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Journal articles on the topic "Japan Foreign economic relations Thailand"
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Ku, Samuel C. Y. "Laos in 2015." Asian Survey 56, no. 1 (January 2016): 148–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.148.
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Laos’ economy declined slightly in 2015, but its political and economic integration with neighboring countries gradually deepened. While China continued to be a key actor in Vientiane’s foreign relations, Laos’ ties with neighboring Vietnam, Thailand, Cambodia, and even Japan and South Korea also strengthened in 2015.
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Baykov, A. A., and V. A. Gnevasheva. "Econometric Estimates of Russia's Turn to the East." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 6 (December 31, 2020): 175–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-6-75-175-207.
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The emerging trend in Russia’s foreign policy is its reorientation from active interstate and socio-economic interaction with the states of the "collective West" to the countries that make up the Asian macroregion. The article presents the qualitative and quantitative assessment of the emerging relations between Russia and the countries of the East, namely the ASEAN countries, Northeast Asia and the Indo-Pacific region. Assuming that the prerequisites for the strengthening of such relationships between countries should be reflected in changes in trade relations, increased migration flows, and changes in policy in terms of countries' military spending, the study attempts to evaluate such changes econometrically. We use the method of constructing multiple linear regression, as well as indicators for assessing country-by-country correlation and cluster analysis. The object of the research is the countries of Northeast Asia (China, Japan, Republic of Korea); ASEAN countries (Thailand, Indonesia, Vietnam, Malaysia, Singapore); India; Australia and Oceania. The empirical base of the study is the official statistics of World Bank, SIPRI, FSGS. The findings indicate the emerging conditions for Russia's turn to the East. The analysis reveals a number of stable features indicating the possibility of modeling a reasonable predictive scenario. The proposed estimates can also be used for further study of the directions of interaction between Russia and the East, methodological and empirical clarification of the emerging relationships, determination of significant factors strengthening the noted interactions.
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Brouwer, Gordon de. "Financial Markets, Institutions, and Integration in East Asia." Asian Economic Papers 2, no. 1 (January 2003): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/153535103322022896.
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East Asia has enormous scope to upgrade and integrate its financial markets, covering the spectrum of equity, bond, foreign-exchange, and derivatives markets. Financial markets and institutions in East Asia tend to be narrow and undeveloped, although there are important exceptions. Japan dominates the top tier of the region's markets by virtue of its size, but its markets are not advanced, and many of its private institutions are weak. Although the markets in Australia, Hong Kong SAR, and Singapore are smaller than those of Japan, they are more innovative, market-oriented, and technologically advanced. Markets in Malaysia, South Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand have made substantial progress to varying degrees; but China, Indonesia, and the Philippines have a considerable way to go in developing the information and governance infrastructure that financial markets need to function well. For all these countries, there is a clear role for regional cooperation among policymakers in building capacity in, and links between, financial markets in East Asia, as well as in encouraging stable speculation and the participation of nonresident and institutional investors in domestic financial markets. ASEAN+3 is an important and welcome advance in regional cooperation, but its membership does not span the depth of experience in financial markets and institutions that exists in East Asia.
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Kemu, Suparman Zen. "INDONESIA JAPAN ECONOMIC RELATIONS: (INVESTMENT AND TRADE)." Kajian Ekonomi dan Keuangan 14, no. 4 (November 9, 2015): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31685/kek.v14i4.56.
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Pra krisis ekonomi 1998, Indonesia merupakan Negara urutan ketiga dalam tujuan investasi langsung Jepang (FDIJ, dibawah China dan Amerika Serikat Namun, paska krisis ekonomi 1998 tersebut, posisi Indonesia turun ke ranking kedelapan dan telah dilewati oleh India, Thailand, Vietnam, Rusia, dan Brazil. Beberapa faktor yang menyebabkan terjadinya hal ini adalah: kondisi infrastruktur yang buruk di dalam negeri terutama masalah perlistrikan, kurangnya kepastian hukum, adanya pajak berganda, fluktuasi nilai tukar rupiah yang terlampau tajam, dan lemahnya hubungan antar industri (linkage) . Dalam perdagangan luar negeri Jepang merupakan partner dagang terbesar Indonesia. Pada tahun 2007, total perdagangan Indonesia Jepang mencapai nilai USD 23,6, merupakan yang terbesar di ASEAN dibandingkan perdagangan Negara anggota ASEAN lainnya terhadap Jepang. Namun jenis ekspor Indonesia ke Jepang di dominasi oleh komoditi dasar seperti minyak bumi, gas, bahan tambang, dan produk kayu. Sementara ekspor Negara anggota ASEAN yang lain ke Jepang seperti Singapura, Thailand dan Malaysia didominasi produk manufaktur berupa komponen yang mempunyai nilai tambah lebih tinggi. Gejala lainnya adalah bahwa ada tendensi peningkatan nilai perdagangan Indonesia dengan dua Negara Asia Timur yaitu China dan Korea. Hal ini positif bagi Indonesia namun kurang baik bagi kelanjutan hubungan ekonomi Indonesia Jepang. Berbagai masalah ini perlu dibicarakan secara lebih serius oleh kedua Negara agar nilai perdagangan dan investasi Indonesia Jepang dapat lebih meningkat lagi.
