Journal articles on the topic 'Jane Harper'

The purpose of this study is to compare literary works in the novel Kemarau by A.A Navis and the novel The dry by Jane Harper. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative research method. In the management of the data generated using the analysis of the theory of sociology of literature. This study uses a comparison table contained in the novel Kemarau by A.A Navis and the novel The Dry by Jane Harper. The results of comparison of social values contained in the two novels, the novel Kemarau by A.A Navis explains social values and the values about life contained in the novel Kemarau by A.A Navis. Meanwhile, Jane Harper's novel The Dry is quite the opposite, but there are still moral values inserted. Through this research, it is hoped that it can increase reader's interest in literary works, and can increase the interest of researchers in comparative literary research.Keywords: Novel, Comparative Literature, Drought, Fiction.

This essay considers the role that Jane Campion’s Top of the Lake (BBC/SundanceTV, 2013) and Top of the Lake: China Girl (BBC/SundanceTV, 2017) play in the post-network television landscape. Situating the series among the globalized genre of serialized post-network crime shows that feature female detectives, this essay argues that Campion reworks the genre’s fascination with victimized women from her auteurist and Antipodean perspective. While the characterization and actions of the female detective resonate with other programs’ protagonists, Campion challenges dominant discourses of victimized women by intervening in the global circulation of women’s bodies on television. By drawing on Zoë Sofia’s work on female bodies and container technologies, this essay argues that Campion’s use of pregnant victims and her exploration of a female detective’s history as a survivor of sexual assault allow her to interrogate the typical treatment of female corpses within crime television. Through circuitous investigations that leave enough narrative space for detours like the settling of Paradise, where women transform shipping containers into domestic spaces for struggling women, Campion provides a countermodel to crime television focused on forensic progress through a case. Campion similarly takes the container of serialized crime drama that circulates the globe in a post-network television landscape and creates space for women’s stories from the Antipodes. Pausing the narrative to indict the treatment of female victims, Campion also unearths the melodramatic underpinnings of serialized crime dramas that resonate with her own filmography.

The foundational gesture of New Materialism and Speculative Realism dismisses vast swaths of past philosophy and theory in order to signify their own avant-garde status. The violence of this gesture, which tries to corral difference within past texts in order to feign its own purity, can be considered as a theoretical quarantine. Examples of medical and spiritual quarantine, the 2014 ebola epidemic and Jesus’ temptation, are analyzed to show that the figure is inherently compromised – the harder one fights to keep the other away, the more one becomes inseparable from it. Derrida's reflections on the reactions against deconstruction show that this desire for progress is always inherently conservative; Meillassoux and Jane Bennett are considered as contemporary examples. A deconstruction of corralation and the academico-capitalist forces driving these ‘innovations’ might open us to reading the never-simply-past text, and to the possibility of the event.

After the global economic crisis, a broad consensus has emerged that membership in the Eurozone exerts a strong pressure on fiscal policy, since it is characterized by the dichotomy of common monetary policy and heterogeneous fiscal policies. This paper analyzes the performance of fiscal policies, highlighting the nexus between the public revenues and public expenditure from the angle of 19 Eurozone economies in the period 2010q1-2020q4. The research is based on Dumitrescu & Hurlin (2012) and Juodis, Karavias & Sarafidis (2021) Granger non-causality tests in macro panels in order to test causality direction, as well as Westerlund errorcorrection-based panel cointegration test to analyze fiscal sustainability. Having in mind the heterogeneity and divergency of the Eurozone members, sub-samples were estimated, concerning the core, the periphery and the emerging Eurozone economies. The results imply that all Eurozone economies achieve weak fiscal sustainability, while all economies from the group of Eurozone periphery applied "tax and spend" hypothesis. The empirical finding could be related to the fact that Eurozone periphery economies were hit harder by the global and sovereign debt crisis, and that implemented austerity and bail-out programs were adequate, thus resulting in sustainable fiscal position, reducing heterogeneity of fiscal performance within the Eurozone economies.

Anthony Esler. The Human Venture. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1986. Volume I: The Great Enterprise, a World History to 1500. Pp. xii, 340. Volume II: The Globe Encompassed, A World History since 1500. Pp. xii, 399. Paper, $20.95 each. Review by Teddy J. Uldricks of the University of North Carolina at Asheville. H. Stuart Hughes and James Wilkinson. Contemporary Europe: A History. Englewood Clifffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1987. Sixth edition. Pp. xiii, 615. Cloth, $35.33. Review by Harry E. Wade of East Texas State University. Ellen K. Rothman. Hands and Hearts: A History of Courtship in America. Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 1987. Pp. xi, 370. Paper, $8.95. Review by Mary Jane Capozzoli of Warren County Community College. Bernard Lewis, ed. Islam: from the Prophet Muhammad to the Capture of Constantinople. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. Volume I: Politics and War. Pp.xxxvii, 226. Paper, $9.95. Volume II: Religion and Society. Pp. xxxix, 310. Paper, $10.95. Review by Calvin H. Allen, Jr. of The School of the Ozarks. Michael Stanford. The Nature of Historical Knowledge. New York: Basil Blackwell, 1986. Pp. vii, 196. Cloth, $45.00; paper, $14.95. Review by Michael J. Salevouris of Webster University. David Stricklin and Rebecca Sharpless, eds. The Past Meets The Present: Essays On Oral History. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1988. Pp. 151. Paper, $11.50. Review by Jacob L. Susskind of The Pennsylvania State University. Peter N. Stearns. World History: Patterns of Change and Continuity. New York: Harper and row, 1987. Pp. viii, 598. Paper, $27.00; Theodore H. Von Laue. The World Revolution of Westernization: The Twentieth Century in Global Perspective. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. Pp. xx, 396. Cloth, $24.95. Review by Jayme A. Sokolow of the National Endowment for the Humanities. Marilyn J. Boxer and Jean R Quataert, eds. Connecting Spheres: Women in the Western World, 1500 to the Present. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987. Pp. xvii, 281. Cloth, $29.95; Paper, $10.95. Review by Samuel E. Dicks of Emporia State University. Dietrich Orlow. A History of Modern Germany: 1870 to Present. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1987. Pp. xi, 371. Paper, $24.33. Review by Gordon R. Mork of Purdue University. Gail Braybon and Penny Summerfield. Out of the Cage: Women's Experiences in Two World Wars. Pandora: London and New York, 1987. Pp. xiii, 330. Paper, $14.95. Review by Paul E. Fuller of Transylvania University. Moshe Lewin. The Gorbachev Phenomenon: A Historical Interpretation. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988. Pp. xii, 176. Cloth, $16.95; David A. Dyker, ed. The Soviet Union Under Gorbachev: Prospects for Reform. London & New York: Croom Helm, 1987. Pp. 227. Cloth, $35.00. Review by Elizabeth J. Wilcoxson of Northern Essex Community College. Charles D. Smith, Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1988. Pp. viii, 308. Cloth, $35.00. Review by Arthur Q. Larson of Westmar College. Stephen G. Rabe. Eisenhower and Latin America: The Foreign Policy of Anticommunism. Chapel Hill & London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1988. Pp. 237. Cloth $29.95; paper, $9.95. Review by Donald J. Mabry of Mississippi State University. Earl Black and Merle Black. Politics and Society in the South. Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 1987. Pp. ix, 363. Cloth, $25.00. Review by Donn C. Neal of the Society of American Archivists. The Lessons of the Vietnam War: A Modular Textbook. Pittsburgh: Center for Social Studies Education, 1988. Teacher edition (includes 64-page Teacher's Manual and twelve curricular units of 31-32 pages each), $39.95; student edition, $34.95; individual units, $3.00 each. Order from Center for Social Studies Education, 115 Mayfair Drive, Pittsburgh, PA 15228. Review by Stephen S. Gosch of the University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire. Media Reviews Carol Kammen. On Doing Local History. Videotape (VIIS). 45 minutes. Presented at SUNY-Brockport's Institute of Local Studies First Annual Symposium, September 1987. $29.95 prepaid. (Order from: Dr. Ronald W. Herlan, Director, Institute of Local Studies, Room 180, Faculty Office Bldg., SUNY-Brockport. Brockport. NY 14420.) Review by Herbert Janick of Western Connecticut State University.

ABSTRACTIn the early nineteenth century, Joseph Bonomi the Elder (1739–1808) was one of the best-known architects in Britain — so much so that he figured in Jane Austen’s Sense and Sensibility (1811) — but his reputation subsequently declined and diminished to the extent that, in the current literature on British architecture of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century, he is little more than a footnote. In a circular process, this excision directly contributed to the demolition of some of his most important work — above all, Rosneath House in Dunbartonshire — on the grounds that it was designed by an architect of little importance, which in turn makes it all the harder to recapture and appraise his architecture. The article explores both the reasons for the excision and the nature of Bonomi’s work. Drawing on the limited available evidence as well as hitherto unused construction drawings of Rosneath, the article repositions Bonomi as an Italian architect working in London — first for the Adam brothers and then on his own account — and examines the qualities of his designs and the factors that led to him being excluded from the inner circle of the artistic establishment, most notably the Royal Academy. In doing so, it sheds new light both on developments in neoclassicism in the period, specifically the ‘stripped down’ style that Bonomi espoused, and on the xenophobic and anti-Catholic currents in London at the time, which appear to have continued to influence his posthumous reputation.

This review focuses on the fact that there are many ways to be green, and American manufacturers are trying them all. From reducing energy use and recycling water to implementing ISO 14001 sustainability programs and reusing packaging, US factories are embracing a more environmentally sensitive manufacturing ethos as fast as they can. There are many ways to be green. Ratcheting down energy use, for example, automatically reduces a plant’s carbon footprint, because either it burns less natural gas or it buys less electricity from a power plant that burns coal or gas. Companies around the nation have also turned their Six Sigma, lean manufacturing, and other tools on solid waste. If a material does not add value to a product, they eliminate it. Many work with vendors to reduce packaging. The less packaging, the less energy is used in a product. Capital projects are even harder to push through, yet they are necessary for further gains once companies have plucked waste reduction’s low-hanging fruit.

AbstractDesign thinking is complex that is hard to learn and harder to teach. The purpose of engineering education is to graduate engineers who can design (Dym CL, 2005). How to enhance students’ reasoning and cognizing about data has gained an increasingly visible role in the K-12 curriculum (Doerr H. M. and Lyn D., 2003). In order to enhance teaching and learning engineering mathematics, a modeling approach by shifting the focus on finding solutions to a particular problem to create a system is proposed in this study. Besides, a training process for the college students who are intending to be the instructors of guiding physical experiments is included. Nonlinear systems, signifying any system is not linear, cannot satisfy the superposition principle. In this paper, a new modeling method for nonlinear systems based on an Adaptive Network-Fuzzy Inference System (ANFIS) for operation and practice was used (Jang, J.S.R., 1993). Through this method, students were able to learn how the transfer functions work for identifying an unknown system. This method had well helped the participated students how the nature of nonlinear system is and how to find out the optimal solutions in controls.

