating Foreign Relations." In Voices of Early Modern Japan, 87–92. Other titles: contemporary accounts of daily life during the age of the Shoguns Description: 2nd edition. | Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003005292-21.

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Braddick, C. W. "The Waiting Game: Japan-Russia Relations." In Japanese Foreign Policy Today, 209–25. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-62529-1_12.

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Dreyer, June Teufel. "Taiwan-Japan relations in the Tsai era." In Taiwan in the Era of Tsai Ing-wen, 208–38. New York : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge research on Taiwan series: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429356469-9.

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Lumumba-Kasongo, Tukumbi. "Japanese Foreign Policy Toward Africa During and After The Cold War Era: “Pax Nipponica” Versus “Pax Africana”." In Japan-Africa Relations, 163–81. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230108486_8.

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Nester, William. "The Third World in Japanese Foreign Policy." In The International Relations of Japan, 71–99. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21016-9_5.

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Buckley, Peter J. "Government-Industry Relations: Japan versus UK." In Foreign Direct Investment and Multinational Enterprises, 206–39. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230378513_11.

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Arpita Mathur. "Japan and China in India’s Foreign Policy." In China-Japan Relations in the 21st Century, 337–54. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-4373-4_14.

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David Walton. "China and Japan in Australian Foreign Policy." In China-Japan Relations in the 21st Century, 355–75. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-4373-4_15.

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Uemura, Takeshi. "China–Japan Relations: Balance of Soft Power." In The Sage Handbook of Asian Foreign Policy, 1075–93. 1 Oliver's Yard, 55 City Road London EC1Y 1SP: SAGE Publications Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781526436078.n52.

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Conference papers on the topic "Japan – Foreign relations – Taiwan"

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Kuzovkov, Maksim A. "“The New Sakoku Period”: the Coronavirus Restrictions Policy Regarding Foreign Residents in Japan." In Current Issues in the Study of History, Foreign Relations and Culture of Asian Countries. Novosibirsk State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/978-5-4437-1268-0-55-58.

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Lin, Fang Shin. "Study for the Key Success Factors of Female Direct Selling Business." In Japan International Business and Management Research Conference. RSF Press & RESEARCH SYNERGY FOUNDATION, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31098/jibm.v1i1.214.

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The purpose of this study is to understand the key factors which result in the success of female direct selling businesses. Investigate the reasons why women support most of their performance in the direct selling industry. According to the Taiwan Fair Trade Commission's 2018 direct selling industry survey report, the total direct selling of Taiwan in 2018 was 83.027 billion NTD, with a total of 3.0838 million distributors. There were 2.158 million female distributors, accounting for 3.083 million total distributors. It is a proportion of 69.99 percentage points, an increase of 1.67 percentage points compared with 2017. This proportion is also comparable to 74% of global distributors is female, calculated by the World Federation of Direct Selling Associations(WDSFA)! The number of female distributors is more than twice that of men. The proportion is getting higher and higher! In the literature review, issues such as “female enterpriser” related literature and “gender roles” and “personality traits," “erotic capital” in the “direct selling industry” have been used as the main resource axis for collecting relevant domestic and foreign literature. Based on the literature summary and the expression of the expert's intention, the expert questionnaire will be based on the professors and the female distributors who have been in the top direct selling companies in Taiwan for more than two years in 2018 to find indicators of success factors, and then use the Analytic Hierarchy Process Method (AHP) Design a general questionnaire. The general questionnaire is for the distributors in Taiwan. Expected to recover 100 copies in the web questionnaire, After obtaining the resources, it will be processed and analyzed. The research results show that the influence facets and factors may have: Female Entrepreneur, Gender roles, Personality Traits, and direct selling business. In particular, the female gender role play and erotic capital may have a greater impact on the results of operating the direct selling business. The study includes the following topics are understanding the background of the female direct selling entrepreneurs, explain the challenges and difficulties of female direct selling entrepreneurs, relevant resources related to female direct selling entrepreneurs and research on the key success factors of female direct selling business.Today, female entrepreneurs are very hard and required to play multiple roles. Between family and business, how do female entrepreneurs make a good performance? I hoped that through this study, key factors could be identified in order to minimize entrepreneurial risks and allocate resources effectively.
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Philippov, Aleksandr V. "Trends in the Historyography of Japan from the Middle of the 19th Century to the Early 21st Century (Japanese History manuals, reference books and monographs — editions in Russian and English)." In Current Issues in the Study of History, Foreign Relations and Culture of Asian Countries. Novosibirsk State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/978-5-4437-1268-0-67-73.

