Journal articles on the topic 'Japan Foreign economic relations Thailand'

Laos’ economy declined slightly in 2015, but its political and economic integration with neighboring countries gradually deepened. While China continued to be a key actor in Vientiane’s foreign relations, Laos’ ties with neighboring Vietnam, Thailand, Cambodia, and even Japan and South Korea also strengthened in 2015.

The emerging trend in Russia’s foreign policy is its reorientation from active interstate and socio-economic interaction with the states of the "collective West" to the countries that make up the Asian macroregion. The article presents the qualitative and quantitative assessment of the emerging relations between Russia and the countries of the East, namely the ASEAN countries, Northeast Asia and the Indo-Pacific region. Assuming that the prerequisites for the strengthening of such relationships between countries should be reflected in changes in trade relations, increased migration flows, and changes in policy in terms of countries' military spending, the study attempts to evaluate such changes econometrically. We use the method of constructing multiple linear regression, as well as indicators for assessing country-by-country correlation and cluster analysis. The object of the research is the countries of Northeast Asia (China, Japan, Republic of Korea); ASEAN countries (Thailand, Indonesia, Vietnam, Malaysia, Singapore); India; Australia and Oceania. The empirical base of the study is the official statistics of World Bank, SIPRI, FSGS. The findings indicate the emerging conditions for Russia's turn to the East. The analysis reveals a number of stable features indicating the possibility of modeling a reasonable predictive scenario. The proposed estimates can also be used for further study of the directions of interaction between Russia and the East, methodological and empirical clarification of the emerging relationships, determination of significant factors strengthening the noted interactions.

East Asia has enormous scope to upgrade and integrate its financial markets, covering the spectrum of equity, bond, foreign-exchange, and derivatives markets. Financial markets and institutions in East Asia tend to be narrow and undeveloped, although there are important exceptions. Japan dominates the top tier of the region's markets by virtue of its size, but its markets are not advanced, and many of its private institutions are weak. Although the markets in Australia, Hong Kong SAR, and Singapore are smaller than those of Japan, they are more innovative, market-oriented, and technologically advanced. Markets in Malaysia, South Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand have made substantial progress to varying degrees; but China, Indonesia, and the Philippines have a considerable way to go in developing the information and governance infrastructure that financial markets need to function well. For all these countries, there is a clear role for regional cooperation among policymakers in building capacity in, and links between, financial markets in East Asia, as well as in encouraging stable speculation and the participation of nonresident and institutional investors in domestic financial markets. ASEAN+3 is an important and welcome advance in regional cooperation, but its membership does not span the depth of experience in financial markets and institutions that exists in East Asia.

Pra krisis ekonomi 1998, Indonesia merupakan Negara urutan ketiga dalam tujuan investasi langsung Jepang (FDIJ, dibawah China dan Amerika Serikat Namun, paska krisis ekonomi 1998 tersebut, posisi Indonesia turun ke ranking kedelapan dan telah dilewati oleh India, Thailand, Vietnam, Rusia, dan Brazil. Beberapa faktor yang menyebabkan terjadinya hal ini adalah: kondisi infrastruktur yang buruk di dalam negeri terutama masalah perlistrikan, kurangnya kepastian hukum, adanya pajak berganda, fluktuasi nilai tukar rupiah yang terlampau tajam, dan lemahnya hubungan antar industri (linkage) . Dalam perdagangan luar negeri Jepang merupakan partner dagang terbesar Indonesia. Pada tahun 2007, total perdagangan Indonesia Jepang mencapai nilai USD 23,6, merupakan yang terbesar di ASEAN dibandingkan perdagangan Negara anggota ASEAN lainnya terhadap Jepang. Namun jenis ekspor Indonesia ke Jepang di dominasi oleh komoditi dasar seperti minyak bumi, gas, bahan tambang, dan produk kayu. Sementara ekspor Negara anggota ASEAN yang lain ke Jepang seperti Singapura, Thailand dan Malaysia didominasi produk manufaktur berupa komponen yang mempunyai nilai tambah lebih tinggi. Gejala lainnya adalah bahwa ada tendensi peningkatan nilai perdagangan Indonesia dengan dua Negara Asia Timur yaitu China dan Korea. Hal ini positif bagi Indonesia namun kurang baik bagi kelanjutan hubungan ekonomi Indonesia Jepang. Berbagai masalah ini perlu dibicarakan secara lebih serius oleh kedua Negara agar nilai perdagangan dan investasi Indonesia Jepang dapat lebih meningkat lagi.

In post war era, Japan emerged as a pacifist country. The constitution of Japan restrained from developing armed forces for offensive but permitted only for defensive purpose. Thus, Japan raised Self Defense Force. This posture greatly contributed in its emergence as world economic power. In post-cold war period, Japan appeared with advanced step in its foreign policy and sent its forces abroad as a part of UN Peace Keeping Force abroad. It little questioned the objective of creating SDF. 9/11 incidents changed the global politics. Japanese citizens also fall prey to it. Japan joined coalition on War on Terror and helped to fight against terrorism. In post 9/11, Japan has improved its relations with China despite territorial dispute. However, it plays its role in global political, economic, cultural and strategic areas.

Vietnam - Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (VJEPA) is the first bilateral free trade agreement (FTA) of Vietnam after the country joined the World Trade Organization (WTO). The article outlines the main trade and investment commitments of the agreement. The implementation of the VJEPA has promoted the flow of goods from Vietnam to Japan, and at the same time has attracted FDI capital from Japan. The role of VJEPA is confirmed as a catalyst to promote bilateral foreign economic relations between Vietnam and Japan in the article. Keywords: VJEPA, agreement, international trade, FDI.