Michael B. Katz. Reconstructing American Education. Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 1987. Pp. viii, 212. Cloth, $22.50; E. D. Hirsch, Jr. Cultural Literacy: What Every American Needs to Know. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1987. Pp. xvii, 251. Cloth, $16.45; Diana Ravitch and Chester E. Finn, Jr. What Do Our 17-Year-Olds Know? A Report on the First National Assessment of History and Literature. New York: Harper & Row, 1987. Pp. ix, 293. Cloth, $15.95. Review by Richard A. Diem of The University of Texas at San Antonio. Henry J. Steffens and Mary Jane Dickerson. Writer's Guide: History. Lexington, Massachusetts, and Toronto: D. C. Heath and Company, 1987. Pp. x, 211. Paper, $6.95. Review by William G. Wraga of Bernards Township Public Schools, Basking Ridge, New Jersey. J. Kelley Sowards, ed. Makers of the Western Tradition: Portraits from History. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1987. Fourth edition. Vol: 1: Pp. ix, 306. Paper, $12.70. Vol. 2: Pp. ix, 325. Paper, $12.70. Review by Robert B. Luehrs of Fort Hays State University. John L. Beatty and Oliver A. Johnson, eds. Heritage of Western Civilization. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1987. Sixth Edition. Volume I: Pp. xi, 465. Paper, $16.00; Volume II: pp. xi, 404. Paper, $16.00. Review by Dav Levinson of Thayer Academy, Braintree, Massachusetts. Lynn H. Nelson, ed. The Human Perspective: Readings in World Civilization. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1987. Vol. I: The Ancient World to the Early Modern Era. Pp. viii, 328. Paper, $10.50. Vol. II: The Modern World Through the Twentieth Century. Pp, x, 386. Paper, 10.50. Review by Gerald H. Davis of Georgia State University. Gerald N. Grob and George Attan Billias, eds. Interpretations of American History: Patterns and Perspectives. New York: The Free Press, 1987. Fifth Edition. Volume I: Pp. xi, 499. Paper, $20.00: Volume II: Pp. ix, 502. Paper, $20.00. Review by Larry Madaras of Howard Community College. Eugene Kuzirian and Larry Madaras, eds. Taking Sides: Clashing Views on Controversial Issues in American History. -- Volume II: Reconstruction to the Present. Guilford, Connecticut: The Dushkin Publishing Groups, Inc., 1987. Pp. xii, 384. Paper, $9.50. Review by James F. Adomanis of Anne Arundel County Public Schools, Annapolis, Maryland. Joann P. Krieg, ed. To Know the Place: Teaching Local History. Hempstead, New York: Hofstra University Long Island Studies Institute, 1986. Pp. 30. Paper, $4.95. Review by Marilyn E. Weigold of Pace University. Roger Lane. Roots of Violence in Black Philadelphia, 1860-1900. Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London: Harvard University Press, 1986. Pp. 213. Cloth, $25.00. Review by Ronald E. Butchart of SUNY College at Cortland. Pete Daniel. Breaking the Land: The Transformation of Cotton, Tobacco, and Rice Cultures since 1880. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1985. Pp. xvi, 352. Paper, $22.50. Review by Thomas S. Isern of Emporia State University. Norman L. Rosenberg and Emily S. Rosenberg. In Our Times: America Since World War II. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1987. Third edition. Pp. xi, 316. Paper, $20.00; William H. Chafe and Harvard Sitkoff, eds. A History of Our Time: Readings on Postwar America. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. Second edition. Pp. xiii, 453. Paper, $12.95. Review by Monroe Billington of New Mexico State University. Frank W. Porter III, ed. Strategies for Survival: American Indians in the Eastern United States. New York, Westport, Connecticut, and London: Greenwood Press, 1986. Pp. xvi, 232. Cloth, $35.00. Review by Richard Robertson of St. Charles County Community College. Kevin Sharpe, ed. Faction & Parliament: Essays on Early Stuart History. London and New York: Methuen, 1985. Pp. xvii, 292. Paper, $13.95; Derek Hirst. Authority and Conflict: England, 1603-1658. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986. Pp. viii, 390. Cloth, $35.00. Review by K. Gird Romer of Kennesaw College. N. F. R. Crafts. British Economic Growth During the Industrial Revolution. New York: Oxford University Press, 1985. Pp. 193. Paper, $11.95; Maxine Berg. The Age of Manufactures, 1700-1820. New York: Oxford University Press, 1985. Pp. 378. Paper, $10.95. Review by C. Ashley Ellefson of SUNY College at Cortland. J. M. Thompson. The French Revolution. New York: Basil Blackwell, 1985 reissue. Pp. xvi, 544. Cloth, $45.00; Paper, $12.95. Review by W. Benjamin Kennedy of West Georgia College. J. P. T. Bury. France, 1814-1940. London and New York: Methuen, 1985. Fifth edition. Pp. viii, 288. Paper, $13.95; Roger Magraw. France, 1815-1914: The Bourgeois Century. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985. Pp. 375. Cloth, $24.95; Paper, $9.95; D. M.G. Sutherland. France, 1789-1815: Revolution and Counterrevolution. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986. Pp. 242. Cloth, $32.50; Paper, $12.95. Review by Fred R. van Hartesveldt of Fort Valley State College. Woodford McClellan. Russia: A History of the Soviet Period. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1986. Pp. xi, 387. Paper, $23.95. Review by Pasquale E. Micciche of Fitchburg State College. Ranbir Vohra. China's Path to Modernization: A Historical Review from 1800 to the Present. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1987. Pp. xiii, 302. Paper, $22.95. Reivew by Steven A. Leibo of Russell Sage College. John King Fairbank. China Watch. Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 1987. Pp. viii, Cloth, $20.00. Review by Darlene E. Fisher of New Trier Township High School, Winnetka, Illinois. Ronald Takaki, ed. From Different Shores: Perspectives on Race and Ethnicity in America. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987. Pp. 253. Paper, $13.95. Review by Robert C. Sims of Boise State University.

I realize that you have only just turned three years old, but I thought it might be interesting for you at some time in the future to read about some of the things that concern your Grandpa Jake today. In recent years, episodes of a popular television program opened with this statement, “Space, the Final Frontier!” I have worked for many years on the development of structural metals, putting most of my attention recently on the metal beryllium. And I have been feeling lately as though we need something similarly dramatic to be said about this metal, such as “Beryllium, the Final Frontier,” or perhaps more appropriately, “Beryllium, Stairway to the Final Frontier!” I want to share these thoughts with you because of two important truths about structural metals. One is that Metallurgy is like Medicine: They only call you up when something goes wrong. And the other truth is that structural materials, when they work, are invisible. So we have to work harder in order to gain the attention that structural materials deserve. Beryllium is truly the last structural metal that has outstanding properties that have not been fully exploited by society in order to meet the needs for greater structural efficiency and the savings in energy and effort that result from meeting these societal needs. So, on with “Beryllium, the Final Frontier!”

Razvojem interneta očekivalo se da će globalna mreža međusobno povezanih korisnika, kojima je digitalna tehnologija omogućila široke aspekte komunikacije, unaprijediti demokraciju i u središte javnog interesa dovesti važna društvena pitanja. Građani sudjeluju u stvaranju i dijeljenju medijskih sadržaja, a jedan su od najpopularnijih načina participacije u javnoj raspravi na internetu komentari čitatelja na informativnim portalima. Razni teoretičari (Habermas, 2006; Dahlberg, 2007; Borge Bravo i Santamarina Saez, 2016) opisali su kako bi komunikacija na internetskim forumima trebala biti uključiva, argumentirana, puna poštovanja, refleksivna i slobodna. No, brojna istraživanja pokazuju kako u komentarima čitatelja ima i neprihvatljiva govora, pa čak i govora mržnje (Ksiazek, i Springer, 2020; Ruiz et al., 2011). Dostupna istraživanja (Harmer i Lewis, 2020; Jane, 2014) pokazuju kako su žene nerazmjerno češće žrtve nasilja na internetu, uznemiravanja i neprihvatljiva govora u odnosu na muškarce, no, unatoč tomu, nasilje nad ženama na internetu još uvijek nije pravno uređeno na razini Europske unije (Blažinović Grgić, 2022; EIGE, 2017). Ovo istraživanje doprinosi tim navodima fokusirajući se na neprihvatljiv govor usmjeren prema ženama, žrtvama nasilja. Cilj je ovog rada istražiti u kojoj mjeri i na koji se način građani u komentarima na hrvatskim informativnim portalima koriste neprihvatljivim govorom prema ženama koje su žrtve verbalnih i fizičkih sukoba. Novinarski članci objavljeni na najkomentiranijim hrvatskim portalima 24sata.hr i Index.hr u razdoblju od 30. studenoga 2018. do 30. svibnja 2019. tematski su grupirani uz pomoć sustava Gephi, kako bi se izdvojile ključne teme koje su privlačile komentatore i čitatelje. Iz tog korpusa izdvojeno je šest tema, odnosno 12 članaka u kojima su žrtve verbalnog ili fizičkog sukoba bile žene. Kvantitativnom analizom sadržaja i analizom sentimenta analizirao se 5041 komentar čitatelja na te članke. Rezultati istraživanja pokazali su kako komentatori imaju pretežito negativan sentiment prema temama nasilja nad ženama. Neprihvatljiv govor zastupljen je u 15,8 % komentara, a 4,7 % odnosi se na žene žrtve sukoba što ukazuje na postojanje mizoginističke retorike u hrvatskom digitalnom javnom prostoru.

Abstract Background: Preclinical studies document that complex cancer vaccines, combined with T cell agonists and anti-PD-1, can augment therapeutic efficacy. Here we report preliminary immunological analyses of patients enrolled in a first-in-human immunotherapy-trio study of multivalent autophagosome vaccine (DPV-001), with sequenced checkpoint inhibition (anti-PD-1; retifanlimab), with/without anti-GITR agonist (INCAGN-1949), in recurrent or metastatic HNSCC (NCT04470024). Methods: Peripheral blood (PB) and sera are collected regularly and PB are evaluated by flow cytometry. Biopsies obtained at baseline, D15 and D45 are analyzed by multiplex IF and 10x Genomics scRNA-Seq. Sera are being analyzed by phage immunoprecipitation (PhIP) sequencing for reactivity against the human proteome. Results: Preliminary results document increases in activated CD4 and CD8 effector memory T cells (TEM) with vaccine alone. Changes in tumor microenvironment (TEM) were also observed with increased infiltration of immune cells. Evaluation of changes to humoral immunity, T cell function and TCR analyses are ongoing. Conclusions: We previously reported immunological monitoring of a phase I/II trial of an autophagosome cancer vaccine (DPV-001) containing more than 300 shared cancer antigens, as adjuvant therapy for NSCLC. Vaccination induced or augmented immune responses to more than 50 cancer antigens shared with head and neck squamous cell carcinoma (HNSCC). Preclinical studies combining this cancer vaccine with αGITR agonist and αPD-1 augmented therapeutic efficacy [PMID: 31747946], and provided the rationale for the current study. This is the first clinical trial to perform such a study with αGITR agonist (INCAGN-1949), in humans. Support: Incyte, Providence Medical Foundation, The Harder Family, Nancy Lematta. Citation Format: Rom S. Leidner, Matthew H. Taylor, Tarsem L. Moudgil, Tanisha L. Christie, Yoshinobu Koguchi, Alexa Dowdell, William L. Redmond, Shawn M. Jensen, Carmen Ballesteros-Merino, Jake A. Vancampen, Venkatesh Rajamanickam, Brady M. Bernard, Christopher Paustian, Traci L. Hilton, Hong-Ming Hu, Richard B. Bell, Walter J. Urba, Carlo B. Bifulco, Brian Piening, Bernard A. Fox. Preliminary immunological monitoring of first-in-human immunotherapy-trio for advanced head and neck squamous cell carcinoma [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the American Association for Cancer Research Annual Meeting 2022; 2022 Apr 8-13. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2022;82(12_Suppl):Abstract nr CT502.

Abstract STUDY QUESTION Does incisional endometriosis (IE) harbor somatic cancer-driver mutations? SUMMARY ANSWER We found that approximately one-quarter of IE cases harbor somatic-cancer mutations, which commonly affect components of the MAPK/RAS or PI3K-Akt-mTor signaling pathways. WHAT IS KNOWN ALREADY Despite the classification of endometriosis as a benign gynecological disease, it shares key features with cancers such as resistance to apoptosis and stimulation of angiogenesis and is well-established as the precursor of clear cell and endometrioid ovarian carcinomas. Our group has recently shown that deep infiltrating endometriosis (DE), a form of endometriosis that rarely undergoes malignant transformation, harbors recurrent somatic mutations. STUDY DESIGN, SIZE, DURATION In a retrospective study comparing iatrogenically induced and endogenously occurring forms of endometriosis unlikely to progress to cancer, we examined endometriosis specimens from 40 women with IE and 36 women with DE. Specimens were collected between 2004 and 2017 from five hospital sites in either Canada, Germany or the Netherlands. IE and DE cohorts were age-matched and all women presented with histologically typical endometriosis without known history of malignancy. PARTICIPANTS/MATERIALS, SETTING, METHODS Archival tissue specimens containing endometriotic lesions were macrodissected and/or laser-capture microdissected to enrich endometriotic stroma and epithelium and a hypersensitive cancer hotspot sequencing panel was used to assess for presence of somatic mutations. Mutations were subsequently validated using droplet digital PCR. PTEN and ARID1A immunohistochemistry (IHC) were performed as surrogates for somatic events resulting in functional loss of respective proteins. MAIN RESULTS AND THE ROLE OF CHANCE Overall, we detected somatic cancer-driver events in 11 of 40 (27.5%) IE cases and 13 of 36 (36.1%) DE cases, including hotspot mutations in KRAS, ERBB2, PIK3CA and CTNNB1. Heterogeneous PTEN loss occurred at similar rates in IE and DE (7/40 vs 5/36, respectively), whereas ARID1A loss only occurred in a single case of DE. While rates of detectable somatic cancer-driver events between IE and DE are not statistically significant (P > 0.05), KRAS activating mutations were more prevalent in DE. LIMITATIONS, REASONS FOR CAUTION Detection of somatic cancer-driver events were limited to hotspots analyzed in our panel-based sequencing assay and loss of protein expression by IHC from archival tissue. Whole genome or exome sequencing, or epigenetic analysis may uncover additional somatic alterations. Moreover, because of the descriptive nature of this study, the functional roles of identified mutations within the context of endometriosis remain unclear and causality cannot be established. WIDER IMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGS The alterations we report may be important in driving the growth and survival of endometriosis in ectopic regions of the body. Given the frequency of mutation in surgically displaced endometrium (IE), examination of similar somatic events in eutopic endometrium, as well as clinically annotated cases of other forms of endometriosis, in particular endometriomas that are most commonly linked to malignancy, is warranted. STUDY FUNDING/COMPETING INTEREST(S) This study was funded by a Canadian Cancer Society Impact Grant [701603, PI Huntsman], Canadian Institutes of Health Research Transitional Open Operating Grant [MOP-142273, PI Yong], the Canadian Institutes of Health Research Foundation Grant [FDN-154290, PI Huntsman], the Canadian Institutes of Health Research Project Grant [PJT-156084, PIs Yong and Anglesio], and the Janet D. Cottrelle Foundation through the BC Cancer Foundation [PI Huntsman]. D.G. Huntsman is a co-founder and shareholder of Contextual Genomics Inc., a for profit company that provides clinical reporting to assist in cancer patient treatment. R. Aguirre-Hernandez, J. Khattra and L.M. Prentice have a patent MOLECULAR QUALITY ASSURANCE METHODS FOR USE IN SEQUENCING pending and are current (or former) employees of Contextual Genomics Inc. The remaining authors have no competing interests to declare. TRIAL REGISTRATION NUMBER Not applicable.