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Widyarta, Mohammad. "Foreign Aid and Modern Architecture in Indonesia: Intersecting Cold War Relations and Funding for the Fourth Asian Games, 1962." In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4014p90ju.

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Between 1950 and 1965, foreign aid played a crucial role within the Indonesian economy. With the Cold War as a backdrop, this aid came from both Western and Eastern blocs with the intention of drawing Indonesia into their spheres of influence. The aid also played a crucial role in the development of architecture in the archipelago. A major endeavour within this period was the construction of buildings and venues for the Fourth Asian Games to be held in Jakarta in 1962 which involved a new stadium, an international-standard hotel and a large by-pass road around part of the city. Financial and technical aid from the Soviet Union, Japan and the United States was obtained to realise these projects. All the while, the Asian Games, along with the modern structures constructed for the event, provided Indonesia an opportunity to advance its own agenda, which was to construct a sense of self-confidence and national pride and to situate itself as a leader among decolonised nations. Nevertheless, foreign financial and technical aid played an important role in the realisation of these projects. The availability of foreign aid was intrinsically tied to President Ahmad Sukarno’s ability to play the interests of all sides. This paper examines plans and preparations for the Fourth Asian Games as a case of engagement between the two Cold War blocs with Indonesia in the middle. By focusing on the key building projects for the Games, the paper reveals the role of foreign aid in the development of architecture in Indonesia during a critical period in its post-war and post-independence formation. This development took place through the interaction of different interests—those of the Western Bloc, the Eastern Bloc, and Indonesia—in the midst of the Cold War and decolonisation period. A glimpse into the interaction may suggest a case of competition. However, examination of the three projects indicates that it was a case of multipolar collaboration instead.
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Densmaa, Oyuntsetseg, Gerelchimeg Kaliinaa, Norovsuren Nanzad, and Tsogzolboo Otgonbayar. "MONGOLIA’S “THIRD NEIGHBOR POLICY”." In Proceedings of the XXV International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25012021/7365.

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Geographically Mongolia has two neighbors. Mongolia’s existence today depends largely on mutually friendly relationships with two big neighbors. The main pillars of Mongolia’s new international strategy were incorporated in Mongolia’s National Security Concept adopted on June 30, 1994. This document, approved by the Mongolian Parliament, emphasizes a balanced policy towards the country’s two giant neighbors, underlines the importance of economic security in protecting Mongolia’s national integrity, and warns about too much dependence on any one country for trade. In today’s world of globalization and interdependence, Mongolia has to engage with other countries beyond these two neighbors, Russia and China. This is fundamental thing of the Mongolia’s searching third neighbor. Mongolia needs more friends to ensure its national security interests and achieve economic prosperity its ‘Third Neighbor Policy’1 is a policy of extending its friends all around the world. Two immediate neighbors of Mongolia, Russia and China, remain the foreign policy priority and this priority is not contradictory to the policy of having more friends. Mongolia is becoming an arena of clashes of economic interests of developed countries, multinational corporations due its rich mining deposits. Mongolia's Third Neighbor Policy is aimed to leverage the influence of neighboring countries in the national security issues of Mongolia. In contrast with other satellite states of the former Soviet Union, Mongolia concurrently instituted a democratic political system, a market-driven economy, and a foreign policy based on balancing relations with Russia and China while expanding relations with the West and East. Mongolia is now pursuing a foreign policy that will facilitate global engagement, allow the nation to maintain its sovereignty, and provide diplomatic freedom of maneuver through a “third neighbor” policy. 2 This policy is very much alive today but there is no reason to claim that its implementation is satisfactory. Mongolia has major investors from the US, Japan, Germany and France from the EU, for example. There are many universal conventions related to landlocked country. For Mongolia, access to sea via our two neighbors, means promoting economic ties with the third neighbors, as an important factor conducive to reinforcing the material foundations of Mongolia’s third neighbor policy.
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Bodai, Masaru, Yuichi Fukuta, Seiji Asada, and Kentaro Hayashi. "Development of New Design Fatigue Curves in Japan: Discussion of Fatigue Crack Growth Based on Fatigue Test Data With Large Scale Piping." In ASME 2019 Pressure Vessels & Piping Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/pvp2019-93272.