INTRODUCTION. In December 2019, an outbreak of coronavirus infection (SARS-CoV-2) transmitted by airborne droplets was recorded in Wuhan, China. In mid-January, the virus was detected in Thailand and Japan; in March, the center of the pandemic moved to Europe; in early April, the United States came out on top in terms of the number of infections. To combat the virus, many states have introduced emergency measures, including lockdowns, social distance requirements, mass testing, etc. The pandemic has affected all spheres of public life, including international relations and international law.MATERIALS AND METHODS. The article analyzes the response to the pandemic on the part of states, organizations and the doctrine of international law; examines the international legal aspects of the pandemic: application of the International Health Regulations 2005, possible responsibility of China and other states, impact of the pandemic on human rights. The problems of legal regulation in connection with the pandemic are defined and the ways of their solution are determined. The subject of analysis is the materials of foreign legal press, first of all, posts and articles on the Internet. In addition to the data of international law, scientific categories of philosophy, economics and political science are used.RESEARCH RESULTS. Major UN bodies have reacted to the pandemic with general statements. WHO positioned itself as an international center for the fight against the virus and made recommendations that, however, were not implemented by states which adopted more restrictive measures. The main document that guided WHO is the International Health Regulations 2005 (IHR). Some states and the media accused China of a belated reaction and withholding information. As a result, the doctrine has discussed the issue of bringing a claim against China to the International Court of Justice. The legal basis for this claim could be the provisions of the IHR, the WHO Constitution and a number of duediligence obligations. The jurisdictional basis for applying to the ICJ could be Art. 75 of the WHO Constitution, and to an arbitration Art. 56 IHR. In response to the pandemic, many states have limited human rights; references have been made to the possibility of a temporary derogation from human rights obligations in an emergency and the possibility of limiting human rights in the interests of national security, health and the protection of the rights of others.DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS. The foreign doctrine notes an nsufficient response frominternational organizations and makes proposals aimed at expanding the powers of the UN Security Council in combating the pandemic and at reforming the WHO. In addition, there are shortcomings of the IHR that hinder their effective use. The possibility of holding China accountable is questioned: there is nsufficient evidence of the violation; the threshold for breach of duediligence obligations is very high; China is unlikely to agree to participate in the lawsuit against it. Nevertheless, several lessons can be learned for the law of responsibility (the possibility of deviating from the principle of full compensation, etc.).The procedure for derogating from human rights obligations during a pandemic also needs clarification. In general, the international legal doctrine coped with the task of understanding of the pandemic phenomenon: it systematized and qualified the facts, discovered and formulated legal problems, both private and public, and suggested means to solve them. Few questioned the advisability of such a harsh global reaction and formulated a radical criticism; instead, the shortcomings of individual measures were noted and proposals were made to improve their effectiveness.

Greater China refers in the first instance to the close economic ties of trade, technology transfers and investment that have emerged since the second half of the 1980s linking Taiwan and Hong Kong with the rapid development of southern China. But it also suggests that the economic links are buttressed by familial, social, historical and cultural ties of a peculiarly Chinese kind. These ties and links have developed between different Chinese communities whose political divergences had until recently precluded such a development. Consequently the emergence of Greater China poses new challenges and opportunities to the political identities of its three constituent members and to the conduct of relations between them. Greater China and its possible future trajectory affects and is also affected by the rest of the Asia-Pacific region including the major powers of the United States and Japan as well as those in the immediate vicinity of South-east Asia.

This study tested a causal relationship between international public relations (PR) expenditure and its economic outcome at the country level by using a time-series analysis. International PR expenditures of four client countries (Japan, Colombia, Belgium, and the Philippines) were collected from the semi-annual reports of the Foreign Agency Registration Act (FARA) from 1996 to 2009. Economic outcome was measured by U.S. imports from the client countries and U.S. foreign direct investment (FDI) toward them. This study found that the past PR expenditure holds power in forecasting future economic outcomes for Japan, Belgium, and the Philippines except Colombia.

The aim of the paper is to show the history of economic relations between the European Union and Japan. This economy is very important to the EU and the countries of the EU are interested in further deepening areas of cooperation. Therefore it seems important to indicate the political will to continue mutual economic relations through the signing of contracts and bilateral agreements, as well as meetings at various levels, including SPA and EPA negotiations and summits. The course of the current economic cooperation will be shown through trade volume and foreign direct investment outflows from the European Union to Japan.

Japan, South Korea and Taiwan are China’s leading sources of imports, a result of China’s efforts to attract foreign direct investment (FDI) to develop its high-technology industry in the 1990s and beyond. Foreign firms in China have relied on importing key components and capital equipment from their home countries. Despite its industrial upgrading in recent years, China continues to run an increasingly large trade deficit with the three economies due to its lack of key technology.

The article considers the dynamics of Japan’s foreign policy towards China at the beginning of the millennium. Its study was the purpose of this article. Its achievement presupposed the solution of the corresponding tasks: consideration of Japan’s multilateral diplomacy in other countries, characterization of the economic policy of the Koizumi cabinet in China. On the basis of the analysis carried out, appropriate conclusions were drawn. Since becoming Prime Minister of Japan, Junichiro Koizumi has made significant changes to his China policy. On the one hand, Koizumi believes that China’s economic growth and internal stability play a positive role for the Japanese economy. On the other hand, he sees China as a rising power that threatens Japan’s external environment and at the same time shakes its dominance in Asia. During Koizumi’s rule, Sino-Japanese relations generally showed a deteriorating trend: he actively deepened economic exchanges with China, but at the same time took a tough stance towards China in the field of foreign policy and security. Koizumi’s repeated visits to the Yasukuni Shrine seriously damaged Sino-Japanese relations, leading to the suspension of high-level visits between China and Japan. And Sino-Japanese relations have deteriorated to their lowest point since 1972.