Abstract Background: Osteosarcoma (OS) is a highly aggressive bone malignancy for which treatment has remained unchanged for years. Our previous studies indicate that the F-box protein SKP2 is overexpressed in OS and acts as a proto-oncogene. We recently reported that abolishing the interaction between SKP2 and its downstream substrate p27 using a Thr187Ala knock-in mutation leads to impaired tumor growth in an RB1/TP53 deficient transgenic OS mouse model. These data suggest that inhibiting the function of SKP2 may yield therapeutic benefits in OS. However, the precise mechanisms by which SKP2 promotes tumorigenesis in OS are not fully understood. Purposes: To determine the role of SCFSkp2/Cks1 in OS tumorigenesis and as a potential therapeutic target. Methods: We generated a genetically engineered mouse model of OS with a double knockout of Rb1 and p53 only within cells of the osteoblastic lineage (Osx1-Cre;Rb1lox/lox;Trp53lox/lox, DKO). The SKP2-knockout OS mouse model was further developed in the DKO background (Osx1-Cre;Rb1lox/lox;Trp53lox/lox; Skp2-/-, TKO). Mice of both genotypes were monitored for tumor growth, overall survival, and in vivo drug response. Early passaged OS cells and OS organoid culture was derived from mice tumors and used for in vitro analysis. Western Blot and IHC were used for protein level determination. RT-qPCR and RNA-seq were used for transcriptional level determination. Two small-molecule SCFSkp2/Cks1 inhibitors (C1 and Pevonedistat) were used for in vivo and in vitro testing. Results: All genotypes were born at the expected ratios and developmentally normal. DKO animals developed OS tumors with nearly full penetrance. SKP2 deletion significantly prolongs the overall survival (p<0.0001) and reduced the average tumor occurrence in OS mice (p<0.001). The in vivo tumor proliferation was also significantly delayed in the SKP2 deletion OS tumorigenesis (p=0.007). A histological analysis comparing tumors from two groups showed a decrease in proliferation (PCNA) and an increase in pro-apoptotic markers (TUNEL,etc) expression in SKP2-deleted OS. RT-qPCR and RNA-seq revealed upregulation of E2F1 downstream apoptotic-related target genes in Skp2-/- OS tumors. The transcriptional level analysis also revealed inhibition of cancer stemness markers and pathways in SKP2 deleted tumors and further proved by functional analyses. Two SCFSkp2/Cks1 inhibitors not only showed anti-tumoral activities both in vivo (p<0.05) and in organoid culture, but also synergistic with chemotherapy agents (ZIP synergy Score:9.34±1.24). Conclusions: Using genetic and pharmacologic approaches, we show that inhibiting SKP2 leads to significant antitumor activities in a clinically relevant OS mouse model. The strong survival benefit highlights SKP2 as a downstream actionable target in TP53/RB1-deficient OS, for which the targeted therapies have been disappointing to date. Citation Format: Jichuan Wang, Alexander Ferrena, Ranxin Zhang, Swapnil Singh, Hongling Zhao, Deyou Zheng, Hasibagan Borjihan, Waleed Al-Harden, Janet Tingling, Rui Yang, David S. Geller, Bang H. Hoang. Targeted inhibition of the E3 ligase SCFSkp2/Cks1 has survival benefit and antitumor activity in osteosarcoma [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the American Association for Cancer Research Annual Meeting 2022; 2022 Apr 8-13. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2022;82(12_Suppl):Abstract nr 6188.

D. Fernandez-Duque ir I. M. Thornton (2000) tariamai atrado, kad asmuo gali užfiksuoti pakitimą ir be sąmonės įsiterpimo. Tačiau šį atradimą gerokai menkina vienas pačių autorių pripažintas metodologinis trūkumas – kontrolinių bandymų nebuvimas. Siekdami tiksliau nustatyti, ar norint pastebėti pakitimą reikia sąmonės tarpininkavimo, ar jo užfiksavimas gali vykti ir be sąmonės įsiterpimo, dar kartą tyrėme, kaip matomame objekte aptinkamas pasikeitimas, tačiau šį kartą tyrėmė dvejopai: vienu atveju be kontrolinių bandymų, kaip ir D. Fernandez-Duque ir I. M. Thorntonas, o kitu atveju atlikome ir kontrolinius bandymus.Pirmasis tyrimas bendrais bruožais pakartojo D. Fernandez-Duque ir I. M. Thorntono atliktą tyrimą. Norėta pažiūrėti, ar rasis nesąmoningas pasikeitimo pastebėjimas, kaip buvo D. Fernandez-Duque ir I. M. Thorntono tyrime, darant ir kontrolinius bandymus. Kompiuterio ekrane vienas po kito buvo rodomi laikrodžio pavidalo apskritimai, kuriuose vietoj skaičių buvo matyti aštuoni nedideli stačiakampiai, kurių keturi stovėjo stačiomis ir keturi gulėjo gulsčiomis (žr. 1-ą pav.). Per kiekvieną bandymą buvo paeiliui pateikiami trys apskritimai. Pirmas bandymas truko 250 ms, paskui buvo 250 ms tarpelis. Antrame bandyme, irgi trukusiame 250 ms, pasirodžius apskritimui, vieno stačiakampio padėtis buvo pakeista iš stačios į gulsčią ar priešingai. Apskritimui su stačiakampiais pasirodžius trečią kartą, jame ryškumu išsiskyrė du priešiais stovintys stačiakampiai – tas, kuris buvo patyręs pokytį, ir stovintis priešingoje pusėje. Dabar dalyvis pelytės rodykle turėjo nurodyti, kurio iš tų dviejų stačiakampių padėtis buvo pakeista. Tai atlikęs, mygtuko nuspaudimu nurodė, ar vertinamą pokytį buvo suvokęs sąmoningai, ar ne. Atlikus nesuvoktų pasirinkimų įvertinimą paaiškėjo, kad rezultatai nėra vienodi. Viena vertus, grupėje, kurioje buvo pakartojamas tyrimas nedarant kontrolinių bandymų, nesuvoktų pokyčių tikslus pasirinkimas, priešingai D. Fernandez-Duque ir I. M. Thorntono bandymui, neviršijo atsitiktinumo lygio. Kita vertus, grupėje, kurioje kontroliniai bandymai buvo atlikti, nesuvoktų pokyčių tikslus pasirinkimas atsitiktinumo lygį viršijo.Šie rezultatai neteikia aiškios paramos hipotezei, kad galima nesąmoningai pastebėti pakitimą. Todėl ryžtasi antrą kartą tirti nesuvokto pokyčio patyrimo reiškinį, bet šį kartą taikant sudėtingesnio turinio užduočių. Antrame tyrime taip pat norėta įvertinti du galimus nesuvokto pokyčio pasirinkimo aiškinimus: nesuvokto pokyčio užfiksavimo hipotezė ir santykinio sąmonės pasireiškimo hipotezė. Pagal pastarąją, nors pokytis ir nėra pastebimas, jis vis dėlto gali būti pasirinktas sąmoningomis pastangomis. Pavyzdžiui, nurodydamas, kurio stačiakampip padėtis keitėsi, dalyvis gali sąmoningai taikyti atmetimo strategiją. Pagal ją jis renkasi stačiakampį, stovintį priešais tą, kurio padėtis nesikeitė, taip didindamas galimybę atlikti teisingą pasirinkimą.Šios dvi hipotezės buvo tikrintos antrame tyrime. Bendrais bruožais šis tyrimas buvo panašus į pirmąjį, tik sudėtingesnė pasirinkimo užduotis. Šiuo atveju pasirinkimui pateiktos stačiakampių poros apėmė visus galimus derinius: poras, kurių stačiakampiai stovėjo šalimais, per vieną tarpinį stačiakampį, per du ir per tris (priešingos poros). Suvedus rezultatus, ir šį kartą kontrolinių bandymų nedariusiųjų grupės nesuvoktų pokyčių tikslus pasirinkimas neviršijo atsitiktinumo lygio. Tačiau grupės, kurioje buvo atlikti kontroliniai bandymai, rezultatai buvo kiek sudėtingesni. Nustatyta, kad rodant poras su šalimais esančiais stačiakampiais, tikslus pokyčių pasirinkimas vyko atsitiktinumo lygiu. Tačiau rodant tarpines stačiakampių poras jis buvo aukštesnis, pasiekė net statistiškai aukštą lygį, kai poras skyrė vienas ir du stačiakampiai. Autorių nuomone, šiuos rezultatus santykinio sąmonės pasireiškimo hipotezė paaiškina tinkamiau, negu nesuvokto pokyčio užfiksavimo hipotezė.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: pokyčio aptikimas, suvokimas, numanomo pokyčio aptikimas, sąmonė.Implicit detection of change: Can we do without awareness? Norvilas A., Miller J. C. SummaryD. Fernandez-Duque and I. M. Thornton (2000) seemingly demonstrated “unconscious detection of change” (p. 338), i.e. a person being able to register stimulus change without being aware of it. However, as the authors themselves point out, their experiment might harbor a potential flaw: the failure to include a control condition. In a series of two experiments, we tested participants’ ability to detect change, while not being aware of it, both in the absence and in the presence of a control condition. With the control condition absent, both experiments failed to replicate D. Fernandez-Duque and I. M. Thornton’s finding of an increase in change detection for unaware trials. With the control condition present, change detection did exceed the chance level. We argue that a correlated conscious strategy hypothesis offers a better account of the change detection results for unaware trials than the unconscious change detection hypothesis.Keywords: change detection, awareness, implicit change detection, conscious strategy.

A review of: Line, Maurice B. “The Information Uses and Needs of Social Scientists: An Overview of INFROSS.” Aslib Proceedings 23.8 (1971): 412-34. Rpt. in Lines of Thought: Selected Papers. Ed. L.J. Anthony. London: Bingley, 1988. 45-66. Objective – The study reported in this article was conceived in order to answer a question of very large scope: What are the information systems and services requirements of social scientists? Inherent in this question was the correlative question: How do social scientists tend to use such systems and services, and what resources and information access approaches do they by choice employ? The choice for such an approach was well-considered, given that 1) there were at the time almost no research results available in this area; 2) the investigators feared that approaches developed earlier for the natural sciences and technology would be uncritically adopted for the social sciences as well; and 3) “the social science information system was developing anyway, and if it was to develop in appropriate ways, some guidance had to be provided quickly” (412). The Investigation into Information Requirements of the Social Sciences (INFROSS) project team believed that there was “no point” (412) in embarking first on a series of more narrowly focused studies. The express intention was to derive findings that would be usable “for the improvement of information systems, or for the design of new ones” (414). For more on the project's conceptual underpinnings, see Line’s “Information Requirements.” Design – Exploratory study employing both quantitative and qualitative approaches over a period of three and a half years, beginning in the autumn of 1967. Setting – The whole of the United Kingdom. The project was funded by that country’s Office for Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), which had been established in 1965. Subjects – Almost 1,100 randomly selected academic social science researchers, plus a substantial number of government social science researchers and social science “practitioners” (“college of education lecturers, schoolteachers, and individuals in social work and welfare” [413]). For the purposes of the study, the social sciences included anthropology, economics, education, geography, political science, psychology and sociology, but numerous historians and statisticians ultimately participated. Methods – Three methods were employed: surveys, interviews, and direct observation. A “very long” (413) questionnaire was sent to 2,602 of the identified ca. 9,100 social science researchers in the United Kingdom, with 1,089 (41.8%) completed questionnaires returned. Two pilots were conducted with the questionnaire before a definitive version was finalized for the study. Seventy-five interviews were conducted (individually or in groups) with researchers, some of whom had received but not responded to the questionnaire, and some of whom were not included in the questionnaire sample. The interviews with non-responding persons in the sample were for purposes of determining “whether they were non-typical” (413). Fifty additional interviews were conducted (individually or in groups) with practitioners. Day-to-day observation of a small number of social scientists was undertaken in the context of a two and a half year-long experimental information service at Bath University – the first time any UK university had employed information officers for the social sciences. Main results – The results showed a pronounced perception among social scientists that informal “methods of locating references to relevant published information” (416-8, 426-7, 431) are more useful than formal methods (such as consulting the library catalogue, searching library shelves, or searching in indexing and abstracting publications), and an even more pronounced inclination to actually use such informal methods – something of a revelation at the time. Less than one sixth of all sociologists, for example, made use of Sociological Abstracts. On both counts, “consulting librarian” (418) scored worse than all the other ten options. Forty-eight percent of respondents never did it, and only 8% perceived it as a “very useful” (418) method. Nonetheless, 88% of respondents were in principle prepared to delegate at least some of their literature searching, and approximately 45% all of it, “to a hypothetical information officer” (425). More than 75% of the experimental service clients also responded affirmatively to the question: “Should a social science information officer be a high priority,” given limited available resources? (Line, Cunningham, and Evans 73-5). Most subjects found, in any case, that their major “information problems” (427-8) lay not in discovering what relevant documents might exist, but rather in actually getting their hands on them. In only around 20% of the cases were they ultimately successful in doing so. The younger the researcher, the greater the dissatisfaction with her/his own institution’s collection. This study also revealed that academic social scientists drew little distinction between information needs for their research and those for their teaching. There was one social science discipline which clearly stood out from the rest: psychology. Psychologists were the heaviest users of abstracting and indexing (A&I) publications, as well as of the journal literature, published conference proceedings, and research reports. They were also the least tolerant of time lags in the A&I services’ coverage of new publications. Further significant findings were: • A librarian’s way of categorizing research materials was not very meaningful to the researchers themselves. • A&I services were generally used more often for ‘keeping up’ than for retrospective searching. • Consultation with librarians was more common in the less scholarly and more intimate college environment than at research institutions. • A large percentage found library cataloguing insufficiently detailed. The same was true for book indexes. • There was considerable enthusiasm for the idea of a citation index for the social sciences. (N.B.: the SSCI began publication two years after the appearance of this article.) • Among informal methods of scholarly communication and information transfer, conferences (to the investigators’ surprise) rated remarkably low. • Researchers with large personal collections made more use of the library and its services than those with small collections. • Social scientists had little interest in non-English-language materials. Line speaks of “a serious foreign language problem” (424). The INFROSS study produced an enormous amount of data. Only 384 of the computer tables produced were made available in 4 separate reports to OSTI. Only 3 tables, 2 of which were abbreviated, appeared in this article. The further raw data were available on request. Conclusion – Line himself was exceedingly cautious in drawing explicit positive conclusions from the INFROSS results. He even stated that, “No major patterns were detected which could be of use for information system design purposes” (430). He was freer with his negative and provisional assessments. Two years earlier he had written: “It still remains to be established that there is an information problem in the social sciences, or that, if there is, it is of any magnitude” (“Information Requirements” 3). However, it was now clear to Line that information services and systems for the social scientist were indeed quite inadequate, and that (potential) users were not satisfied. He was, furthermore, prepared to go out on a limb with the following assertions and inferences: 1) It was a great strength of INFROSS that it had – in marked contrast to previous science user studies – generated “a mass of comparable [his italics] data within a very broad field, so that every finding can be related to other findings” (430). 2) There are discernable – and exploitable – differences in the information needs and use patterns among the different social science disciplines (which he often also refers to as the different “subjects”). 3) INFROSS had likewise made more evident the nature of similarities across disciplines. 4) There is indeed, from an information/library perspective, a continuum from the ‘harder’ to the ‘softer’ social sciences. 5) Social scientists showed too little awareness, made too little use, and even displayed “insufficient motivation” (431) to make use of available information systems/services. He elsewhere (“Secondary Services” 269, 272) characterizes them as “remarkably complacent,” “even apathetic.” 6) There is good reason to doubt the wisdom of libraries’ investing in user education, since it is bound to have little effect (for further discussion of this matter, one can consult his “The Case for” 385-6 and “Ignoring the User” 86). 7) User-friendly systems amount inevitably to underdeveloped and ineffective systems – and therefore “personal intermediaries,” in sufficient numbers, will remain essential if we wish to offer social scientists really good information services (426, 431). Line believed that INFROSS was only a beginning, and he had already, even before writing this article, begun follow-up research aimed at attaining results really of use for information system design purposes (e.g., the DISISS project). He complained many years later, however, that all this research “indicated means of improvement, but led to no action” (“Social Science Information” 131). In any case, “Bath” (the common shorthand subsequently used to refer to all this research) became, and has remained, the starting point for all subsequent discussions of social science information problems. Several years ago, there was a well-argued international call for “a new and updated version of the INFROSS study” – with an eye to finally using the findings for practical purposes, and aiming “to extend and follow up the research agenda set by the original study” (Janes “Time to Take”).