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Shaikh, Khalil ur Rehman. "FOREIGN POLICY OF JAPAN." Asia-Pacific - Annual Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia 38 (February 5, 2021): 167–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol38.iss0.2333.
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In post war era, Japan emerged as a pacifist country. The constitution of Japan restrained from developing armed forces for offensive but permitted only for defensive purpose. Thus, Japan raised Self Defense Force. This posture greatly contributed in its emergence as world economic power. In post-cold war period, Japan appeared with advanced step in its foreign policy and sent its forces abroad as a part of UN Peace Keeping Force abroad. It little questioned the objective of creating SDF. 9/11 incidents changed the global politics. Japanese citizens also fall prey to it. Japan joined coalition on War on Terror and helped to fight against terrorism. In post 9/11, Japan has improved its relations with China despite territorial dispute. However, it plays its role in global political, economic, cultural and strategic areas.
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Phong, Nguyen Quoc. "Vietnam - Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (VJEPA) in Bilateral Foreign Economic Relations Between Vietnam and Japan." International Journal of Research and Review 9, no. 8 (August 10, 2022): 108–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.52403/ijrr.20220808.
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Vietnam - Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (VJEPA) is the first bilateral free trade agreement (FTA) of Vietnam after the country joined the World Trade Organization (WTO). The article outlines the main trade and investment commitments of the agreement. The implementation of the VJEPA has promoted the flow of goods from Vietnam to Japan, and at the same time has attracted FDI capital from Japan. The role of VJEPA is confirmed as a catalyst to promote bilateral foreign economic relations between Vietnam and Japan in the article. Keywords: VJEPA, agreement, international trade, FDI.
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Tolstykh, V. L. "Сovid-19 and International Law: General Issues." Moscow Journal of International Law, no. 3 (October 9, 2021): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/08690049-2021-3-45-62.
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INTRODUCTION. In December 2019, an outbreak of coronavirus infection (SARS-CoV-2) transmitted by airborne droplets was recorded in Wuhan, China. In mid-January, the virus was detected in Thailand and Japan; in March, the center of the pandemic moved to Europe; in early April, the United States came out on top in terms of the number of infections. To combat the virus, many states have introduced emergency measures, including lockdowns, social distance requirements, mass testing, etc. The pandemic has affected all spheres of public life, including international relations and international law.MATERIALS AND METHODS. The article analyzes the response to the pandemic on the part of states, organizations and the doctrine of international law; examines the international legal aspects of the pandemic: application of the International Health Regulations 2005, possible responsibility of China and other states, impact of the pandemic on human rights. The problems of legal regulation in connection with the pandemic are defined and the ways of their solution are determined. The subject of analysis is the materials of foreign legal press, first of all, posts and articles on the Internet. In addition to the data of international law, scientific categories of philosophy, economics and political science are used.RESEARCH RESULTS. Major UN bodies have reacted to the pandemic with general statements. WHO positioned itself as an international center for the fight against the virus and made recommendations that, however, were not implemented by states which adopted more restrictive measures. The main document that guided WHO is the International Health Regulations 2005 (IHR). Some states and the media accused China of a belated reaction and withholding information. As a result, the doctrine has discussed the issue of bringing a claim against China to the International Court of Justice. The legal basis for this claim could be the provisions of the IHR, the WHO Constitution and a number of duediligence obligations. The jurisdictional basis for applying to the ICJ could be Art. 75 of the WHO Constitution, and to an arbitration Art. 56 IHR. In response to the pandemic, many states have limited human rights; references have been made to the possibility of a temporary derogation from human rights obligations in an emergency and the possibility of limiting human rights in the interests of national security, health and the protection of the rights of others.DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS. The foreign doctrine notes an nsufficient response frominternational organizations and makes proposals aimed at expanding the powers of the UN Security Council in combating the pandemic and at reforming the WHO. In addition, there are shortcomings of the IHR that hinder their effective use. The possibility of holding China accountable is questioned: there is nsufficient evidence of the violation; the threshold for breach of duediligence obligations is very high; China is unlikely to agree to participate in the lawsuit against it. Nevertheless, several lessons can be learned for the law of responsibility (the possibility of deviating from the principle of full compensation, etc.).The procedure for derogating from human rights obligations during a pandemic also needs clarification. In general, the international legal doctrine coped with the task of understanding of the pandemic phenomenon: it systematized and qualified the facts, discovered and formulated legal problems, both private and public, and suggested means to solve them. Few questioned the advisability of such a harsh global reaction and formulated a radical criticism; instead, the shortcomings of individual measures were noted and proposals were made to improve their effectiveness.