The article analyzes the dynamics of economic cooperation between the US and Japan for the period 2009–2021: bilateral trade, export and import, FDI flows. Particular attention is paid to Japanese FDI and activities of Japanese manufacturing companies in the United States. Bilateral economic relations are a part of the broader context of economic integration in the Asia-Pacific, activities of multinational enterprises and their global production networks. A "triangular" model of trade relations has developed between Japan, China and the United States, with significant part of trade going through global value chains (GVCs). Over the past decade, the US foreign trade policy priorities have changed several times: from the attempt to create a free trade area in the Asia-Pacific under the Obama administration to President Trump’s protectionism and to more liberal economic agenda of the Biden administration. The role of Japan in the Trans-Pacific Partnership creation and reformatting after the US withdrawal is shown. The prerequisites for the progress of bilateral relations to a new stage of scientifi c, technical and economic cooperation in the context of confrontation between the USA and China are analyzed. President Biden’s economic policy priority in the Asia-Pacific is attracting allies to crucial technologies development and increasing global value chains sustainability. Japan is a key partner for the US to secure control over technology transfer, diversify supply sources and strengthen GVCs. Coordination of approaches to promoting economic security is an important priority for the renewed US-Japan alliance, so the two countries can reach a new level of cooperation.

Russian historiography has accumulated a significant amount of research on Thailand. These works are devoted to various problems of political, economic, cultural development of the country, foreign policy, Russian-Thai relations. It seems important to make available to all researchers and the interested public the most complete picture of scientific literature on Thailand. The author hopes to try to describe the state of Thai studies in Russia in a series of articles.

Russian historiography has accumulated a significant amount of research on Thailand. These works are devoted to various problems of political, economic, cultural development of the country, foreign policy, Russian-Thai relations. It seems important to make available to all researchers and the interested public the most complete picture of scientific literature on Thailand. The author hopes to try to describe the state of Thai studies in Russia in a series of articles.

The paper places a strong focus on the increasing geopolitical tensions in the world and the geopolitical and geoeconomic adjustment process of both Japan and Hungary to the new environment. After the introductory part (Chapter 1), which discusses the changes in the global political and economic environment, the next chapter (Chapter 2) analyses the geopolitical changes for both countries, focusing on foreign and trade policies. Chapter 3 focuses on how political and economic relations with the two major powers, the United States and Japan, have changed. This chapter also provides an overview of the possible foreign policy strategies vis-à-vis the United States and China. The last chapter tries to find the common platform on which these two countries could work together to achieve their political and economic interests.

Japan's economy keeps changing too fast, its economic policies are too active and independent, and its domestic structures seemingly deviate too much from Western patterns to conform to theories that rely on general equilibrium in mature economies. Static economics, including recent monetarist, supply-side, and rational expectations models, some aspects of dynamic and development economics, and most of the neoliberal current in international relations theory are seriously challenged. On the other hand, the mercantilist paradigm, theories focusing on the role of the state, and analyses exclusively adopting the subsystemic level of international relations theory have substantial problems with the ample evidence of adaptation to external factors, the dynamism and Schumpeterian qualities of Japanese private enterprises and the far-reaching liberalization of Japan's foreign-exchange and foreign-trade control regime. As the only OECD member to have pursued “anticipatory adjustment” on the macrolevel and as the obvious model for the OECD category of “positive adjustment,” Japan presents a case of universal relevance. It suggests propositions linking targets and instruments of quantitative and qualitative policies, as well as processes of internalization of global factors and externalization of domestic factors. It provides material for revising, extending, and integrating international relations theory and the theory of economic policy.

The following analysis of China's foreign economic policy-making will focus particularly on the decision of 1980–81 to suspend contracts with foreign countries, taking Baoshan and the petrochemical complexes as specific examples. I discuss this issue in terms of Sino-Japanese relations because Japan was the main target of the cancellations and because the relevant Japanese materials are plentiful. The decision-making process of Chinese foreign economic policy has barely been touched upon in previous research. However, recently there has been some study of the decision-making process in domestic economic policy. For example, Michel Oksenberg, relying on personal interviews, has published two perceptive articles that have been of great use to this study.

The article offers an initial exploration into the causal linkage between domestic political regime change and foreign policy recalibration in Malaysia. While not popular, the notion that foreign policy objectives are more often than not shaped by internal dynamics is rather true in the Malaysian case. The discussion examines Malaysia’s relations with Japan during the Pakatan Harapan government which began in May 2018 but collapsed by February 2020. After being sworn in as the Prime Minister of Malaysia for the second time, Dr. Mahathir Mohamad pledged to re-energize the Look East Policy to facilitate economic growth and investments into the country. Though the move was far from surprising, the consequence of the development needs to be understood within the broader context of Malaysia’s domestic ties with China. Malaysia’s move to expand cooperation with Japan can be explained by a desire to reduce overreliance on Chinese investments. The basic premise is that Malaysia was not tilting towards Japan, rather the move to court Japan through the LEP 2.0 was a function of regime legitimation through which Pakatan Harapan diversified its foreign policy partners for the goal of expanding investment and collaboration opportunities.

This article is devoted to the analysis of Japanese politics in Central Asia. The interests and opportunities of Japan have been carefully studied. The article discusses the social,political and cultural issues between Japan and Central Asian countries. The author examines the current state and prospects of political and economic cooperation between Japan and Central Asian countries, joint efforts to address the problems and threats facing sustainable development of the region, which must be addressed in the development of bilateral and multilateral relations - logistics and investment cooperation.

This study examines the recent history and current state of a special area of Japanese-Hungarian economic relations, foreign direct investments (FDI) in Hungary. We reviewed the flow of Japanese capital into Hungary. Foreign direct capital investments can improve productivity on the one hand via technology transfer, and one the other hand, they may have further positive effects through corporate relationships, such as market access or improved financing conditions. Through these means, they strengthen economic growth. When analyzing the data on the historical development of Japanese investment, we showed that the automotive industry plays a dominant role. Based on our results, the influx of Japanese FDI into the Hungarian economy is mutually advantageous to both parties. The most important result for Hungary was economic growth and for Japan, the easier access to the EU markets. Japanese-Hungarian relations are not limited to economic cooperation, they are present in everyday life and continue to grow closer.