OBJECTIVES/SPECIFIC AIMS: Stigma has been recognized as a major impediment to accessing mental health care among Vietnamese and Asian Americans (Leong and Lau, 2001; Sadavoy et al., 2004; Wynaden et al., 2005; Fong and Tsuang, 2007). The underutilization of mental health care, and disparities in both access and outcomes have been attributed to a large extent to stigma and cultural characteristics of this population (Wynaden et al., 2005; Jang et al., 2009; Leung et al., 2010; Spencer et al., 2010; Jimenez et al., 2013; Augsberger et al., 2015). People with neurotic or behavioral disorders may be considered “bad” as many Vietnamese people believe it is a consequence of one’s improper behavior in a previous life, for which the person is now being punished (Nguyen, 2003). Mental disorders can also been seen as a sign of weakness, which contributes to ambivalence and avoidance of help-seeking (Fong and Tsuang, 2007). Equally important is the need to protect family reputation; having emotional problems often implies that the person has “bad blood” or is being punished for the sins of his/her ancestors (Herrick and Brown, 1998; Leong and Lau, 2001), which disgraces the entire family (Wynaden et al., 2005). In these cases, public stigma (as opposed to internal stigma) is the primary reason for delays in seeking help (Leong and Lau, 2001). Other research has also highlighted the influences of culture on how a disorder may be labeled in different settings, although the presentation of symptoms might be identical (see Angel and Thoits, 1987). In Vietnamese culture, mental disorders are often labeled điên (literally translated as “madness”). A điên person and his or her family are often severely disgraced; consequently the individuals and their family become reluctant to disclose and seek help for mental health problems for fear of rejection (Sadavoy et al., 2004). Despite the critical role of stigma in accessing mental health care, there has been little work in trying to understand how stigmatizing attitudes towards mental illness among Vietnamese Americans manifest themselves and the influences of acculturation on these attitudes. Some previous work indicated a significant level of mental illness stigma among Vietnamese Americans, and experiences of living in the United States might interact with the way stigma manifests among this population (Do et al., 2014). Stigma is a complex construct that warrants a deeper and more nuanced understanding (Castro et al., 2005). Much of the development of stigma-related concepts was based on the classic work by Goffman (1963); he defined stigma as a process by which an individual internalizes stigmatizing characteristics and develops fears and anxiety about being treated differently from others. Public stigma (defined by Corrigan, 2004) includes the general public’s negative beliefs about specific groups, in this case individuals and families with mental illness concerns, that contribute to discrimination. Public stigma toward mental illness acts not only as a major barrier to care, but can also exacerbate anxiety, depression, and adherence to treatment (Link et al., 1999; Sirey et al., 2001; Britt et al., 2008; Keyes et al., 2010). Link and Phelan (2001) conceptualized public stigma through four major components. The first component, labeling, occurs when people distinguish and label human differences that are socially relevant, for example, skin color. In the second component, stereotyping, cultural beliefs link the labeled persons to undesirable characteristics either in the mind or the body of such persons, for example people who are mentally ill are violent. The third component is separating “us” (the normal people) from “them” (the mentally ill) by the public. Finally, labeled persons experience status loss and discrimination, where they are devalued, rejected and excluded. Link and Phelan (2001) emphasized that stigmatization also depends on access to social, economic, and political power that allows these components to unfold. This study aims to answer the following research questions: (1) how does public stigma related to mental illness manifest among Vietnamese Americans? and (2) in what ways does acculturation influence stigma among this population? We investigate how the 4 components of stigma according to Link and Phelan (2001) operationalized and how they depend on the level of acculturation to the host society. Vietnamese Americans is the key ethnic minority group for this study for several reasons. Vietnamese immigration, which did not start in large numbers until the 1970s, has features that allow for a natural laboratory for comparisons of degree of acculturation. Previous research has shown significant intergenerational differences in the level of acculturation and mental health outcomes (e.g., Shapiro et al., 1999; Chung et al., 2000; Ying and Han, 2007). In this study, we used age group as a proxy indicator of acculturation, assuming that those who were born and raised in the United States (the 18–35 year olds) would be more Americanized than those who were born in Vietnam but spent a significant part of their younger years in the United States (the 36–55 year olds), and those who were born and grew up in Vietnam (the 56–75 year olds) would be most traditional Vietnamese. The language used in focus group discussions (FGDs) reflected some of the acculturation, where all FGDs with the youngest groups were done in English, and all FGDs with the oldest groups were done in Vietnamese. METHODS/STUDY POPULATION: Data were collected through a set of FGDs and key informant interviews (KIIs) with experts to explore the conceptualization and manifestation of mental illness public stigma among Vietnamese Americans in New Orleans. Six FGDs with a total of 51 participants were conducted. Participants were Vietnamese American men and women ages 18–75. Stratification was used to ensure representation in the following age/immigration pattern categories: (1) individuals age 56–75 who were born and grew up in Vietnam and immigrated to the United States after age 35; (2) individuals age 36–55 who were born in Vietnam but spent a significant part of their youth in the United States; and (3) individuals age 18–35 who were born and grew up in the United States. These groups likely represent different levels of acculturation, assuming that people who migrate at a younger age are more likely to assimilate to the host society than those who do at a later age. Separate FGDs were conducted with men and women. Eleven KIIS were conducted with 6 service providers and 5 community and religious leaders. In this analysis, we focused on mental illness public stigma from the FGD participants’ perspectives. FGDs were conducted in either English or Vietnamese, whichever participants felt more comfortable with, using semistructured interview guides. All interviews were audio recorded, transcribed and translated into English if conducted in Vietnamese. Data coding and analysis was done using NVivo version 11 (QSR International, 2015). The analysis process utilized a Consensual Qualitative Research (CQR) approach, a validated and well-established approach to collecting and analyzing qualitative data. CQR involves gathering textual data through semistructured interviews or focus groups, utilizing a data analysis process that fosters multiple perspectives, a consensus process to arrive at judgments about the meaning of data, an auditor to check the work of the research team, and the development of domains, core-ideas, and cross-analysis (Hill et al., 2005). The study was reviewed and approved by Tulane University’s Internal Review Board. RESULTS/ANTICIPATED RESULTS: Components of public stigma related to mental illness. The 4 components of public stigma manifest to different extents within the Vietnamese Americans in New Orleans. Labeling was among the strongest stigma components, while the evidence of the other components was mixed. Across groups of participants, Vietnamese Americans agreed that it was a common belief that people with mental disorders were “crazy,” “acting crazy,” or “madness.” “Not normal,” “sad,” and “depressed” were among other words used to describe the mentally ill. However, there were clear differences between younger and older Vietnamese on how they viewed these conditions. The youngest groups of participants tended to recognize the “craziness” and “madness” as a health condition that one would need to seek help for, whereas the oldest groups often stated that these conditions were short term and likely caused by family or economic problems, such as a divorce, or a bankruptcy. The middle-aged groups were somewhere in between. The evidence supporting the second component, stereotyping, was not strong among Vietnamese Americans. Most FGD participants agreed that although those with mental disorders may act differently, they were not distinguishable. In a few extreme cases, mentally ill individuals were described as petty thefts or being violent towards their family members. Similarly to the lack of strong evidence of stereotyping, there was also no evidence of the public separating the mentally ill (“them”) from “us”. It was nearly uniformly reported that they felt sympathetic to those with mental disorders and their family, and that they all recognized that they needed help, although the type of help was perceived differently across groups. The older participants often saw that emotional and financial support was needed to help individuals and families to pass through a temporary phase, whereas younger participants often reported that professional help was necessary. The last component, status loss and discrimination, had mixed evidence. While nearly no participants reported any explicit discriminatory behaviors observed and practiced towards individuals with mental disorders and their families, words like “discrimination” and “stigma” were used in all FGDs to describe direct social consequences of having a mental disorder. Social exclusion was common. Our older participants said: “They see less of you, when they see a flaw in you they don’t talk to you or care about you. That’s one thing the Vietnamese people are bad at, spreading false rumors and discrimination” (Older women FGD). One’s loss of status seemed certain if their or their loved one’s mental health status was disclosed. Shame, embarrassment, and being “frowned upon” were direct consequences of one’s mental health status disclosure and subsequently gossiped about. Anyone with mental disorders was certain to experience this, and virtually everyone in the community would reportedly do this to such a family. “You get frowned upon. In the Vietnamese culture, that’s [a family identified as one with mental health problems] the big no-no right there. When everybody frowns upon your family and your family name, that’s when it becomes a problem” (Young men FGD). This is tied directly to what our participants described as Vietnamese culture, where pride and family reputation were such a high priority that those with mental disorders needed to go to a great extent to protect—“We all know what saving face means” as reported by our young participants. Even among young participants, despite their awareness of mental illness and the need for professional help, the desire to avoid embarrassment and save face was so strong that one would think twice about seeking help. “No, you just don’t want to get embarrassed. I don’t want to go to the damn doctor and be like ‘Oh yeah, my brother got an issue. You can help him?’ Why would I do that? That’s embarrassing to myself…” (Young men FGD). Our middle-aged participants also reported: “If I go to that clinic [mental health or counseling clinic], I am hoping and praying that I won’t bump into somebody that I know from the community” (Middle-aged women FGD). Vietnamese people were also described as being very competitive among themselves, which led to the fact that if a family was known for having any problem, gossips would start and spread quickly wherever they go, and pretty soon, the family would be looked down by the entire community. “I think for Vietnamese people, they don’t help those that are in need. They know of your situation and laugh about it, see less of you, and distant themselves from you” (Older women FGD). Culture and mental illness stigma, much of the described stigma and discrimination expressed, and consequently the reluctance to seek help, was attributed to the lack of awareness of mental health and of mental health disorders. Many study participants across groups also emphasized a belief that Vietnamese Americans were often known for their perseverance and resilience, overcoming wars and natural disasters on their own. Mental disorders were reportedly seen as conditions that individuals and families needed to overcome on their own, rather than asking for help from outsiders. This aspect of Vietnamese culture is intertwined with the need to protect one’s family’s reputation, being passed on from one generation to the next, reinforcing the beliefs that help for mental disorders should come from within oneself and one’s family only. Consequently persons with mental health problems would be “Keeping it to themselves. Holding it in and believing in the power of their friends” (Middle-aged FGD) instead of seeking help. Another dimension of culture that was apparent from FGDs (as well as KIIs) was the mistrust in Western medicine. Not understanding how counseling or medicines work made one worry about approaching service providers or staying in treatment. The habit of Vietnamese people to only go see a doctor if they are sick with physical symptoms was also a hindrance to acknowledging mental illness and seeking care for it. Challenges, including the lack of vocabulary to express mental illness and symptoms, in the Vietnamese language, exaggerated the problem, even among those who had some understanding of mental disorders. It was said in the young men FGD that: “when you classify depression as an illness, no one wants to be sick,… if you call it an illness, no one wants to have that sort of illness, and it’s not an illness that you can physically see…” (Young men FGD). Another young man summarized so well the influence of culture on mental illness stigma: “Us Southeast Asian, like, from my parents specifically has Vietnam War refugees. I think the reason why they don’t talk about it is because it’s a barrier that they have to overcome themselves, right? As refugees, as people who have been through the war… [omitted]They don’t want to believe that they need help, and so the trauma that they carry when they give birth to us is carried on us as well. But due to the language barrier and also the, like, they say with the whole health care, in Vietnam I know that they don’t really believe in Western and Eurocentric medicine. So, from their understanding of how, like from their experience with colonization or French people, and how medicine works, they don’t believe in it” (Young men FGD). One characteristic of the Vietnamese culture that was also often mentioned by our FGD participants (as well as KIIs) was the lack of sharing and openness between generations, even within a family. Grandparents, parents, and children do not usually share and discuss each other’s problems. Parents and grandparents do not talk about problems because they need to appear strong and good in front of their children; children do not talk about problems because they are supposed to do well in all aspects, particularly in school. The competitiveness of Vietnamese and high expectations of younger generations again come into play here and create a vicious cycle. Young people are expected to do well in school, which put pressure on them and may result in mental health problems, yet, they cannot talk about it with their parents because they are not supposed to feel bad about school, and sharing is not encouraged. The Asian model minority myth and the expectations of parents that their children would do well in school and become doctors and lawyers were cited by many as a cause of mental health problems among young people. “Our parents are refugees, they had nothing and our parents want us to achieve this American Dream…. [omitted] It set expectations and images for us…. It was expected for all the Asians to be in the top 10, and for, like a little quick minute I thought I wasn’t going to make it, I was crying” (Yong men FGD). As a result, the mental health problems get worse. “If you’re feeling bad about something, you don’t feel like you can talk about it with anyone else, especially your family, because it is not something that is encouraged to be talked about anyway, so if you are feeling poorly and you don’t feel like you could talk to anybody, I think that just perpetuates the bad feelings” (Middle-aged women FGD). Acculturation and mental illness stigma Acculturation, the degree of assimilation to the host society, has changed some of the understanding of mental illness and stigmatizing attitudes. Differences across generations expressed in different FGDs indicated differences in perceptions towards mental illness that could be attributed to acculturation. For example, the young generation understood that mental illness was a health problem that was prevalent but less recognized in the Vietnamese community, whereas a prominent theme among the older participants was that mental illness was a temporary condition due to psychological stress, that it was a condition that only Caucasians had. Some of the components of public stigma related to mental illness seemed to vary between generations, for example the youngest participants were less likely to put a label on a person with mental health problems, or to stereotype them, compared to the oldest and middle-aged participants. This was attributed to their education, exposure to the media and information, and to them “being more Americanized.” However, there was no evidence that acculturation played an important role in changing the other components of public stigma, including stereotyping, separating, and status loss and discrimination. For example, the need to protect the family reputation was so important that our young participants shared: “If you damage their image, they will disown you before you damage that image” (Young men FGD). Young people, more likely to recognize mental health problems, were also more likely to share within the family and to seek help, but no more likely than their older counterparts to share outside of the family—“maybe you would go to counseling or go to therapy, but you wouldn’t tell people you’re doing that” (Young women FGD). The youngest participants in our study were facing a dilemma, in which they recognized mental health problems and the need for care, yet were still reluctant to seek care or talk about it publicly because of fears of damaging the family reputation and not living up to the parents’ expectations. Many young participants reported that it actually made it very difficult for them to navigate mental health issues between the 2 cultures, despite the awareness of the resources available. “I think it actually makes it harder. Only because you know to your parents and the culture, and your own people, it’s taboo, and it’s something that you don’t talk about. Just knowing that you have the resources to go seek it… You want advice from your family also, but you can’t connect the appointment to your family because you’re afraid to express that to your parents, you know? So I think that plays a big part, and knowing that you are up and coming, but you don’t want to do something to disappoint your family because they are so traditional” (Young men FGD). Some participants felt more comfortable talking about mental health problems, like depression, if it was their friend who experienced it and confided in them, but they would not necessarily felt open if it was their problem. Subtle cultural differences like this are likely overlooked by Western service providers. One older participant summarized it well “They [the young generation] are more Americanized. They are more open to other things [but] I think that mental health is still a barrier.” DISCUSSION/SIGNIFICANCE OF IMPACT: This study investigated how different components of public stigma related to mental illness manifest among Vietnamese Americans, a major ethnic group in the United States, and how acculturation may influence such stigma. The findings highlighted important components of public stigma, including labeling and status loss, but did not provide strong evidence of the other components within our study population. Strong cultural beliefs underlined the understanding of mental health and mental illness in general, and how people viewed people with mental illness. Several findings have been highlighted in previous studies with Asian immigrants elsewhere; for example, a study from the perspectives of health care providers in Canada found that the unfamiliarity with Western biomedicine and spiritual beliefs and practices of immigrant women interacted with social stigma in preventing immigrants from accessing care (O’Mahony and Donnelly, 2007). Fancher et al. (2010) reported similar findings regarding stigma, traditional beliefs about medicine, and culture among Vietnamese Americans. Acculturation played a role in changing stigmatizing attitudes as evidenced in intergenerational differences. However, being more Americanized did not equate to being more open, having less stigmatizing attitudes, or being more willing to seek care for mental health issues. Consistent with previous studies (Pedersen and Paves, 2014), we still found some level of stigma among young people aged 18–35, although some components were lessened with an increased level of acculturation. There was also a conflict among the younger generation, in which the need for mental health care was recognized but accessing care was no easier for them than for their parent and grandparent generations. The study’s findings are useful to adapt existing instruments to measure stigma to this population. The findings also have important program implications. One, they can be directly translated into basic supports for local primary and behavioral health care providers. Two, they can also be used to guide and inform the development and evaluation of an intervention and an additional study to validate the findings in other immigrant ethnic groups in the United States. Finally, based on results of the study, we can develop a conceptual framework that describes pathways through which social, cultural, and ecological factors can influence stigma and the ways in which stigma acts as a barrier to accessing mental health care among Vietnamese Americans. The guiding framework then can be validated and applied in future programs aimed to improve mental health care utilization among ethnic minorities.