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Yahuda, Michael. "The Foreign Relations of Greater China." China Quarterly 136 (December 1993): 687–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032306.
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Greater China refers in the first instance to the close economic ties of trade, technology transfers and investment that have emerged since the second half of the 1980s linking Taiwan and Hong Kong with the rapid development of southern China. But it also suggests that the economic links are buttressed by familial, social, historical and cultural ties of a peculiarly Chinese kind. These ties and links have developed between different Chinese communities whose political divergences had until recently precluded such a development. Consequently the emergence of Greater China poses new challenges and opportunities to the political identities of its three constituent members and to the conduct of relations between them. Greater China and its possible future trajectory affects and is also affected by the rest of the Asia-Pacific region including the major powers of the United States and Japan as well as those in the immediate vicinity of South-east Asia.
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Lee, Suman, and Byungwook Kim. "A Time-Series Analysis of International Public Relations Expenditure and Economic Outcome." Communication Research 45, no. 7 (April 19, 2015): 1012–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0093650215581370.
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This study tested a causal relationship between international public relations (PR) expenditure and its economic outcome at the country level by using a time-series analysis. International PR expenditures of four client countries (Japan, Colombia, Belgium, and the Philippines) were collected from the semi-annual reports of the Foreign Agency Registration Act (FARA) from 1996 to 2009. Economic outcome was measured by U.S. imports from the client countries and U.S. foreign direct investment (FDI) toward them. This study found that the past PR expenditure holds power in forecasting future economic outcomes for Japan, Belgium, and the Philippines except Colombia.
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Drzymała, Agnieszka. "Economic Cooperation Between The European Union And Japan." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 20, no. 2 (June 30, 2017): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cer-2017-0016.
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The aim of the paper is to show the history of economic relations between the European Union and Japan. This economy is very important to the EU and the countries of the EU are interested in further deepening areas of cooperation. Therefore it seems important to indicate the political will to continue mutual economic relations through the signing of contracts and bilateral agreements, as well as meetings at various levels, including SPA and EPA negotiations and summits. The course of the current economic cooperation will be shown through trade volume and foreign direct investment outflows from the European Union to Japan.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Japan Foreign economic relations Thailand"
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Ponniah, Helen. "Malaysia - Japan relations : economic and political implications." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110876.
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Japanese involvement in Malaysia dates back to
the beginning of this century. From the beginning
Japanese interests were predominantly economic in nature
Japan looked upon Malaya as a source of raw materials
and also as a potential market for its finished products
Japan was initially drawn by the rubber industry which
became lucrative in 1910 and the iron ore mines which
were essential for its steel industries. In 1928 iron
ore imports from Malaya accounted for 40 percent of
Japan's total consumption. Japanese cotton goods and
other manufactures were low priced and therefore popular
in Malaysia. However Japanese efforts to make in-roads
on the Malaysian economy were impeded by the British
colonial administration. For example, the British
enacted a Rubber Restriction Act in 1917 which limited
rubber exports to Japan. The British also introduced a
quota system on Japanese manufactured imports in the
late 1930s.
2
Herrmann, John. "Japan's economic relations with the South Pacific." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/129551.
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The post-World War II decades witnessed one of the most important economic
achievements in recent world history: the rise of Japan as a global economic
power. This served notice of Japan's new status as an actor on the world stage
and ultimately, of its potential to influence developments around the world. In
the South Pacific, Japan's drive to globalise its giant economy over a period of
four decades generated a considerable impact on the economies of Pacific
Islands countries (PICs). In the period leading up to the mid-1970s, relations
between Japan and the South Pacific developed gradually with a continuing
emphasis on economic involvement initially through trade and investment.
That economic relationship expanded rapidly during the 1980s. Japan's intent
for a role beyond a continuing 'economic' emphasis became increasingly
apparent during this period with Overseas Development Assistance (ODA),
because of its strategic value, becoming a significant component in Japanese
involvement. It was the declaration of the Kuranari Doctrine in 1987 that
made clear Japan's motivation for a greater political role. Thus, from an initial
focus on economic activities in the South Pacific, strategic and political
objectives became important considerations for Japan in the growing economic
relationship.