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Abstract In order to develop new design fatigue curves for carbon steels & low alloy steels and austenitic stainless steels and a new design fatigue evaluation method that are rational and have clear design basis, Design Fatigue Curve (DFC) Phase 1 subcommittee and Phase 2 subcommittee were established in the Atomic Energy Research Committee in the Japan Welding Engineering Society. The study on design fatigue curves was actively performed in the subcommittees. In the subcommittees, domestic and foreign fatigue data of small test specimens in air were collected and a comprehensive fatigue database was constructed. Using this fatigue database, the accurate best-fit curves of carbon steels & low alloy steels and austenitic stainless steels were developed by applying tensile strength to a parameter of the curve. Regarding design factors on design fatigue curves, data scatter, mean stress correction, surface finishing effect, size effect and variable loading effect were investigated and each design factor was decided to be individually considered on the design fatigue curves. A Japanese utility project performed large scale fatigue tests using austenitic stainless steel piping and low-alloy-steel flat plates as well as fatigue tests using small specimens to obtain not only basic data but also fatigue data of mean stress effect and surface finishing effect. Those test results were provided to the subcommittee and utilized the above studies. In the last PVP Conference, the large scale fatigue tests using austenitic stainless steel piping were discussed for the best-fit curve of austenitic stainless steel (PVP2018-84436). In this paper, further studies are performed based on fatigue crack growth of the large scale fatigue tests using austenitic stainless steel piping. From the obtained crack growth data of the tested piping, the number of cycles at 3-mm-deep crack depth and through-wall crack of piping compares with the best-fit curve developed by the DFC1 subcommittee with considering the confidence lower bounds to survey the fatigue life of piping, and size effect for fatigue lives is discussed. The relations between the fatigue crack growths and the number of cycles and the aspect ratios are surveyed including mean stress effect.
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Sunakoda, Katsuaki, and Issei Yamazaki. "Inertia Mass Damper and its Application." In ASME 2017 Pressure Vessels and Piping Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/pvp2017-65192.

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From early times adding auxiliary mass to the main mass has been done to mitigate vibration events. And much research of the structure by adding an equivalent mass using fluid or functional fluid has been done. On the other hand, the research and development of a new damper using rotating inertia mass began in the early 1970s in Japan. The new type damper was termed the “Mechanical Snubber” when it was used for piping and equipment systems in nuclear power plants. Tens of thousands of Mechanical Snubbers are used in Japanese domestic light water reactor and also in foreign countries. As one of the only surviving developers, the author would like to report the development process. This Mechanical Snubber has a large equivalent inertia mass and it accords with the design criteria of high stiffness of seismic method of nuclear power plant. In recent years, in the field of civil engineering and construction, studies using rotating inertia mass or negative stiffness of mechanism have come into favor. These studies are expected to be applied in structure and bridge engineering. This paper describes the historical background of inertia mass dampers, the theory of the inertia mass damper (I.M.D.) applied as a product, and the electromagnetic inertia mass damper (E.I.M.D.) developed as a passive and/or semi-active damper. Some experimental studies using shaking table in the National Center for Research on Earthquake Engineering (NCREE) in Taiwan and theoretical studies are introduced.
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Ding, Wei, and Xinyue Yang. "Field Research of Environment Identity System Based on Corporate Identity System." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002253.