[Note: The Executive Council voted to approve these minutes at its February 2009 meeting.]The council met on 24–25 October 2008 at the MLA office in New York. President Gerald Graff presided. The officers present were First Vice President Catherine Porter, Second Vice President Sidonie Smith, and Executive Director Rosemary G. Feal. The Executive Council members present were Carlos J. Alonso, Charles Altieri, Sara Scott Armengot, Dorian F. Bell, Anne Ruggles Gere, Jane Harper, Francis Abiola Irele, Mary N. Layoun, George Levine, Paula Rabinowitz, Hortense J. Spillers, Lynne Tatlock, Priscilla Wald, and Alexandra K. Wettlaufer. The MLA staff members present were Director of Operations Terrence Callaghan (24 Oct. only), Director of Bibliographic Information Services and Editor of the MLA International Bibliography Barbara Chen, Director of Programs and ADFL Nelly Furman, Managing Editor of MLA Publications and Director of Publishing Operations Judy Goulding, Director of Financial Operations Amilde Hadden, Director of Convention Programs Maribeth T. Kraus, Director of Research and ADE David Laurence, Director of Book Publications David G. Nicholls, and Assistant to the Executive Director and Coordinator of Governance Carol Zuses.

The Council Met on 30-31 October 2009 at the MLA Office in New York. President Catherine Porter presided. The officers present were First Vice President Sidonie Smith, Second Vice President Russell A. Berman, and Executive Director Rosemary G. Feal. The Executive Council members present were Carlos J. Alonso, Charles Altieri, Sara Scott Armengot, Dorian F. Bell, Jennifer Crewe, Anne Ruggles Gere (30 Oct. only), Jane Harper, George Levine, Paula Rabinowitz, Lynne Tatlock, Alexandra K. Wettlaufer, and Kathleen Woodward. Executive Council member Francis Abiola Irele was absent. The MLA staff members present were Director of Operations Terrence Callaghan, Director of Bibliographic Information Services and Editor of the MLA International Bibliography Barbara Chen, Director of Programs and ADFL Nelly Furman, Managing Editor of MLA Publications and Director of Publishing Operations Judy Goulding, Director of Financial Operations Amilde Hadden (30 Oct. only), Director of Convention Programs Maribeth T. Kraus, Director of Research and ADE David Laurence, Director of Book Publications David G. Nicholls, and Assistant to the Executive Director and Coordinator of Governance Carol Zuses.

Self-perception is the level of competency at which individuals evaluate themselves in certain areas or domains (Marsh & Shavelson, 1985). An individual’s self-perceptions contribute to their global self-worth and even predicts performance (Cuellar, 2014; Harter & Neemann, 2012). This study measures self-perception scores, as well as experiences with racial discrimination, of 306 NCAA Division I college athletes using the Self-Perception Profile for College Students (Harter & Neemann, 2012). Scores are compared across race. Findings suggest that White college athletes have significantly higher self-perception scores than college athletes of color - with recent discrimination (within the last year) as a significant predictor of multiple areas of self-perception. The implications of this study suggest that faculty and other campus stakeholders should pursue positive relationships with the college athletes they encounter. Positive relationships between college athletes and faculty may help raise college athlete self-perceptions, and in turn, performance in a variety of areas.