3
Traylor, John Christopher 1960. "American business and United States foreign economic policy in East Asia, 1953-1960." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/276538.
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The Eisenhower Administration sought to create a large role for U.S. multinational corporations, who could provide a significant amount of the capital needed for trade expansion and industrial growth. This policy became known as "trade not aid." The trade not aid policy reflected both the fiscal conservatism and ideological beliefs of the Eisenhower Administration. By 1957 Eisenhower shifted to a policy of trade and aid. This study examines three foreign economic policies in the context of American-East Asian relations. It focused primarily on Japan, since that country served as the center of the American regional "workshop economy" concept in Asia. Tracing the development of the trade/aid program, this thesis then compares and contrasts governmental policies with business activity and opinion during the 1950s. It concludes that the foreign economic policy of the Eisenhower Administration contained serious flaws, served the needs of only a few countries in the region, and was weighted heavily toward a military support role rather than economic development. (Abstract shortened with permission of author.)
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Duho, Drapeau Dann. "The parameters of Japan's political economic strategy : impact of national identity, national interests, and role conceptions on Japanese foreign policy (1980-97)." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28266.
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Research on Japanese current foreign policy suffers from neglect of the influence of domestic factors on Japan's decisions and behaviour in world politics. The question of the nature of Japanese foreign policy needs to go beyond the exogenous cause of state behaviour in international affairs. The object of inquiry of this thesis is the influence of social factors on the orientation of Japan's foreign policy. The central concern is: "how" and "why" Japan behaves as it does in world affairs. This examination addresses the question of the interaction of endogenous and exogenous factors on the foreign economic policy of Japan, and postulates that Japanese national identity, national interests, and role conceptions, are the essence of Japan's defensive attitudes in world affairs on the one hand, and that Japanese behavioural patterns in international relations are in conformity with the ends of Japan's foreign policy: economic security and growth under the Japan-US alliance. Japanese response to US pressure and trade adjustment to the changing framework of the world economy from the 1980s up to the present give a relevant outlook to the defensive character of Japan's foreign policy. For Japanese policy-makers, the stability of Japan's economic performance in the world economy, its pacifist attitude in world affairs, its trade relations with the United States, and its protectorate status as a result of the Japan-US Security Treaty, are beyond question.
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Hachem, Daniel R. (Daniel Raymond). "A Study on U.S. Japanese Foreign Trade." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278155/.
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This research presents an in depth discussion and analysis on U.S. Japanese foreign trade. It is divided into two parts. The first hypothesis states that the appreciation of the dollar in the early eighties is positively correlated with the U.S. trade deficit, especially with Japan. The second hypothesis states that Friedrich Von Hayek's Theory of Social Order applies to the development of capitalism in that country. This can also be divided into two parts, a) this generation of Japanese consumes, saves, and invests differently than previous generations, and b) Japanese consumption and investment patterns follow U.S. consumption and investment patterns with a lag.
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Culp, Rhonda Phillips. "Competition in services : an examination of US multinational companies in Japan's service sector." Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/28632.
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Nukumi, Tetsuro. "Political Economy of Industrial Keiretsu Groups in Japan and their Impact on Foreign Trade with the United States." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278301/.
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The postwar transformation of the international environment has caused economic issues to become a main source of contention among industrial states. The trade imbalance between Japan and its trading partners became a major source of conflict. Reciprocity of access and opening the market of Japan became the main point of debate and the major issue affecting relations between Japan and the United States. While the distinction between the domain of domestic and international politics increasingly is blurred, different domestic political economies create bilateral political and economic conflict. The structure and politics of intercorporate groups or vertical keiretsu are a major feature of Japan's industrial structure and political economy. This case study examines how vertical keiretsu in the automobile and home electric appliance industries affect the Japanese political economy and international trade. A political economy approach focuses on the political context of economic phenomena by analyzing both political and economic variables. Case studies of keiretsu were used in order to gain an understanding of Japan's political economy. A number of propositions or assumptions about the political economy and the dynamics of keiretsu were examined in these studies. It was found that vertical keiretsu influences the industrial sector, trade, and foreign policies in Japan. Japan's industrial policies cannot fully be understood without taking keiretsu into consideration. Scholars have not yet fully considered vertical keiretsu as major actors in the Japanese political process. Their political influence on industrial policies has largely been overlooked. Vertical keiretsu in the automobile and home electric appliance industries were found in the case studies to have been shaping industrial policies since the early post war years. Findings about the nature of Japan's political economy help to explain the conflictive bilateral relationships between Japan and the United States. The findings also show that understanding political economies of nations is increasingly important as the world economy grows and greater trade interaction is imminent.