This paper examines the causality among globalization, democratization and economic growth of four East Asian economies. A small-sample cointegration test is employed. The error-correction model shows that domestic investment causes economic growth in the case of Korea, Taiwan and Thailand. Foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows influence the economic growth of Malaysia and Taiwan positively, while there is no evidence suggesting that exports cause economic growth in four economies. There is no evidence that oppression of political freedom leads to economic growth in any of these economies. The current paper reveals that democratization is not caused by economic growth.

<p>The development of ASEAN towards the establishment of ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) at the end of 2015 has brought into sharp focus on the issue of economic and financial integration in the region. The ASEAN region has been the largest recipient of FDI, relative to GDP in Asia Pacific. Between 1952 and 2012, Singapore accounts for more than half of total FDI to the whole region. Thailand ranks the second with a 13 percent share, followed by Indonesia, Malaysia, Vietnam and the Philippines which account between 13 to 8 percent. Foreign direct investment into ASEAN recovered from the world economic crisis and regained its 2007 level of USD 76 thousand million in 2010. ASEAN Dialogue Partners comprising EU, USA and Japan accounted USD 64 thousand million, while the share of Intra-ASEAN in this total was 16% which indicates the progress of ASEAN integration. Theories of economic integration and market liberalization have been used to explain the role of foreign direct investment in developing countries. This paper aims to examine ASEAN’s financial integration prospects. ASEAN integration could accelerate in the years ahead with enhancing financial infrastructure and reliable flexible policy frameworks. On the long term closer engagement among member countries could potentially increase real incomes and accelerate real convergence.</p>

The article provides a retrospective analysis of the development of political relations between Japan and Russia from the middle of the XIX century to the present. The international relations have a nearly three-hundred-year history that reflects various periods of recession and recovery, stability and tension. There was and is a diplomatic struggle of states for financial strength, influence on the world stage, standing up for the national interests in the territorial issue, etc. But despite such moments, these relations did not go beyond the boundaries of “peaceful”. Russia and Japan, as strong players in the Pacific region, have always understood the need for cooperation and have looked for it in political, economic and cultural formats. At the present stage relations between Japan and Russia include different areas: security, economy, culture, science. But the unsigned amicable agreement, which has been delayed for more than 70 years, does not provide ample opportunities for further development of productive mutually beneficial relations. Through the “prehistory” of modern bilateral relations between Russia and Japan, the sequence and nature of relations between the countries is determined. The key aspect that determines the sequence and nature of relations between countries is the historical connection. The material of the article is ranked by time periods (stages), the factors that influenced each of the stages are investigated, and the main problems of the relationships are determined. Special emphasis is placed on the problems of our times, in particular the territorial issue of the Southern Kuril Islands, which were formed historically. Today the relations are based on solving common problems in the economy, security and energy. Within the framework of common interests Japan and Russia are seeking to resolve a long-running dispute. Thus, the article consistently reveals the “prehistory” and the nature of modern bilateral relations. The stages and factors that influenced each of the stages are studied, the corresponding conclusions and forecasts are made.

Japan has a ‘cold politics, hot economics’ relationship with both China and South Korea where political relations are tense and business overall flourishes. Despite the similarities, the political mobilisation of consumers in response to Japanese business interests diverge: event, trade and tourism data show that South Koreans are less likely to link economic interests with their political grievances with Japan compared to their Chinese counterparts even though the sources of the tensions are largely parallel. The divergence arises from different ways economic globalisation has shaped national identity. In China, economic globalisation has strengthened a nativist identity with strong anti-foreign components. Korean national identity has been formed by economic integration and interdependence. While strong national identity and anti-foreign elements exist, they are delinked from economic interests. Survey and event data from South Korea and China show that the variation in consumer politics is driven by attitudinal differences in the population that is strongly anti-Japanese. Social media data shows how citizens link or delink politics and business to mobilise for collective action and provide qualitative evidence that how identities interact with globalisation explain country-level variation.

В статье анализируется экономический кризис в сумгаитской химической промышленности в результате распада СССР и разрыва традиционных экономических связей с бывшими советскими республиками после обретения Азербайджаном независимости и меры, предпринятые для выхода из этого кризиса. Кроме того, рассмотрены установление экономических связей и обмен опытом в химической промышленности с экономически развитыми странами: Германией, США, Турцией, Японией, Великобританией, Кореей, Италией, Болгарией и Испанией, замена физически и морально устаревшего оснащения сумгаитских химических предприятий новым и разработка новых проектов по увеличению производственных мощностей заводов, а также инвестиции этих стран в сумгаитскую химическую промышленность и совместная работа с группой экспертов ЕС по устранению экологической проблемы. The article analyzes the economic crisis in the Sumgait chemical industry as a result of the collapse of the USSR and the severance of traditional economic ties with the former Soviet republics after the independence of Azerbaijan and the measures taken to overcome this crisis. In addition, the establishment of economic relations and exchange of experience in the chemical industry with economically developed countries in the chemical industry: Germany, USA, Turkey, Japan, Great Britain, Korea, Italy, Bulgaria and Spain, replacement of physically and morally obsolete equipment at Sumgait chemical enterprises with new ones and develop new projects to increase the production capacity of factories, as well as the investment of these countries in the Sumgait chemical industry and joint work with a group of EU experts to eliminate the environmental problem were also searched.

The article examines the trade and economic relations of Latin American countries with individual non-regional partners represented by Japan, South Korea, India and Turkey. The main focus is on the evolution of the foreign economic relations of these countries with the Latin American region and the efforts of the governments of these states to develop them. The main features and trends of bilateral economic cooperation are revealed. The main indicators of trade and economic interaction of the studied countries with the Latin American region are given. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the situation with the conclusion of bilateral trade agreements. There is a clear desire on the part of Turkey to develop a dialogue with Latin American countries in the field of military-technical cooperation. A comparative analysis of the level and content of foreign economic relations with Latin America of the mentioned countries and Russia is carried out. It is concluded that recently there has been a noticeable intensification of trade and economic cooperation between Latin America and Japan, South Korea, India and Turkey, which creates certain challenges for the Russian Federation in terms of increasing the supply of export products to the region. In conclusion, a number of recommendations are formulated to increase the pace of cooperation between Russia and Latin-American countries in the context of increasing competition in the region from other states.