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Since the 1980s, CIS has been a methodology for many enterprises to improve their brand image. The full English name of CIS is Corporate Identity System. CIS originated from the United States, then developed and perfected in Japan, and began to rise in China in 1980s. Because CIS developed earlier in Taiwan, it has reference value for the correct introduction of CIS in the mainland.On this basis, through continuous practice, MOMA design team put forward a new analysis of CIS. As one of China's top ten design companies and design innovation demonstration enterprises, MOMA design is committed to providing customers with comprehensive solutions from product prototype definition, concept design, structure design, supply chain integration and brand building. MOMA design in the field of nearly 20 years of groping, has been highly recognized by the industry, and the composition of CIS enterprise identification system has a new interpretation, thinks that CIS should include five subsystems: MIS(Mind Identity System), BIS(Behavior Identity System), VIS(Visual Identity System), PIS (Products Identity) System and Environment Identity System (EIS). CIS has been developing for more than 40 years in China, and countless entrepreneurs, practitioners and scholars have gradually perfected their ideas and continuously incorporated some new ideas. However, relatively few literatures can be retrieved in the research of EI. With the advent of sustainable design and digital economy, MOMA design in the long-term project practice that "environment" for the development of corporate image is a state of crisis and opportunity, to a certain extent, has played a key role, and the enterprise's demand for external environment is also growing. In this paper, EI of CIS five elements is taken as the research object and the concept of "field" is adopted. "Field" is derived from Bourdieu's field theory. Field refers to "network or configuration of objective relations between positions". Field, capital and habitus constitute the core of Bourdieu's sociological theory, which embodies the characteristics of relational thinking. Capital is the quantity and type controlled by actors, including economic capital, cultural capital, social capital and symbolic capital. Habitus is an actor's temperament of perception, judgment and action according to different fields. Bourdieu believed that each field should explore the special practical experience of the local nature, and be used as a general field theoretical analysis method, as the construction principle and reproduction mechanism of field practical space. Therefore, relevant scholars extend "CIS field" and "CIS field effect", considering the transverse field mutual relations among the five elements of CIS. This paper takes EI as the sub-field of CIS, considers the mining of EI vertical field to improve the overall integrity of CIS, uses field theory to analyze the macro field, meso field and micro field in environmental identification, subdivides the environment contained in each field, and sort out the overall logical framework of EIS. Then through the case of MOMA design, using capital and habitus as media to verify the cross relations between the three dimensions of the segmentation of environmental identity system. This paper aims to further improve CIS and put forward the importance of EI, hoping to promote the collaborative evolution of enterprises themselves, enterprises with enterprises and enterprises with the outside world in this field, and also hope to bring certain reference value to some practitioners and academic staff.
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Reports on the topic "Japan – Foreign relations – Taiwan"

1

Fouse, David. Japan-Taiwan Relations: A Case of Tempered Optimism. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, October 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada592231.

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Gabrielson, Jon R. The Changing Application of Norms to Foreign Policy in U.S. Japan Relations: an Alliance Based on Shared Values and Interests"". Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, June 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada381322.

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Béraud-Sudreau, Lucie, Xiao Liang, Siemon T. Wezeman, and Ming Sun. Arms-production Capabilities in the Indo-Pacific Region: Measuring Self-reliance. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/xgre7769.

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Armed forces in the Indo-Pacific region remain dependent on weapon systems imported from foreign suppliers. This is despite the efforts of many governments in the Indo-Pacific to implement policies that support the development of local arms industrial capabilities with the aim of increasing self-reliance. This report develops three indicators to give a score and regional ranking of self-reliance to twelve jurisdictions in the Indo-Pacific region: Australia, China, India, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, Pakistan, Singapore, Taiwan, Thailand and Viet Nam. Overall, this report contributes to knowledge and debates on armament trends and military modernization in the Indo-Pacific. In a region where tensions among neighbours are rising, it further contributes to transparency with regard to levels of self-reliance in domestic arms production, allowing for an independent assessment of the region’s respective arms industries.
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