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Walter, Jason Michael. "Determinants of Bilateral Trade between the United States and Japan." Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2010. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/29311.
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The objective of this study is to evaluate the effects of macroeconomic policy variables on bilateral trade between the United States and Japan. An auto-regressive distributed lag model is developed to estimate the effects of government economic policies on four commodity groups: agriculture; materials and chemicals; machinery and transport equipment; and manufactured goods. Results indicate that monetary policy significantly affects U. S. and Japanese imports of manufactured goods and transport equipment. The results also show that changes in government expenditure have a significant long-run effect on U.S. imports of manufactured goods and Japanese imports of materials and chemicals, while the long-run
effects of income and exchange rates are significant for most commodity groups.
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Wick, Shelley D. "Constructing Threat: How Americans Identify Economic Competitors." FIU Digital Commons, 2013. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/860.
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China’s emergence as an economic powerhouse has often been portrayed as threatening to America’s economic strength and to its very identity as “the global hegemon.” The media’s alarmist response to an economic competitor is familiar to those who remember US-Japanese relations in the 1980s. In order to better understand the basis of American threat perception, this study explores the independent and interactive impact of three variables (perceptions of the Other’s capabilities, perceptions of the Other as a threat versus as an opportunity, and perceptions of the Other’s political culture) on attitudes toward two different economic competitors (Japan 1977-1995 and China 1985-2011). Utilizing four methods (historical process tracing, public polling data analysis, social scientific experimentation, and content analysis), this study demonstrates that increases in the Other’s economic capabilities have a much smaller impact on attitudes than is commonly believed. It further shows that while perceptions of threat/opportunity played a significant role in shaping attitudinal response toward Japan, perceptions of political culture are the most important factor driving attitudes toward China today. This study contributes to a better understanding of how states react to threats and construct negative images of their economic rivals. It also helps to explain the current Sino-American relationship and enables better predictions as to its potential future course. Finally, these findings contribute to cultural explanations of the democratic peace phenomenon and provide a boundary condition (political culture) for the liberal proposition that opportunity ameliorates conflict in the economic realm.
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Magwaza, Mayibuye Matthew. "South Africa and Japan - a bureaucratic policy analysis." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85570.
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Thesis (MA)-- Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study applies a modified bureaucratic policy process model to analyse contemporary South African – Japanese relations, particularly in regards to a proposed Economic Partnership Agreement, and the experiences of Japanese agencies within South Africa. South Africa and Japan are major trade partners, and the Japanese government has a significant presence in the African aid scene via the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD), and through the works of the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA). South African – Japanese relations have been documented in a modest but respectable fashion by a range of researchers, including Alden, Skidmore and Osada. The bureaucratic policy process model has been used in an array of studies on international relations and decision making, notably by Graham Allison. However, it has not been previously applied to South African – Japanese relations. As a result, there is a dearth of information on how bureaucratic dynamics affect Japanese – South African relations. In response to this, a modified bureaucratic policy process model is used to analyse contemporary South African – Japanese governmental relations. A literature review of primary and secondary sources is undertaken, consisting of a historical review of South African – Japanese relations. Following this, a brief overview of contemporary literature on South African – Japanese relations is performed. This includes both secondary sources and primary sources relating to government bureaucracies current priorities and strategies. Material on TICAD is included in this section. Interviews with government officials from both the Japanese and South African governments are carried out using a modified snowball sampling system. The interviews provide insights into the different bureaucratic organization’s priorities and programmes, as well as their relationships with other organizations. From this data, two emergent themes are addressed: the failure of a contemplated Free Trade Agreement / Economic Partnership Agreement and the way in which Japanese agencies, particularly JICA, operate within the South Africa context. It is found that the FTA failed due to welfare concerns from the South African Department of Trade and Industry, as well as greater complications relating