Three hundred years ago per capita incomes in China and Japan were about equal and fairly close to the global mean. At the end of the twentieth century Japanese per capita incomes are about as high as Western incomes and about seven times as high as Chinese incomes. How could this happen? Manchu China and Tokugawa Japan did not establish equally safe property rights for merchants and producers as the West did. But political fragmentation and feudalism within Japan provided something like checks and balances against arbitrary government which China lacked. Moreover, a similar lack of respect for merchants in both countries had more favourable consequences for early commercialisation in Japan than in China.Japan's revolution from above led to a much earlier and faster restoration of orderly government than China's protracted decay of imperial rule first and its revolution from below thereafter. Whereas the Japanese revolution from above implied the preservation of human and social capital, the Chinese revolution from below led to a massive destruction of both. Moreover, Japanese nationalism was oriented toward the conquest of foreign markets and economic supremacy earlier than Chinese nationalism. This provided another Japanese advantage over China.Japan began its process of catch-up with the West about hundred years earlier than China. In both countries high savings and investment as well as human capital formation contributed to growth. China was held back first by political instability and later by diluted property rights and distorted incentives. In the last quarter century, however, China has re-established incentives, opened up its economy, and established some substitute for private property rights. It has done well enough to have already overtaken the Japanese economy in size. The size gap between the two economies is likely to widen quickly, whereas the still huge gap in per capita incomes will narrow only very slowly.

The cycle of publications on trends and prospects of major world nations is continued by a piece on Japan prepared at a workshop of the Center of social-economic and social-political studies at IMEMO RAN. Doctor D. Streltsov (MGIMO-University, Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs) spoke on the subject of the party-political system evolution in Japan as well as on the prospects of the social security system reforming. S. Chugrov, editor-in-chief of the "Polis" magazine, focused on tendencies and expectations of the Japanese society, particularly in regard to territorial disputes and historical memory. That issue was also at the center of the presentation of Professor N. Simotaman from Hosey University, Tokyo, while E. Leontieva of IMEMO dealt with new trends in Japan’s economic development, especially the “abenomics”.

The article analyzes long-term external and internal factors determining the course of development of Russian-Japanese relations in 2019-2020. On the one hand, the anti-Russian component in Tokyo's foreign policy is shaped by its membership in the Security Treaty with the United States and its solidarity with the sanctions policy of the Group of Seven towards Russia. On the other hand, Japan and Russia are both interested interest in political cooperation in creating multilateral dialog mechanisms of international security in East Asia, resolving the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula, and easing tensions around territorial disputes in the East China and South China seas. Among the economic factors, the author focuses on the significant place of Russia in the context of Japan's task of diversifying sources of external energy supplies, as well as on Russia's desire to avoid unilateral dependence on the Chinese market while reorienting the system of foreign economic relations from the West to the East. Personal diplomacy of political leaders plays a significant role in relations between Russia and Japan, and, above all, close personal relationships and frequent meetings between Prime Minister Abe and President Putin, which make it possible to partially compensate the unfavorable image of the partner country in the public opinion of both Russia and Japan. Against the background of a deadlock in the Peace Treaty talks which emerged in 2019, the search for a way out of the diplomatic impasse is on the agenda. In the author's opinion, it would be appropriate at the first stage to proceed to the conclusion of a basic agreement on the basis bilateral relations, which would be "untied" from the Peace Treaty. In addition, Russia could stop criticizing Japan for its security policy and show greater understanding of the Japanese initiative in the field of quality infrastructure. In turn, Japan could take a number of strategic decisions on cooperation with Russia and announce them in the Prime Minister's keynote speech. In addition, Tokyo could stop positioning the issue of the peace Treaty as the main issue in relations with Russia, which would allow our countries to "untie" bilateral relations from the problem of border demarcation and focus on their positive agenda.

The aims of this article are twofold. First, from a historical perspective, it examines the recipient-to-donor transition of five Asian aid donors, namely Japan, Korea, China, India, and Thailand. Specifically, it examines the evolution of their foreign aid programs and practices. Second, it analyzes the effects of Asian aid donors on the international aid regime. We argue that the mix of economic and security goals, which motivated Asian donors to develop their initial economic cooperation programs, have persisted over time. This explains why Asian aid donors have allotted a disproportionate share of their assistance to neighboring countries and their use of foreign aid as a key tool of their commercial and diplomatic policies. Moreover, we contend that the rise and experience of Asian aid donors have created a new dynamic to donor–recipient partnerships and development cooperation like new approaches and modalities. Key findings of this study add to the growing literature on emerging donors and aid effectiveness debate.