As part of an effort to grapple with the meaning of violence, Hannah Arendt argued that it was curious how infrequently violence was taken up for special consideration in conversations of history and politics, remarking that “this shows to what an extent violence and its arbitrariness were taken for granted and therefore neglected; no one questions or examines what is obvious to all” (8). While we are not suggesting that violence has eluded the critical eye in the time since Arendt’s argument, there is something remarkably resonant about the idea that violence is taken-for-granted as part of human existence, and thus—for privileged citizens protected from its affects—invisible. In this issue, the contributors explore how violence continues to define and shape social, political, and cultural terrains. In what follows, we explore what it means to talk about violence and follow this with a general introduction to the pieces in this special issue that tease out the various locations of violence and its representations across different spaces. Defining Violence In general in western society, we think of violence in its most manifest forms: war, terrorism or massacres. But violence operates in many forms, some of them more subtle or latent and arguably more destructive given their structural and far-reaching character. Some forms of violence are easily recognised, others decontextualised and depoliticised through complex cultural processes of normalisation and denial (Brison). Violence can become a spectacle, an aestheticised representation, or it can be reduced to banality when its horror and trauma is refracted through everyday lives and spaces which are shaped by violent systems and ideologies (Arendt). Notions of trauma, spectatorship, testimony, and witnessing circulate through narratives of violence. Ideas of “civilisation” implicitly and explicitly reference competing discourses of violence and put them to work in damaging ways, often in the service of ideals (liberalism, for example) that mask the very violence that supports them. Even those discourses that claim most ardently to uphold principles of safety and inclusion (for example, multiculturalism) are impeded by or invested in systems of violence, and in fact they depend on it for their very legitimacy. For those of us living and working in white, patriarchal, settler states, it is inevitable that our cultural and material conditions are underpinned by a systemic and perpetual condition of violence. Even for those of us who feel generally safe, violence is all around us, shaping how we live, work, think, feel, and act. However, violence is not equally experienced throughout the world or within our own communities, nor is the absence of violence. Ultimately, feeling safe from violence is often a marker of privilege and safety often comes at the price of violence enacted upon others. What makes violence so powerful as a force with material and symbolic consequences is both this articulation with privilege and its resultant banal expression in everyday spaces. Projects of racial, gendered, sexed, classed and ableist exclusion and violence operate below the surface of conscious registration for those not immediately impacted by them, allowing violence to elude critical interrogation. In this respect, even the idea of safety is only possible through a guarantee of violence, a guarantee written into the lands themselves, the institutions of the state, and the discourse of Western liberal traditions. Both victims and perpetrators of violence differ in their visibility. In easily recognised forms of violence, there is usually an actor who is violent and a victim of that violence. However, even in the most obvious cases, there are examples of missing perpetrators. For example, domestic violence is often discussed using passive language that centres the victim and erases the perpetrator (Katz and Earp). Or in the case of police violence against minorities, even where there is compelling evidence of police brutality, legal systems fail to find and sentence perpetrators (e.g. Chernega; Waters). This process of erasure is itself a further act of violence that places blame on victims, leading outsiders to question why they didn’t take action to prevent their victimisation. However, increasing attention has been given to these subtle erasures; for example, Jane Gilmore’s book Fixed It: Violence and the Representation of Women in the Media calls the mainstream media to task for their representation of gender violence as a problem women experience, rather than a problem perpetrated by men. This issue of M/C Journal invited responses to the theme of “violence,” understood broadly, as it operates through various social, cultural, institutional, and affective domains. The articles included here demonstrate the complexity of different forms of violence. They cover terrain such as symbolic violence and the discursive, political and social domination that shapes contemporary or historical realities; pedagogical violence and the operation of power and control over the means of intellectual, social and cultural production in spaces of learning; physical violence and the attendant damages that this entails; technological violence and the ways in which media technologies facilitate or resist violence; and violence as a subject of public interest in forms including news media, true crime, and entertainment. This issue’s articles intersect in interesting ways which encourage readers to think about multiple aspects of violence. We explore some of the common themes below, and in doing so introduce readers to the rich collection of ideas included in this issue. Enacted Violence It is interesting to consider what we can learn from violence by thinking about the perspectives of those who perpetrate it, and those who experience it. As discussed above, sometimes these agents are easier to spot. Larissa Sexton-Finck’s contribution reminds us that the most visible forms of violence aren’t necessarily the most damaging. In her essay, she explores her experience of being in a car crash. The obvious perpetrator of violence is the driver of the car that caused the crash, but as we read through her experience we see that she was victimised in many ways by those who filmed her experience in order to sell it to the news. These ‘citizen journalists’ are likely to think of their work as important and not as enacting violence on others, but Sexton-Finck’s firsthand experience of being filmed highlights the violence of the act. Similarly, some practices are so commonplace that it is easy to overlook the violence inherent within them. Yirga Woldeyes gives us the example of museum collections, a taken-for-granted effect of colonisation, which perpetuates an ongoing violent epistemic power differential. This is another example of violence with an invisible perpetrator; museums consider themselves keepers of knowledge, protectors of culture and heritage. Where collecting is considered an act of violence, it is typically perceived as action from the past, rather than an ongoing act of violence with continuing experiences of victimisation. However, as Woldeyes’ article makes clear, the violence of the act reverberates for generations. For Ailie McDowall, violence works in subtle ways that are both unconscious or explicit. Exploring pre-service teacher engagements with an Indigenous education subject, McDowall speaks to the limits of intention (Milner) by highlighting how the good intentions of pre-service teachers can result in ideological violence through the bringing of Indigenous peoples and knowledges into Western epistemic comprehension as part of an effort to know. Further, while educators are often called to envision “preferred futures” (Hicks) in their teaching practice, McDowall shows us that ethical calls to teach and live responsibly and critically in the face of colonial logics results in a deferral of that responsibility to the future, what McDowall identifies as an act of violence. Representations of Violence Social understandings of violence are both shaped by, and influence, representations of violence in media, culture, and the arts. Such representations can themselves be forms of symbolic violence, that is, ”violence wielded with tacit complicity between its victims and its agents, insofar as both remain unconscious of submitting to or wielding it” (Bourdieu 17). As mechanisms for transmitting normalised ideas of politics and peoples, representations can effect such symbolic violence by disseminating hegemonic notions of exclusion/inclusion, safety/harm, and justifications and logics for violence. Indeed, as Dervin argues, “representations do have an ideological component and […] an exercise of power is always present in representations” (185). Yet, we are wise to remember that representations, the projection of power, and the ideological legitimation of symbolic violence that may inhere in representations can neither guarantee truth nor action as people exercise agency and speak and act back to and against those very representations of “truth”. The authors in this issue work within this tension, highlighting efforts by some to either create and deploy representation as an instrument of legitimating violence or critically engaging representations of violence as part of efforts to dismantle and surfaces the symbolic violence transmitted through various works. When considering the symbolic violence of media, it is crucial that we consider who is doing the representation, and how that representation is mediated. Social media (as discussed in the contribution by Milton and Petray), has different characteristics to products of the culture industry (Adorno) such as commercial news reporting (Sexton-Finck) or cinematic films (McKenzie-Craig). And these are different again in the literary genre of the autobiographical novel (Nile) or the form of the public testimony (Craven). Some representations of violence allow for more agency than others. Creative works by victims of violence, for example that discussed by Sexton-Finck, challenge viewers and draw our attention to the ways the commodification of the culture industry (Adorno) makes us complicit as spectators in acts of violence. In a similar way, creative representations of enacting violence can cause productive discomfort by going against stereotypes and norms about who perpetrates violence. Carolyn McKenzie-Craig's contribution compares representations of gender and violence that defy expectations. McKenzie-Craig considers the Swedish film Män som hatar kvinnor (released in English as The Girl with the Dragon Tattoo) alongside work from non-binary artist, Cassils, and her own creative works. In all three of these works, women and non-binary agents enact violence in ways that unsettle viewers, forcing contemplation about the nature of violence. Likewise, literature provides a fruitful arena for examining violence as a cultural force. Indeed, post-colonial scholars have shown us that literature has been a tool of violence, and has, in contrast, also been used to “write back” to oppressive ideologies (Ashcroft, Griffiths, and Tiffin, after Salman Rushdie). Richard Nile’s essay considers the power of violence to echo through families in cases of intergenerational trauma. In considering an autobiographical novel that takes the form of a family drama, Nile traces the reverberations of real wartime violence and family violence and shows how fictionalising such trauma can reveal new ways of looking at it, both for the author of such a work and for the historians and literary scholars who examine such work. In the article by Milton and Petray, the authors explore how violence mediates and regulates ideas of belonging as it is is represented through a lens of citizenship via social media. Through an exploration of a digital space, Milton and Petray highlight the bifurcation of people into us/them, a split predicated on desires to protect the sanctity of “us” and “our” citizenship through the use of violent discourse to normalise the divide. What is perhaps most striking is the reminder that categories of inclusion are powerfully framed through everything from the banality of seemingly mundane language and everyday languages of race (Billig; Hill) through to more abhorrent language and far reaching discourses of normalised violence. Through this, Milton and Petray draw our attention not just to the manifestation of violence online but also its use as a strategy for regulating inclusion into the deemed “legitimate” community through the very act of representing people as either legitimate citizens or not. As who counts as a citizen in need of state protection is contested, so is what counts as violence. In “The Last of the Long Takes: Feminism, Sexual Harassment, and the Action of Change”, Allison Craven reminds us that the naming of systemic violence remains a crucial early step in the fight against it, and goes some way toward dismantling its taken-for-grandness. In considering Lauren Berlant’s notion of the “diva citizen” in relation to Anita Hill’s 1991 testimony of sexual harassment, Craven reframes the #metoo movement as a call to action to which, crucially, the body politic must respond. Craven draws our attention to the fact that the second-wave feminist movement’s naming of workplace sexual harassment created the conditions for a public that would hear and witness these later testimonies. In naming violence where we see it and considering violence from various and multiple scholarly dimensions, the essays in this issue refuse to shelter it beneath the veil of the everyday, the arbitrary, the taken for granted. In explicitly naming violence, they bring it out into the open, and they allow us to consider alternatives. Creative works, for example, offer an opportunity to play with the meanings of violence, and to reimagine what it means to be an aggressor or a victim (McKenzie-Craig; Sexton-Finck). Through such explorations, these pieces collectively draw to our attention the possibility and need for futures different from the histories and present that we inherit and live within today. Together, the arguments, insights and calls for something different compel us to confront that which some seek not to discuss, that which some of us might take for granted as a condition of everyday life. Through such calls, we are asked to confront what it means to live and relate ethically together for something and somewhere different. References Adorno, Theodor W. “Culture Industry Reconsidered.” Media Studies. Eds. P. Marris and S. Thornham. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1999. 31–7. Arendt, Hannah. On Violence. London: Harcourt, 1970. Ashcroft, Bill, Gareth Griffiths, and Helen Tiffin. The Empire Writes Back: Theory and Practice in Postcolonial Literatures. London: Routledge, 1989. Billig, Michael. Banal Nationalism. Thousand Oaks: Sage, 1995. Bourdieu, Pierre. On Television and Journalism. London: Pluto Press, 1998. Chernega, Jennifer. “Black Lives Matter: Racialised Policing in the United States.” Comparative American Studies 14.3-4 (2016): 234-45. Dervin, Fred. “Cultural Identity, Representation and Othering.” The Routledge Handbook of Language and Intercultural Communication. Ed Jane Jackson. New York: Routledge, 2012. 181–94. Gilmore, Jane. Fixed It: Violence and the Representation of Women in the Media. Melbourne: Penguin Random House, 2019.Hicks, David. Lessons for the Future: The Missing Dimension in Education. New York: Routledge Falmer, 2002. Hill, Jane. The Everyday Language of White Racism. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2008. Katz, Jackson, and Jeremy Earp. Tough Guise. 2011. Milner, H. Richard. “But Good Intentions Are Not Enough: Doing What’s Necessary to Teach for Diversity.” White Teachers, Diverse Classrooms: Creating Inclusive Schools, Building on Students’ Diversity, and Providing True Educational Equity. Eds. Julie. Landsman and Chance Lewis. 2nd ed. Stirling, VA: Stylus Publishing, 2011. 56–74. Waters, Jeff. Gone for a Song: A Death in Custody on Palm Island. Sydney: Harper Collins, 2008.