to trade agreements in general. These greater complications stem from the involvement of regional bodies such as the South African Customs Union. Japanese agencies are found to be constrained within South Africa by a lack of resources as well as by the independent and somewhat sceptical attitude of South African government agencies towards Japanese aid efforts. It is proposed that the relevance of extra national bureaucracies to the decision making process surrounding the FTA has implications for deploying the bureaucratic policy process model, which has generally only considered national bureaucracies in discussing how decisions are made. It is further suggested that South African trade deals are complicated by the country’s location within the South African Customs Union and the South African Development Community, and the consequent need to consult and negotiate with third parties who are likely to be impacted by such deals. Finally, it is suggested that because both South Africa and Japan face significant, but different economic challenges, they should prioritise improving their economic relations.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie het ’n aangepaste burokratiese beleidsprosesmodel gebruik om die hedendaagse betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan te ontleed, veral wat betref ’n voorgestelde ekonomiese vennootskapsooreenkoms tussen die twee lande en die ervarings van Japannese agentskappe in Suid-Afrika. Suid-Afrika en Japan is groot handelsvennote, en die Japannese regering handhaaf ’n beduidende teenwoordigheid op die Afrika-hulptoneel deur middel van die Tokiose Internasionale Konferensie oor Afrika-ontwikkeling (TICAD) en die werk van die Japannese Internasionale Samewerkingsagentskap (JICA). Verskeie navorsers, waaronder Alden, Skidmore en Osada, het die betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan al op beskeie dog aansienlike wyse beskryf. Die burokratiese beleidsprosesmodel is al in ’n rits studies oor internasionale betrekkinge en besluitneming gebruik, in die besonder deur Graham Allison. Tog is dit nog nooit voorheen op betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan toegepas nie. Dus bestaan daar weinig inligting oor hoe burokratiese dinamiek die betrekkinge tussen hierdie twee lande raak. In antwoord hierop is ’n aangepaste burokratiese beleidsprosesmodel dus gebruik om die hedendaagse staatsbetrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan te ontleed. Eerstens is ’n literatuuroorsig van primêre en sekondêre bronne onderneem wat uit ’n historiese oorsig van betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan bestaan het. Daarná is ’n oorsig van kontemporêre literatuur oor die verhoudinge tussen die twee lande onderneem. Dít het sowel sekondêre as primêre bronne met betrekking tot die huidige prioriteite en strategieë van staatsburokrasieë ingesluit. Hierdie afdeling sluit ook materiaal oor TICAD in. Onderhoude met staatsamptenare van die Japannese sowel as die Suid-Afrikaanse regerings is met behulp van ’n aangepaste stelsel van sneeubalsteekproefneming gevoer. Die onderhoude bied insig in die verskillende burokratiese organisasies se prioriteite en programme, sowel as hul verhoudings met ander organisasies. Twee temas wat uit hierdie data na vore gekom het, is vervolgens bespreek: die mislukking van ’n beoogde vryehandel-/ekonomiese vennootskapsooreenkoms, en die funksionering van Japannese agentskappe, veral JICA, in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks. Daar word bevind dat die vryehandelsooreenkoms misluk het weens welsynsbesware van die Suid-Afrikaanse Departement van Handel en Nywerheid, sowel as groter komplikasies met betrekking tot handelsooreenkomste in die algemeen. Hierdie groter komplikasies hou verband met die betrokkenheid van streeksliggame soos die Suider-Afrikaanse Doeane-unie. Voorts blyk Japannese agentskappe in Suid-Afrika aan bande gelê te word deur ’n gebrek aan hulpbronne, sowel as Suid-Afrikaanse staatsagentskappe se onafhanklike en effens skeptiese houding jeens Japannese hulppogings. Die studie doen aan die hand dat die relevansie van bykomende nasionale burokrasieë in die besluitnemingsproses oor die vryehandelsooreenkoms bepaalde implikasies inhou vir die gebruik van die burokratiese beleidsprosesmodel, wat meestal slegs rekening hou met enkele nasionale burokrasieë se rol in besluitneming. Voorts blyk dit dat Suid-Afrikaanse handelstransaksies bemoeilik word deur die land se lidmaatskap van die Suider-Afrikaanse Doeane-unie en die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap, en die gevolglike behoefte om oorleg te pleeg met derde partye wat waarskynlik deur sulke transaksies geraak sal word. Laastens word aangevoer dat aangesien Suid-Afrika en Japan met beduidende dog verskillende ekonomiese uitdagings te kampe het, die verbetering van ekonomiese betrekkinge tussen die twee lande nou voorrang behoort te geniet.
Books on the topic "Japan Foreign economic relations Thailand"
1
Japan's foreign aid to Thailand and the Philippines. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996.
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2
Wannitikul, Wilaiwan. International conflicts on trade and investment: Thailand-Japan aspect. Nagoya, Japan: Economic Research Center, Faculty of Economics, Nagoya University, 1985.
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3
Phongpaichit, Pasuk, Busaba Kunasirin, Buddhagarn Rutchatorn, and Čhulālongkō̜nmahāwitthayālai Khana Sētthasāt, eds. The lion and the mouse?: Japan, Asia, and Thailand : proceedings of an International Conference on Thai-Japan Relations. [Bangkok]: Faculty of Economics, Chulalongkorn University, 1986.