ABSTRAK Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menguji spillover effect indeks saham syariah Amerika Serikat dan Cina terhadap indeks saham syariah ASEAN dengan menggunakan metode Nonlinier Autoregressive Distributed Lag (NARDL) untuk menemukan spillover effect yang bersifat asimetris selama pandemi Covid-19. Data yang diamati dimulai pada 1 Januari 2020 sampai dengan 30 September 2021 dengan total observasi sebanyak 336 data untuk masing-masing indeks saham. Penelitian ini mendapatkan beberapa temuan. Pertama, indeks saham syariah Amerika Serikat dan Cina memiliki pengaruh asimetris jangka pendek terhadap indeks saham syariah Indonesia, Malaysia dan Thailand selama pandemi Covid-19. Kedua, indeks saham syariah Amerika Serikat dan Cina hanya memiliki pengaruh asimetris jangka panjang terhadap indeks saham syariah Malaysia selama pandemi Covid-19. Ketiga, efek ketika terjadi penurunan indeks saham syariah Amerika Serikat dan Cina lebih besar dibandingkan pada saat terjadi kenaikan terhadap indeks saham syariah Malaysia selama pandemi Covid-19. Salah satu penyebab hubungan tersebut adalah karena adanya hubungan dagang yang sangat erat antara Amerika Serikat dan Cina terhadap Malaysia. Adapun implikasi dari penelitian ini adalah investor internasional dapat menjadikan hasil penelitian ini sebagai bahan pengambilan keputusan apabila terjadi kontraksi akibat krisis seperti pada saat pandemi Covid-19 terhadap indeks saham syariah Amerika Serikat dan Cina untuk mempertahankan maupun menjual portofolio investasi mereka. Kata Kunci: Spillover, Indeks Syariah, Asimetris, Covid-19. ABSTRACT This study aims to examine the spillover effect of Islamic stock indexes of the United States and China on the ASEAN Islamic stock index using the Nonlinear Autoregressive Distributed Lag (NARDL) method to find asymmetric spillover effects during the Covid-19 pandemic. The observed data starts on January 1, 2020, until September 30, 2021, with a total of 336 observations for each stock index. This study found some findings. First, the Islamic stock indexes of the United States and China have a short-term asymmetric influence on the Islamic stock indices of Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand during the Covid-19 pandemic. Second, the Islamic stock indexes of the United States and China have only a long-term asymmetric influence on Malaysia's sharia stock indexes during the Covid-19 pandemic. Third, the effect when there is a decline in Islamic stock indexes of the United States and China is greater than when there is an increase in the Malaysian sharia stock index during the Covid-19 pandemic. One of the reasons for this relationship is the very close trade relationship between the United States and China with Malaysia. The research implication of this study is that international investors can use the results of this research as a decision-making material in the event of a contraction due to the crisis (one of which is the Covid-19 pandemic) in the United States and China Islamic stock indexes to maintain or sell their investment portfolios. Keywords: Spillover, Islamic Index, Asymmetric, Covid-19. DAFTAR PUSTAKA Abdullahi, S. I. (2021). Islamic equities and covid-19 pandemic: Measuring Islamic stock indices correlation and volatility in period of crisis. Islamic Economic Studies, 29(1), 50-66. https://doi.org/10.1108/IES-09-2020-0037 Aslam, F., Mohmand, Y. 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This study examines the Japan-China rivalry and independent foreign policy (IFP) rhetoric of Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte. Using both AntConc (concordance program) and conventional reading, this study identifies the themes and aspects as to how he used words related to China and Japan in his speeches. Data analysis reveals that his rhetoric centered on several themes, such as historical relations, brotherly and friendly relations, strategic partnership, China as an economic and military superpower, development assistance, and as point of reference, among others. Contrary to what Duterte portrays as IFP, the study shows that even after two years into his presidency, nothing has really changed in the Philippines. His promise of pursuing an IFP policy has neither taken the form of a concrete plan nor materialized as a policy. This paper argues that the ambivalence in Duterte’s foreign policy rhetoric is just a strategy to accommodate China’s influence while maintaining his nationalist narrative. His IFP rhetoric is just a manifestation of continuing dependency to outside powers. No matter how different it initially seemed to be from previous administrations in the way that it entertains other powers such as China and Japan apart from the US, it still cannot be considered as IFP.Keywords: Independent foreign policy, Japan-China rivalry, Philippine foreign policy under Duterte, presidential speech analysis, Rodrigo DuterteCite as: Garcia, L.S.S. (2018). The Philippine president’s rhetoric on Japan-China rivalry and independent foreign policy. Journal of Nusantara Studies, 3(2),1-16.http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jonus.vol3iss2pp1-16

This passage was written on 27 March 1945 by Major Andrew Gilchrist, a Foreign Office official serving with the Special Operations Executive in Thailand. It neatly demonstrates the manner in which the wartime debate within and between the various Allied bureaucracies responsible for Thailand's post war status appeared to be dominated by the circumstances of Thailand's rapid capitulation to Japan in December 1941. Subsequently, diametrically opposed interpretations of these unhappy events were employed both by Britain to legitimize her wartime plans to re-establish a degree of control over Thailand, and also by the United States to justify her attempts to thwart perceived British aggrandizement in Southeast Asia. Yet despite the clear importance of the events of 1941 for Thailand's relations with the Allies, her place in the outbreak of the Pacific War is not yet fully understood.

About some recent trends in economic and political relations between Japan and China. The opinions and conclusions of Western Russian and Japanese scholars with regard to the Chinese policy of Shinzo Abe government and Japanese aspects of Chinese foreign policy under Xi Jinping are considered. Special attention is paid to the ambiguous attitudes of both states to territorial conflicts and their strategy of exploration of islands in the open sea. Evident traces of “double standards“ can be revealed in the political declarations and actions of both countries. Controversies between China and Japan are dangerously aggravating especially with a prospect of strengthening China’s positions in the Asia-Pacific region. Nevertheless solving of territorial question will depend mainly on the outcome of economic rather than military competition between China and Japan.

Thailand's relations with Japan during the months surrounding the outbreak of the war in the Pacific are a topic of controversy in Thai historiography; and despite a growing number of studies which have endeavoured to explain, or at least shed light on, the rapid shift in Thai policy from neutrality on 8 December 1941 to an alliance and then declaration of war on the side of Japan by 25 January 1942, little progress or development in the debate has taken place over the decades since the war. This unsatisfactory situation has been largely due to the very limited knowledge available about the diplomatic activities that took place between Thailand and Japan during the period in question. The bulk of our information to date has come from records and recollections of Thais and Europeans involved in the events, and this has concentrated almost entirely on the activities and interplay of Thais and Europeans. The result has been to relegate Japan's presence in events of the period to some dimly perceived undertakings conducted by sinister characters who were nothing more than Thailand's enemies bent on absorbing that country into Japan's new East Asian order. The following article is an effort to redress this imbalance somewhat by directing attention toward Thai-Japanese relations. I have relied greatly on a number of dispatches that passed between Bangkok and Tokyo during the autumn of 1941. Some of the most important of these are available only from “Magic”, the files of intercepted and deciphered Japanese diplomatic messages accumulated by the United States government. The Japanese Foreign Ministry archive files on diplomatic correspondence with Thailand are extremely incomplete, and none of the messages I used from “Magic” are contained in the Japanese files.