The L Word: Generation Q is the reboot of The L Word, a long running series about a group of lesbians and bisexuals in Los Angeles in the early 2000s. Both programmes are unique in their positioning of lesbian characters and have been well received by audiences and critics alike. These programmes present a range of characters and narratives, previously excluded from mainstream film and television, bringing a refreshing change from the destructive images typically presented before. We argue that the reboot Generation Q now offers more meaningful representation of the broader lesbian and transgender communities, and discuss its relevance in the changing portrayals of gay representation. Gay visibility has never really been an issue in the movies. Gays have always been visible. It is how they have been visible that has remained offensive for almost a century. (Russo 66) In 2004 The L Word broke new ground as the very first television series written and directed by predominantly queer women. This set it apart from previous representations of lesbians by Hollywood because it portrayed a community rather than an isolated or lone lesbian character, that was extraneous to a cast of heterosexuals (Moore and Schilt). The series brought change, and where Hollywood was more often “reluctant to openly and non-stereotypically engage with gay subjects and gay characters” (Baker 41), the L Word offered an alternative to the norm in media representation. “The L Word’s significance lies in its very existence” according to Chambers (83), and this article serves to consider this significance in conjunction with its 2019 reboot, the L Word: Generation Q, to ascertain if the enhanced visibility and gay representation influences the system of representation that has predominantly been excluding and misrepresentative of gay life. The exclusion of authentic representation of lesbians and gays in Hollywood film is not new. Over time, however, there has been an increased representation of gay characters in film and television. However, beneath the positive veneer remains a morally disapproving undertone (Yang), where lesbians and gays are displayed as the showpiece of the abnormal (Gross, "Out of the Mainstream"). Gross ("Out of the Mainstream") suggests that through the ‘othering’ of lesbians and gays within media, a means of maintaining the moral order is achieved, and where being ‘straight’ results in a happy ending. Lesbians and gays in film thus achieve what Gerbner referred to as symbolic annihilation, purposefully created in a bid to maintain the social inequity. This form of exclusion often saw controversial gay representation, with a history of portraying these characters in a false, excluding, and pejorative way (Russo; Gross, "What Is Wrong"; Hart). The history of gay representation in media had at times been monstrous, playing out the themes of gay sexuality as threatening to heterosexual persons and communities (Juárez). Gay people were incorrectly stereotyped, and gay lives were seen through the slimmest of windows. Walters (15) argued that it was “too often” that film and television images would narrowly portray gays “as either desexualized or over sexualized”, framing their sexuality as the sole identity of the character. She also contested that gay characters were “shown as nonthreatening and campy 'others' or equally comforting and familiar boys (and they are usually boys, not girls) next door” (Walters 15). In Russo’s seminal text, The Celluloid Closet, he demonstrated that gay characters were largely excluded from genuine and thoughtful presentation in film, while the only option given to them was how they died. Gay activists and film makers in the 1980s and beyond built on the momentum of AIDS activism (Streitmatter) to bring films that dealt with gay subject matter more fairly than before, with examples like The Birdcage, Philadelphia, To Wong Foo, Thanks for Everything! Julie Newmar, and In and Out. Walters argues that while “mainstream films like Brokeback Mountain and The Kids are Alright entertain moviegoers with their forthright gay themes and scenes” (12), often the roles have been more of tokenisation, representing the “surprisingly gay characters in a tedious romcom, the coyly queer older man in a star-studded indie hit, the incidentally gay sister of the lead in a serious drama” (Walters 12). This ambivalence towards the gay role model in the media has had real world effects on those who identify themselves as lesbian or gay, creating feelings of self-hatred or of being ‘unacceptable’ citizens of society (Gamson), as media content “is an active component in the cultural process of shaping LGBT identities” (Sarkissian 147). The stigmatisation of gays was further identified by the respondents to a study on media and gay identity, where “the prevailing sentiment in these discussions was a sense of being excluded from traditional society” (Gomillion and Guiliano 343). Exclusion promotes segregation and isolation, and since television media are ever-present via conventional and web-based platforms, their messages are increasingly visible and powerful. The improved portrayal of gay characters was not just confined to the area of film and television however, and many publications produced major stories on bi-sexual chic, lesbian chic, the rise of gay political power and gay families. This process of greater inclusion, however, has not been linear, and in 2013 the media advocacy group known as the Gay and Lesbian Alliance against Defamation (GLAAD) mapped the quantity, quality, and diversity of LGBT people depicted in films, finding that there was still much work to be done to fairly include gay characters (GLAAD Studio Responsibility Index). In another report made in 2019, which examined cable and streaming media, GLAAD found that of the 879 regular characters expected to appear on broadcast scripted primetime programming, 10.2% were identified as gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender and or queer (GLAAD Where Are We on TV). This was the highest number of queer characters recorded since the start of their reporting. In January 2004, Showtime launched The L Word, the first scripted cable television to focus chiefly on lesbians. Over the course of six seasons it explored the deep bonds that linked the members of an evolving lesbian friendship circle. The central themes of the programme were the love and friendship between the women, and it was a television programme structured by its own values and ideologies. The series offered a moral argument against the widespread sexism and anti-gay prejudice that was evident in media. The cast, however, were conventionally beautiful, gender normative, and expensively attired, leading to fears that the programme would appeal more to straight men, and that the sex in the programme would be exploitative and pornographic. The result, however, was that women’s sex and connection were foregrounded, and appeared as a central theme of the drama. This was, however, ground-breaking television. The showrunner of the original L Word, Ilene Chaiken, was aware of the often-damning account of lesbians in Hollywood, and the programme managed to convey an indictment of Hollywood (Mcfadden). The L Word increased lesbian visibility on television and was revolutionary in countering some of the exclusionary and damaging representation that had taken place before. It portrayed variations of lesbians, showing new positive representations in the form of power lesbians, sports lesbians, singles, and couples. Broadly speaking, gay visibility and representation can be marked and measured by levels of their exclusion and inclusion. Sedgwick said that the L Word was particularly important as it created a “lesbian ecology—a visible world in which lesbians exist, go on existing, exist in forms beyond the solitary and the couple, sustain and develop relations among themselves of difference and commonality” (xix). However, as much as this programme challenged the previous representations it also enacted a “Faustian bargain because television is a genre which ultimately caters to the desires and expectations of mainstream audiences” (Wolfe and Roripaugh 76). The producers knew it was difficult to change the problematic and biased representation of queer women within the structures of commercial media and understood the history of queer representation and its effects. Therefore, they had to navigate between the legitimate desire to represent lesbians as well as being able to attract a large enough mainstream audience to keep the show commercially viable. The L Word: Generation Q is the reboot of the popular series, and includes some of the old cast, who have also become the executive producers. These characters include Bette Porter, who in 2019 is running for the office of the Mayor of Los Angeles. Shane McCutchen returns as the fast-talking womanising hairdresser, and Alice Pieszecki in this iteration is a talk show host. When interviewed, Jennifer Beals (executive producer and Bette Porter actor) said that the programme is important, because there have been no new lesbian dramas to follow after the 2004 series ended (Beals, You Tube). Furthermore, the returning cast members believe the reboot is important because of the increased attacks that queer people have been experiencing since the election of Donald Trump in 2016. Between the two productions there have been changes in the film and television landscape, with additional queer programmes such as Pose, Orange Is the New Black, Euphoria, RuPaul’s Drag Race, and Are You the One, for example. The new L Word, therefore, needed to project a new and modern voice that would reflect contemporary lesbian life. There was also a strong desire to rectify criticism of the former show, by presenting an increased variation of characters in the 2019 series. Ironically, while the L Word had purposefully aimed to remove the negativity of exclusion through the portrayal of a group of lesbians in a more true-to-life account, the limited character tropes inadvertently marginalised other areas of lesbian and queer representation. These excluded characters were for example fully representative trans characters. The 2000s television industry had seemingly returned to a period of little interest in women’s stories generally, and though queer stories seeped into popular culture, there was no dedicated drama with a significant focus on lesbian story lines (Vanity Fair). The first iteration of The L Word was aimed at satisfying lesbian audiences as well as creating mainstream television success. It was not a tacky or pornographic television series playing to male voyeuristic ideals, although some critics believed that it included female-to-female sex scenes to draw in an additional male viewership (Anderson-Minshall; Graham). There was also a great emphasis on processing the concept of being queer. However, in the reboot Generation Q, the decision was made by the showrunner Marja-Lewis Ryan that the series would not be about any forms of ‘coming out stories’, and the characters were simply going about their lives as opposed to the burdensome tropes of transitioning or coming out. This is a significant change from many of the gay storylines in the 1990s that were seemingly all focussed on these themes. The new programme features a wider demographic, too, with younger characters who are comfortable with who they are. Essentially, the importance of the 2019 series is to portray healthy, varied representations of lesbian life, and to encourage accurate inclusion into film and television without the skewed or distorted earlier narratives. The L Word and L Word: Generation Q then carried the additional burden of countering criticisms The L Word received. Roseneil explains that creating both normalcy and belonging for lesbians and gays brings “cultural value and normativity” (218) and removes the psychosocial barriers that cause alienation or segregation. This “accept us” agenda appears through both popular culture and “in the broader national discourse on rights and belongings” (Walters 11), and is thus important because “representations of happy, healthy, well integrated lesbian and gay characters in film or television would create the impression that, in a social, economic, and legal sense, all is well for lesbians and gay men” (Schacter 729). Essentially, these programmes shouldered the burden of representation for the lesbian community, which was a heavy expectation. Critiques of the original L Word focussed on how the original cast looked as if they had all walked out of a high-end salon, for example, but in L Word: Generation Q this has been altered to have a much more DIY look. One of the younger cast members, Finlay, looks like someone cut her hair in the kitchen while others have styles that resemble YouTube tutorials and queer internet celebrities (Vanity Fair). The recognisable stereotypes that were both including and excluding have also altered the representation of the trans characters. Bette Porter’s campaign manager, for example, determines his style through his transition story, unlike Max, the prominent trans character from the first series. The trans characters of 2019 are comfortable in their own skins and supported by the community around them. Another important distinction between the representation of the old and new cast is around their material wealth. The returning cast members have comfortable lives and demonstrate affluence while the younger cast are less comfortable, expressing far more financial anxiety. This may indeed make a storyline that is closer to heterosexual communities. The L Word demonstrated a sophisticated awareness of feminist debates about the visual representation of women and made those debates a critical theme of the programme, and these themes have been expanded further in The L Word: Generation Q. One of the crucial areas that the programme/s have improved upon is to denaturalise the hegemonic straight gaze, drawing attention to the ways, conventions and techniques of reproduction that create sexist, heterosexist, and homophobic ideologies (McFadden). This was achieved through a predominantly female, lesbian cast that dealt with stories amongst their own friend group and relationships, serving to upend the audience position, and encouraging an alternative gaze, a gaze that could be occupied by anyone watching, but positioned the audience as lesbian. In concluding, The L Word in its original iteration set out to create something unique in its representation of lesbians. However, in its mission to create something new, it was also seen as problematic in its representation and in some ways excluding of certain gay and lesbian people. The L Word: Generation Q has therefore focussed on more diversity within a minority group, bringing normality and a sense of ‘realness’ to the previously skewed narratives seen in the media. In so doing, “perhaps these images will induce or confirm” to audiences that “lesbians and gay men are already ‘equal’—accepted, integrated, part of the mainstream” (Schacter 729). References Anderson-Minshall, Diane. “Sex and the Clittie, in Reading the L Word: Outing Contemporary Television.” Reading Desperate Housewives. Eds. Janet McCabe and Kim Akass. I.B. Tauris, 2006. 11–14. Are You the One? Presented by Ryan Devlin. Reality television programme. Viacom Media Networks, 2014. Baker, Sarah. “The Changing Face of Gay Representation in Hollywood Films from the 1990s Onwards: What’s Really Changed in the Hollywood Representation of Gay Characters?” The International Journal of Interdisciplinary Cultural Studies 10.4 (2015): 41–51. Brokeback Mountain. Dir. Ang Lee. Film. Focus Features, 2005. Chambers, Samuel. A. “Heteronormativity and The L Word: From a Politics of Representation to a Politics of Norms.” Reading Desperate Housewives. Eds. Janet McCabe and Kim Akass. I.B. Tauris, 2006. 81–98. Euphoria. Dir. Sam Levinson. Television Series. HBO, 2019. Gamson, Joshua. “Sweating in the Spotlight: Lesbian, Gay and Queer Encounters with Media and Popular Culture.” Handbook of Lesbian and Gay Studies.London: Sage, 2002. 339–354. Graham, Paula. “The L Word Under-whelms the UK?” Reading Desperate Housewives. Eds. Janet McCabe and Kim Akass. I.B. Tauris, 2006. 15–26. Gross, Larry. “What Is Wrong with this Picture? Lesbian Women and Gay Men on Television.” Queer Words, Queer Images: Communication and the Construction of Homosexuality. Ed. R.J. Ringer. New York: New York UP, 1994. 143–156. Gross, Larry. “Out of the Mainstream: Sexual Minorities and the Mass Media.” Gay People, Sex, and the Media. Eds. M. Wolf and A. Kielwasser. Haworth Press, 1991. 19–36. Hart, Kylo-Patrick. R. “Representing Gay Men on American Television.” Journal of Men’s Studies 9 (2000): 59–79. In and Out. Dir. Frank Oz. Film. Paramount Pictures, 1997. Juárez, Sergio Fernando. “Creeper Bogeyman: Cultural Narratives of Gay as Monstrous.” At the Interface / Probing the Boundaries 91 (2018): 226–249. McFadden, Margaret. T. The L Word. Wayne State University Press, 2014. Moore, Candace, and Kristin Schilt. “Is She Man Enough? Female Masculinities on The L Word.” Reading Desperate Housewives. Eds. Janet McCabe and Kim Akass. I.B. Tauris, 2006. 159–172. Orange Is the New Black. Dir. Jenji Johan. Web series. Netflix Streaming Services, 2003–. Philadelphia. Directed by Jonathan Demme. Film. Tristar Pictures, 1993. Pose. Dirs. Ryan Murphy, Steven Canals, and Brad Falchuk. Television series. Color Force, 2018. Roseneil, Sasha. “On Missed Encounters: Psychoanalysis, Queer Theory, and the Psychosocial Dynamics of Exclusion.” Studies in Gender and Sexuality 20.4 (2019): 214–219. RuPaul’s Drag Race. Directed by Nick Murray. Reality competition. Passion Distribution, 2009–. Russo, Vito. The Celluloid Closet. Rev. ed. New York: Harper & Row, 1987. Sarkissian, Raffi. “Queering TV Conventions: LGBT Teen Narratives on Glee.” Queer Youth and Media Cultures. Ed. C. Pullen. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. 145–157. Sedgwick, Eve Kosofsky. “Foreword: The Letter L.” Reading 'The L Word’: Outing Contemporary Television. Reading Desperate Housewives. Eds. Janet McCabe and Kim Akass. I.B. Tauris, 2006. 20–25. Schacter, Jane S. “Skepticism, Culture and the Gay Civil Rights Debate in Post-Civil-Rights Era.” Harvard Law Review 110 (1997): 684–731. Streitmatter, Rodger. Perverts to Fab Five: The Media’s Changing Depiction of Gay Men and Lesbians. New York: Routledge. 2009. The Birdcage. Dir. Mike Nichols. Film. United Artists, 1995. The Kids Are Alright. Dir. Lisa Cholodenko. Film. Focus Features, 2010. The L Word. Created by Ilene Chaiken, Kathy Greenberg, and Michelle Abbott. TV drama. Showtime Networks, 2004–2009. The L Word: Generation Q. Prods. Ilene Chaiken, Jennifer Beals, Katherine Moennig, and Leisha Hailey. TV drama. Showtime Networks, 2019–. To Wong Foo, Thanks for Everything! Julie Newmar. Dir. Beeban Kidron. Film. Universal Pictures, 1995. Walters, Suzanna Danuta. The Tolerance Trap: How God, Genes and Good Intentions Are Sabotaging Gay Equality. New York: New York UP, 2014. Yang, Alan. "From Wrongs to Rights: Public Opinion on Gay and Lesbian Americans Moves towards Equality." New York: The Policy Institute of the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force, 1999.