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Watchawankhu, Siriphō̜n, Japan Watch Project, and Samnakngān Kō̜ngthun Sanapsanun Kānwičhai, eds. Japan-ASEAN Beyond Economic Partnership: Toward an East Asian Community? : paper and proceedings of the International Conference on Japan-ASEAN Beyond Economic Partnership : toward an East Asian Community? held on 30th September 2005 at Wanwaithayakorn Meeting Hall, 1st fl., Dome Building, Thammasat University, Thailand. Bangkok: Japan Watch Project, 2006.
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Early American diplomacy in the Near and Far East: The diplomatic and personal history of Edmund Q. Roberts (1784-1836). Washington, DC: New Academia Publishing, 2012.
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Čhirāyusawat, Thanō̜msak. AEC Thailand. Krung Thēp: Prāt Samnakphim, 2012.
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Pathak, Angelika. Thailand. Hamburg: Deutsches Übersee-Institut, Übersee-Dokumentation, Referat Asien und Südpazifik, 1990.
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Lumumba-Kasongo, Tukumbi. Japan-Africa relations. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
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Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, ed. ASEAN-Japan relations. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2014.
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Wallis, W. Allen. U.S.-Japan trade relations. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1987.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Japan Foreign economic relations Thailand"
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Chiavacci, David. "Navigating and Riding the Double Bind of Economic and Political Hedging: Japan and the US-China Strategic Competition." In China-US Competition, 221–46. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15389-1_9.
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AbstractJapan finds itself in a double bind. On the one hand, the United States (US) has been a committed military ally, guaranteeing the national security of Japan since 1952. Any discussion of abandonment by the US sends shockwaves throughout the conservative security establishment of Japan. On the other hand, the rise of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has transformed it into the most important trade partner of Japan, by far. Japan is interested in a continued expansion of the PRC economy. This paper analyzes the foreign economic policy of Japan and the security policy of the conservative, LDP-led governments under the leadership of Prime Minister Shinzō Abe (2012–2020) and his successors in this complex interplay of international relations and national politics.
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Medhekar, Anita, and Farooq M. Haq. "Promoting Trade and Economic Relations via Buddhist Spiritual Tourism Circuit Between India and Southeast Asia." In Evaluating Trade and Economic Relations Between India and Southeast Asia, 167–85. IGI Global, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-5774-7.ch009.
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Spiritual tourism is one of the oldest forms of tourism. The purpose of this chapter is to review the key reasons for lack of promotion of investment and economic relations via tourism services related to Buddhist heritage and spiritual tourism circuit and sites to Southeast Asian countries as well as to domestic tourists. Sarnath, in Varanasi, is the hub of Buddhism in India, opened in 2016. There is road, rail, and air connection from Sarnath to various other Buddhist sites. This circuit can be promoted in counties of Southeast Asia and South Asia to spiritual followers of Buddhism as well as ‘New Age' Buddhists. Thailand, Japan, and Korea have invested in spiritual infrastructure in Sarnath for their citizens who visit for Buddhist pilgrimage. This chapter identifies the challenges, opportunities, and provides recommendations for the Indian government to provide a business friendly environment and to encourage foreign direct investment for state-of-the-art infrastructure development from Southeast Asian nations around the Buddhist spiritual tourism circuit.
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Neri, Rita E. "United States-Japan Economic Relations." In U.S./Japan Foreign Trade, 233–55. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315147178-13.
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Arnold, Walter. "Japan and Taiwan: Community of Economic Interest Held Together by Paradiplomacy." In Japan’s Foreign Relations, 187–99. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429046353-12.
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"5. Vietnam–Japan Relations: Moving Beyond Economic Cooperation?" In Vietnam’s Foreign Policy under Doi Moi, 96–116. ISEAS Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/9789814818155-010.
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"II .The Pattern of Direct Foreign Investment in ASEAN: United States vs Japan." In ASEAN-US Economic Relations, 17–22. ISEAS Publishing, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/9789814377171-005.
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"Japan’s economic networking: ODA as an active foreign policy." In The International Relations of Japan and South East Asia, 71–92. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203166888-12.
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Preston, Andrew. "3. Global America." In American Foreign Relations: A Very Short Introduction, 42–62. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199899395.003.0003.