Japan in 2002 continued to grapple with many of the same economic problems it has faced over the past 10 years, with a familiar lack of success. Although the economy has not imploded, as some feared last year, it is showing few signs of staging a sustained recovery. Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro remained in office, but almost all of his efforts to reform the moribund economic system were watered down by resistance from affected groups. The foreign policy agenda was dominated by the growing crisis over North Korea's intensification of its nuclear weapons development program. This crisis cancelled out Koizumi's earlier progress at normalizing relations with Pyongyang.

Introduction. National education and science systems are increasingly integrated into the international scientific and educational space in the context of increasing globalisation. The result of integration processes is an increase in the number of students in the world: if in the 1970s there were about 29 million people in the three-level education system, in 2000 – 100 million, in 2005 – 139 million, in 2010 – 181 million, in 2012 – 196 million. According to the UNESCO Institute for Statistics, the number of such students will grow to 263 million in 2025. In the Russian Federation, 283 000 foreign students (5% of the total number of students) were enrolled in the 2016 / 2017 academic year, and in the United States, about 1 million foreign students were enrolled in the 2014 / 2015 academic year. Given the trends of globalisation of education, Japan was forced to join the struggle for foreign students and the export of educational services. Negative demographic trends such as falling birth rates, an aging population, and a declining youth population are also stimulating the factors in the internationalisation of Japanese universities and the country’s increased participation in the global competition to attract young people to the national higher education system. The aim of the study was to identify the features of the functioning of the model of attracting foreign youth to the higher education system in Japan in the context of worsening problems of population aging and slowing economic growth. This situation is also partly relevant for Russian socio-economic and demographic development. Materials and methods. The article uses statistical data from a number of international organisations (UNESCO, OECD, IOM, World Bank), the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan, the Japan Foundation, and public and private universities in Japan. The sociological method was applied. The authors of the article conducted three focus groups on strategies and tools for attracting foreign students to Japan during a research trip in July 2019. Currently, the higher education system in Japan is one of the best not only in the Asia-Pacific region, but throughout the world. Japan has actually become one of the leaders in the world market for educational services; applicants from different countries seek to master the most in-demand specialties. Results. The study revealed that the system of attracting foreign students to Japanese universities is based on the concept of foreign migration policy, that is, on promoting the country’s geopolitical and economic interests in the AsiaPacific Region (APR). Japanese universities teach students from countries that are strategic partners of Japan: China, Vietnam, Nepal, South Korea, Thailand and Taiwan. An important element of the strategy for attracting foreigners is the work of universities, cultural and educational foundations that promote the Japanese language and culture outside of Japan. The Japanese higher education system, despite its historical traditionalism and conservatism, is gradually internationalising and opening up to the world through active access of universities to foreign educational markets and channels for attracting foreign students. Universities, as the main elements of the higher education system, have become the agents of Japan’s foreign policy, focused primarily on the Asia-Pacific countries and its strategic partners. Moreover, the partner countries were chosen not only based on the priorities of Japanese geopolitics and economy, but also on objective demographic indicators (young age structure, large population). The interaction with migration partner countries is supported by real steps on the part of the Japanese authorities: investment, trade, business and cultural contacts. The experience of Japan can be used in Russia to organise work to attract young people to study in higher education institutions from countries that are geopolitical partners, primarily in the former Soviet Union. Scientific novelty. The features of the functioning of the model of attracting foreign youth to the higher education system in Japan in the context of worsening problems of population aging and slowing economic growth are revealed. Practical significance lies in the possibility of further practical application of the results of the current research on the features of the Japanese model of attracting foreign youth to the higher education system.

This article critically examines the Lewisian turning point in light of Japan's experience since the mid-1800s. Japan reached its Lewisian turning point around 1960. Contrary to the assumptions of the theory however, the findings for Japan indicate that political factors have been more determinative of the rate of migration than purely economic ones. Prior to its turning point in 1960, international relations, war and forced repatriation were the decisive factors. Recently, though the inflow of foreign workers to fill labor shortages has increased, so also has the outflow of Japanese to accompany direct foreign investment. DFI itself is more responsive to trade barriers, exchange rates and incentives offered by host governments than to differing wage levels or labor market conditions.

Purpose This paper aims to identify Thailand’s realistic export opportunities (REOs) in the ASEAN+3 countries (i.e. ASEAN, Greater China, Japan and South Korea), which together constitute an economically dynamic region and a strategic export destination for Thailand. Furthermore, the paper seeks to determine the extent to which Thailand already has a share in ASEAN+3 countries and where new opportunities lie. This allows the formulation of appropriate export promotion strategies for Thailand. Design/methodology/approach The methodology used is a decision support model (DSM) which uses an extensive data-filtering system to systematically screen and eliminate less-promising product–country combinations to ultimately reveal high-potential REOs. Product–country combinations are screened on the basis of country risk; macro-economic country performance; market potential in terms of import growth and import market size; and market access conditions, including market concentration and the existence of trade barriers. The thus narrowed-down REOs are categorised according to Thailand’s relative market share in, and the characteristics of, the identified import markets. Findings The study reveals that the ASEAN+3 countries account for about 40 per cent of the total potential export value of Thailand’s REOs in the world, with China leading the way (12.45 per cent), followed by Japan (8.56 per cent) and South Korea (6.23 per cent). However, Thailand has a relatively small or intermediately small market share in the majority of these REOs, pointing to the need for more offensive and exploratory export promotion strategies. Research limitations/implications The ASEAN+3 countries – given that they are an abundant source of REOs for Thailand and are in Thailand’s “backyard” – should receive more focused attention and resources in government export promotion efforts. The recent launch of the ASEAN Economic Community and the proposed establishment of an East Asia Free Trade Area lend weight to the idea of Thailand adopting a strong regional focus in its export activities. Practical implications The insights derived from the study are valuable for export promotion officials, industry representatives and practising exporters alike, as they constitute an easy-to-digest snapshot of high-potential REOs for Thailand in the ASEAN+3 region. This makes for more efficient planning and prioritising of export development activities, and a more streamlined approach to resource allocation. Originality/value Export promotion shows diminishing returns and requires sustainable strategies and interventions. The value in this paper lies in its description of an innovative market selection tool, the DSM, which is able to process and filter high volumes of information and arrive at a shortlist of high-potential REOs for Thailand in the ASEAN+3 countries. The paper represents a concise case study of the DSM in practice, which should be of particular interest to export promotion agencies, industry associations and both new and more established exporting countries.

The economic knock-on effect of climate change is often underrepresented. When Japan's Ministry of the Environment first started to appreciate that climate change related events at home and abroad were going to threaten supply chains, the Japanese economy and foreign relations, they set out to assemble a team who could research and report on the problem. Dr Yasuko Kameyama, Director, Center for Social and Environmental Systems Research at the National Institute for Environmental Studies (NIES) is leading a project team that has developed a collaborative research programme addressing themes and sub-topics that consists compound risks of climate change.

The coronavirus epidemic 2019-nCoV in China has already led to a slowdown in the country’s economic growth and the fall of the yuan exchange rate on the stock exchanges. The Russian government has banned visa-free tourist trips between Russia and China and the issuance of work visas to Russia for Chinese citizens; Australia, New Zealand, Japan, Pakistan, and Italy have imposed similar bans. Great Britain, South Korea, Singapore and New Zealand have imposed quarantine for arrivals from China. Military aircrafts of Russia, India and Thailand take their citizens out of China. The US authorities have declared public health emergency and ban on the entry of all foreign citizens who have visited China over the past two weeks. This article gives forecast, how these measures of the governments will affect on global academic mobility and economic growth.

When China embarked on economic reform in the late 1970s, its leaders aspired to learn from Japan's developmental policies that were restrictive of foreign capital. In the 1990s, China strove again to emulate Japan and South Korea in restricting foreign direct investment and promoting indigenous corporations. Despite these efforts, China's industrial catch-up was in fact led by FDI, in sharp contrast to the classic Japanese/Korean paradigm where FDI was strictly circumvented. Why was China unsuccessful in learning restrictive FDI policies? How did a new developmental path emerge in China? The answer lies in China's strong networks with diaspora communities. Through a diffusion mechanism, ties between local governments and diaspora capital helped initiate and catalyze China's FDI liberalization, despite the central efforts to learn from Japan and South Korea. Two critical reform episodes are examined: (1) the establishment of special economic zones and (2) the reform of state-owned enterprises.

Abstract Powerful states often use tools of economic statecraft, such as foreign aid and other financial policy instruments, in a bid to “purchase” influence as well as establish regional leadership among their neighbors. How and why do these states undertake similar economic statecraft strategies and policies? The article examines the evolution of infrastructure financing policy of China and Japan and identifies the ever changing and, yet at the same time, mirroring interaction between the two countries’ development finance practices. We argue that emulation and competition have led to the process of policy diffusion between these two countries. The competition between these two foreign aid leaders in East Asia especially after China’s Belt and Road Initiative has shaped the region’s infrastructure development dynamics as they strive to move the equilibrium outcome to their advantage. Such equilibrium through the policy diffusion process has important implications on global development governance.

As an introduction to this special issue, this article examines the shaping of Japan’s foreign policy; looking at how Japan has risen to the demand of the international community to assume more responsibility in conflict situations, circumventing a pacifist constitution that it had been dealt with. It then explains relations between Middle East and Japan and shows how the latter has been balancing its national interest in order to conform to its alliance with the United States. With more Asian powers having stake in the Middle East, Japan has become proactive about its role in the region. However, with limited hard power options, Japan would have to concentrate on its soft power capabilities and on using its economic strength to mark its presence in the Middle East.

The study touched on an important topic in Japan, which is (Prime Minister of Japan Nobusuke Kishi from 1957-1960) and he also had an "important political role because of his great importance to Japan, where in this year (1957) he became the Prime Minister of Japan and had a great role in his proximity It was also characterized by a policy of establishing good relations with European countries for joint cooperation in order to establish friendly relations and establish security agreements, especially with the United States of America. Nobusuke Kishi was the great statesman, especially in the field of economy, and he was loved by the United States of America because of its strong and reassuring relations with him. The study was divided into an introduction, a conclusion, and three sections. The first topic dealt with Nobusuke Kishi, his life and political role until 1957. While the second topic spoke to Nobusuke Kishi's internal policy in Japan, as well as regarding the third topic, it shed light on it, dealing with Nobusuke Kishi's foreign policy. Finally, it should be noted that Nobusuke Kishi's political role still needs more studies and research, especially since this modest effort touched on one aspect of the political aspect. We hope that later studies will address the economic, social and cultural aspects that had an important impact on Japan's policy and in In conclusion. Key words: Nobusuke Kishi, Japan, Political, United States of America, Foreign Policy.

The relations with foreign countries, which began to be implemented in the first years of independence of the Republic of Kazakhstan are of particular importance. It is known that conducting the country's economy in accordance with the requirements of world market relations, receiving investment and financial assistance from these countries, exchange of experience, the establishment of import-export trade relations have become the basis for the future of the country. That is why the establishment of multifaceted relations on an equal footing with foreign countries, whose economies have reached the level of advanced development, is included in the main work plan of the foreign policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan. The article considers the political, economic and cultural partnership of the Republic of Kazakhstan with Japan, Turkey, South Korea, India, Israel, Mongolia and other foreign countries in the first decade of independence. Data, documentary materials and works of scientists dealing with international politics were used, a scientific analysis of the topic conclusions were made, and recommendations for further study of the case were given