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By the end of the nineteenth century, the United States had become the world’s preeminent economic power. Yet for such a large and wealthy country, by 1890 the United States was in a curious position: it was an economic colossus, but a diplomatic and military dwarf. In comparison to the great powers of Europe or Japan, America was a minor actor on the world stage. That would all soon change. ‘Global America’ explores two phenomena—globalization and world war—that brought America deeper into world affairs. By the end of the period, in 1919, the United States had become one of the greatest powers of the world—and yet refused to play its part.
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Rock, Michael T., and David P. Angel. "East Asia’s Sustainability Challenge." In Industrial Transformation in the Developing World. Oxford University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199270040.003.0009.
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Since the 1960s, developing Asia has been going through a historically unprecedented process of urbanization and industrialization. This process, which began in East Asia with Japan after World War II (Johnson 1982), then spread first to Korea (Amsden 1989; Rock 1992; Westphal 1978), Taiwan Province of China (Wade 1990), Hong Kong, China (Haggard 1990), and Singapore (Huff 1999) and subsequently to Indonesia (Hill 1996), Malaysia (Jomo 2001), Thailand (Pongpaichit 1980; Rock 1994), and China has spawned enormous interest. While most of the debate surrounding the East Asian development experience has centered on the proximate causes of its development trajectory and the economic and political consequences of this trajectory for the East Asian newly industrializing economies (NIEs), because Asia looms so large in the global economy and ecology, interest has belatedly turned to the environmental consequences of East Asia’s development path and to the political economy of governmental responses to deteriorating environmental conditions in the region (Brandon and Ramankutty 1993; Rock 2002a). The focus on the environment came none too soon. Rapid urbanization, industrialization, and globalization in the East Asian NIEs, when combined with ‘grow first, clean up later’ environmental policies, have resulted in average levels of air particulates approximately five times higher than in OECD countries and twice the world average (Asian Development Bank 1997). Not surprisingly, of the 60 developing country cities on which the World Bank (2004: 164–5) reports urban air quality, 62% (10 of 16) are in developing East Asia, all but one of the rest are in South Asia. Measures of water pollution in East Asia, such as biological oxygen demand (BOD) and levels of suspended solids are also substantially above world averages (Lohani 1998). With the prospect for further rapid urban-industrial growth rooted in the attraction of foreign direct investment and the export of manufactures in East Asia, the rest of Asia, and the rest of the developing world as the East Asian ‘model of development’ spreads, local, regional, and global environmental conditions may well get worse before they get better (Rock et al. 2000). At the core of this environmental challenge in East Asia is rapid urban industrial growth.
Conference papers on the topic "Japan Foreign economic relations Thailand"
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Densmaa, Oyuntsetseg, Gerelchimeg Kaliinaa, Norovsuren Nanzad, and Tsogzolboo Otgonbayar. "MONGOLIA’S “THIRD NEIGHBOR POLICY”." In Proceedings of the XXV International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25012021/7365.
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Geographically Mongolia has two neighbors. Mongolia’s existence today depends largely on mutually friendly relationships with two big neighbors. The main pillars of Mongolia’s new international strategy were incorporated in Mongolia’s National Security Concept adopted on June 30, 1994. This document, approved by the Mongolian Parliament, emphasizes a balanced policy towards the country’s two giant neighbors, underlines the importance of economic security in protecting Mongolia’s national integrity, and warns about too much dependence on any one country for trade. In today’s world of globalization and interdependence, Mongolia has to engage with other countries beyond these two neighbors, Russia and China. This is fundamental thing of the Mongolia’s searching third neighbor. Mongolia needs more friends to ensure its national security interests and achieve economic prosperity its ‘Third Neighbor Policy’1 is a policy of extending its friends all around the world. Two immediate neighbors of Mongolia, Russia and China, remain the foreign policy priority and this priority is not contradictory to the policy of having more friends. Mongolia is becoming an arena of clashes of economic interests of developed countries, multinational corporations due its rich mining deposits. Mongolia's Third Neighbor Policy is aimed to leverage the influence of neighboring countries in the national security issues of Mongolia. In contrast with other satellite states of the former Soviet Union, Mongolia concurrently instituted a democratic political system, a market-driven economy, and a foreign policy based on balancing relations with Russia and China while expanding relations with the West and East. Mongolia is now pursuing a foreign policy that will facilitate global engagement, allow the nation to maintain its sovereignty, and provide diplomatic freedom of maneuver through a “third neighbor” policy. 2 This policy is very much alive today but there is no reason to claim that its implementation is satisfactory. Mongolia has major investors from the US, Japan, Germany and France from the EU, for example. There are many universal conventions related to landlocked country. For Mongolia, access to sea via our two neighbors, means promoting economic ties with the third neighbors, as an important factor conducive to reinforcing the material foundations of Mongolia’s third neighbor policy.