Swine semantics erupted into a linguistic battle between the two U.S. presidential candidates in the 2008 campaign over a lesser-known colloquialism “lipstick on a pig” reference in a speech by then Democratic presidential candidate, Barack Obama. This resulted in the Republicans sparring with the Democrats over the identification of the “swine” in question, claiming “sexism” and demanding an apology on behalf of then Governor Sarah Palin, the first female Republican vice presidential candidate. The Republican Party, fearful of being criticised for its own sexist and racist views (Kuhn par. 1), seized the opportunity to attack the Democrats with a proactive media campaign that made the lipstick comment a lead story in the media during a critical time less than two months before the election, derailing more serious campaign issues and focusing attention on Palin, who had just made her national political debut and whose level of experience was widely debated. Leskovec, Backstrom, and Kleinberg conducted a meme-tracking study for analysing news-cycle phrases in approximately 90 million stories from 1.6 million online sites spanning mainstream news to blogs during the final three months of the U.S. presidential election (1). They discovered that “lipstick on a pig” was “stickier” than other phrases and received “unexpectedly high popularity” (4). A simple Google search of “lipstick on a pig” resulted in 244,000 results, with more than half originating in 2008. Obama’s “Lipstick on a Pig” Reference During the final rounds of the 2008 U.S. presidential campaign, Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama’s words at a widely televised campaign stop in Lebanon, Virginia, on 9 September, sparked a linguistic debate between the two major American political parties 56 days before Election Day. Obama attempted to debunk McCain’s strategy about change in the following statement:John McCain says he’s about change, too. [...] And so I guess his whole angle is, watch out, George Bush. Except for economic policy, healthcare policy, tax policy, education policy, foreign policy, and Karl Rove-style politics [...] That’s not change. That’s just calling some—the same thing, something different. But you know [...] you can put [...] lipstick on a pig. It’s still a pig (“Obama’s Take”).A reporter from The New York Times commented that it was clear to the audience that Obama’s “lipstick” phrase was a direct reference to McCain’s policies (Zeleny par. 5). Known as a well-educated, articulate speaker, perhaps one considered too professorial for mainstream America, Obama attempted to inject more folksy language and humour into his dialogue with the public. However, the Republicans interpreted the metaphor quite differently. Republicans Claim “Sexism” from a “Male Chauvinist Pig” The Republican contender John McCain and his entourage immediately took offence, claiming that the “pig” in question was a sexist comment referring to Palin, who was introduced on 29 August as the first female vice presidential candidate on the Republican ticket (“VP Pick”). A Republican National Committee spokeswoman quickly told the media, “Sarah Palin’s maverick record of reform doesn’t need any ‘dressing up,’ but the Obama campaign’s condescending commentary deserves some dressing down” (Chozick par. 8). McCain’s camp formed the Palin Truth Squad with 54 Republican women, primarily lawyers and politicians, on the same day as the metaphor was used, to counter negative media and Internet commentary about Palin (Harper A13). Almost immediately after Obama’s “lipstick” comment, McCain’s camp conducted a conference call with journalists and former Massachusetts Governor Jane Swift, a Republican and chair of the Palin Truth Squad, who stated the lipstick comment referred to Palin, “the only one of the four—the presidential and vice presidential candidates—who wears lipstick” (Kornblut and Shear par. 12). Another member of the Squad, Thelma Drake, then a Republican Representative from Virginia, said that “it’s hard for Barack Obama to paint himself as the agent of change if he harbors the same mindset that Palin and millions of women just like her, have been fighting against their whole lives” (Applegate par. 8). Swift and others also claimed Obama was referring to Palin since she had herself used a lipstick metaphor during her Republican National Convention speech, 3 Sepember: “I love those hockey moms. You know, they say the difference between a hockey mom and a pit bull? Lipstick” (“Palin’s Speech” par. 26). The Republicans also created an anti-Obama Web ad with the theme, “Ready to Lead? No. Ready to Smear? Yes,“ (Weisman and Slevin A01) with a compilation of video clips of Palin’s “lipstick” joke, followed by the latter part of Obama's “lipstick” speech, and CBS News anchorwoman, Katie Couric, talking about “sexism” in politics, that latter of which referred to an older clip referring to Hillary Clinton’s campaign for the White House. Both clips on Obama and Couric were taken out of context. CBS retaliated and released a statement that the network “does not endorse any candidate” and that “any use of CBS personnel in political advertising that suggests the contrary is misleading” (Silva par. 8). YouTube pulled the Republican Web ads stating that the cause was “due to a copyright claim” (Silva par. 7). Another porcine phrase became linked to Obama—“male chauvinist pig”—an expression that evolved as an outgrowth of the feminist movement in the 1960s and first appeared with the third word, “pig,” in the media in 1970 (Mansbridge and Flaster 261). BlogHer, a blog for women, posted “Liberal Chauvinist Pigs,” on the same day as Obama's speech, asking: “Does the expression male chauvinist pig come to mind?” (Leary par. 5) Other conservative blogs also reflected on this question, painting Obama as a male chauvinist pig, and chastising both the liberal media and the Democrats for questioning Palin’s credentials as a viable vice presidential candidate. Obama “Sexist Pig Gear” protest tee-shirts, buttons, and bumper stickers were sold online by Zazzle.com. Democratic Response to “Controversy” During a campaign stop in Norfolk, Virginia, the day after his “lipstick” comment, Obama called the Republican backlash the “latest made-up controversy by the John McCain campaign” and appealed for a return to more serious topics with “enough” of “foolish diversions” (“Obama Hits”). He stated that the Republicans “seize on an innocent remark, try to take it out of context, throw up an outrageous ad, because they know it’s catnip for the news media” (“Obama Hits”). Obama also referred to the situation as the “silly season of politics” in media interviews (James par. 8). Obama’s spokespeople rallied claiming that McCain played the “gender card about the use of a common analogy” (Kornblut and Shear par. 6). An Obama campaign spokesman distributed to the media copies of articles from a Chicago Tribune story in 2007 in which McCain applied the lipstick analogy about the healthcare strategy of Hillary Clinton, a previous female Democratic presidential contender (Chozick 11). Another Obama spokeswoman said that the porcine expression “was older than my grandfather’s grandfather,” (Zimmer par. 1) which also inspired the media and linguists to further investigate this claim. Evolution of “Lipstick on a Pig” This particular colloquial use of a “pig” evolved from a long history of porcine expressions in American politics. American political discourse has been rich with cultural references to porcine idioms with negative connotations. Pork barrels were common 19th-century household items used to store salt pork, and some plantation owners doled out the large barrels as rewards to slaves who then had to compete with each other to grab a portion (Maxey 693). In post-Civil War America, “pork barrel” became a political term for legislative bills “loaded with special projects for Members of Congress to distribute to their constituents back home as an act of largesse, courtesy of the federal taxpayer” (“Pork Barrel Legislation”). Today, “pork barrel” is widely used in the U.S., Australia, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, and other countries (“Definition Pork Barrel”) to refer to “government projects or appropriations yielding rich patronage benefits” (“Pork Barrel”). Conservative radio personality Rush Limbaugh coined the term, “porkulus,” as another expression for “pork barrel” by merging the words “pork and “stimulus,” while discussing President Obama’s economic stimulus package in January 2009 (Kuntz par. 1). Ben Zimmer, an American lexicologist, explained that “many porcine proverbs describe vain attempts at converting something from ugly to pretty, or from useless to useful” (par. 2). Zimmer and other writers investigated the heritage of “lipstick on a pig” over the past 500 years from “you can't make a silk purse from a sow’s ear,” “a hog in armour is still a hog,” and “a hog in a silk waistcoat is still a hog.” Zimmer connected the dots between the words “lipstick,” a 19th-century invention, and “pig” to a Los Angeles Times editor in 1926 who wrote: “Most of us know as much of history as a pig does of lipsticks” (par. 3). American Politicians Who Have Smeared “Lipstick on a Pig” Which American politicians had used “lipstick on a pig” before Obama? Both Democrats and Republicans have coloured their speech with this colloquialism to refer to specific issues, not specific people. In 2008, Elizabeth Edwards, wife of presidential hopeful John Edwards, used the porcine expression about McCain’s healthcare proposals at a Democratic campaign event and House Minority Leader John Boehner, a Republican, about weak Republican fundraising efforts during the same month (Covington and Curry par. 7-8). McCain ironically used the term twice to criticise Hillary Clinton’s healthcare proposals as “lipstick on a pig,” while they were both campaigning in 2007 (Covington and Curry par. 6). His statement received limited attention at the time. During a telephone interview in 2007, Obama also had used the pig analogy when referring to an “impossible assignment” George W. Bush gave to General Petraeus, who was then serving as the Multinational Forces Iraq Commander (Tapper par. 15). In 2004, Republican Vice President Richard Cheney applied a regional slant: “As we like to say in Wyoming, you can put all the lipstick you want on a pig, but at the end of the day it's still a pig,” about the national defence record of John Kerry, then a Democratic presidential nominee (Covington and Curry par. 4). A few months earlier that year, John Edwards, Democratic vice presidential candidate, scolded the Bush administration for putting “lipstick on a pig” on “lackluster job-creation numbers” (Covington and Curry par. 3). Representative Charles Rangel, a Democrat, identified the “pig” as a tax bill the same year (Siegel par. 15-16). In 1992, the late Governor of Texas, Ann Richards, a Democrat, who was known for colourful phrases, gave the pig a name when she said: “You can put lipstick on a hog and call it Monique, but it is still a pig,” referring to the Republican administration for deploying warships to protect oil tankers in the Middle East, effectively subsidizing foreign oil (Zimmer par. 4). A year earlier, when she introduced her first budget for Texas, she said: “This is not another one of those deals where you put lipstick on a hog and call it a princess” (Zimmer par. 4). The earliest reputed recorded use of an American politician using the phrase was Texas Democrat Jim Hightower, who applied it to depict the reorganisation of Ronald Reagan's Cabinet in 1986 (Macintyre 16). Time magazine reporters (Covington and Curry par. 2) and Zimmer (par. 3) claimed that a San Francisco radio personality, Ron Lyons, was one of the earliest quoted in print with “lipstick on a pig” about renovation plans for a local park in November 1985 in the Washington Post. Author of the Double-Tongued Dictionary, Grant Barrett, uncovered a 1980 article from a small Washington state newspaper as the earliest written record with an article that stated: “You can clean up a pig, put a ribbon on it’s [sic] tail, spray it with perfume, but it is still a pig” (Guzman par. 7). A book on communication also adopted the pig metaphor in its title in 2006, Lipstick on a Pig: Winning in the No-Spin Era by Someone Who Knows the Game, by Torie Clarke, who previously served as Assistant Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs under Donald Rumsfield during the early years of the G.W. Bush Administration. Media Commentary According to The New York Times (Leibovich and Barrett), “lipstick on a pig” was one of the most popular political buzzwords and phrases of 2008, along with others directly referring to Palin, “Caribou Barbie” and “Hockey Mom,” as well as “Maverick,” a popular term used by both McCain and Palin. Many journalists played on the metaphor to express disdain for negative political campaigns. A Wall Street Journal article asked: “What's the difference between a more hopeful kind of politics and old-fashioned attacks? Lipstick” (Chozick par. 1). International media also covered the Obama-McCain lipstick wars. The Economist, for example, wrote that the “descent of American politics into pig wrestling has dismayed America’s best friends abroad” (“Endless Culture War” par. 6). Bloggers claimed that Obama’s “lipstick” speech was influenced by copy and imagery from two leading American cartoonists. The Free Republic, self-acclaimed to be “the premier online gathering place for independent, grass-roots conservatism” (Freerepublic.com), claimed that Obama plagiarized almost verbatim the language leading into the “pig” comment from a Tom Toles cartoon that ran in the Washington Post on 5 Sepember (see fig. 1).Fig. 1. Toles, Tom. Cartoon. Washington Post. 5 Sep. 2008. 30 July 2010 Another cartoon by R. J. Matson appeared in the St. Louis Post Dispatch (see fig. 2) four days before Obama’s speech that depicted Palin not just as a pig wearing lipstick, but as one using pork barrel funding. The cartoon’s caption provides an interpretation of Palin's lipstick analogy: “Question: What’s the Difference Between a Hockey Mom Reformer and a Business-As-Usual Pork Barrel-Spending Politician? Answer: Lipstick.” Newsbusters.org blogger stated: “It’s not too far-fetched to say Team Obama is cribbing his stump speech laugh lines from the liberal funnies” (Shepherd par. 3). Fig 2. Matson, R. J. Cartoon. St. Louis Post Dispatch. 5 Sep. 2008. 30 July 2010 . A porcine American character known for heavy makeup and a starring role as one of the Muppets created by puppeteer Jim Henson in the 1970s, Miss Piggy still remains an American icon. She commented on the situation during an interview on the set of “Today,” an American television program. When the interviewer asked, “Were you surprised by all the hubbub this election season over your lipstick practices?,” Miss Piggy’s response was “Moi will not dignify that with a response” (Raphael par. 6-7). Concluding Comments The 2008 U.S. presidential election presented new players in the arena: the first African-American in a leading party and the first female Republican. During a major election, words used by candidates are widely scrutinised and, in this case, the “lipstick on a pig” phrase was misconstrued by the opposing party, known for conservative values, that latched onto the opportunity to level a charge of sexism against the more liberal party. Vocabulary about gender, like language about race, can become a “minefield” (Givhan M01). With today’s 24/7 news cycle and the blogosphere, the perceived significance of a political comment, whether innocent or not, is magnified through repeated analysis and commentary. The meme-tracking study by Leskovec, Backstrom, and Kleinberg observed that 2.5 hours was the typical time lag between stories originating in mainstream media and reaching the blogosphere (8); whereas only 3.5 percent of the stories began in blogs and later permeated into traditional media (9). An English author of the history of clichés and language, Julia Cresswell, stated that the “lipstick” term “seems to be another candidate for clichéhood” (61). Although usage of clichés can prove to cause complications as in the case of Obama’s lipstick reference, Obama was able to diffuse the Republican backlash quickly and make a plea to return to serious issues affecting voters. David Greenberg analysed Obama’s presidential win and explained: And although other factors, especially the tanking economy, obviously contributed more directly to his November victory, it would be a mistake to overlook the importance of his skill at mastering the politics of negative attacks. When Obama went negative against others, he carefully singled out aspects of his opponents’ characters that, he argued, American politics itself had to transcend; he associated his foes with the worst of the old politics and himself with the best of the new. When others fired at him, in contrast, he was almost always able to turn the criticisms back upon them—through feigned outrage, among other tactics—as perpetuating those selfsame blights on our politics (70). References Applegate, Aaron. “Rep. Drake Criticizes Obama for ‘Lipstick on a Pig’ Remark.” Virginia Pilot 10 Sep. 2008. 28 Jul. 2010. Chozick, Amy. “Obama Puts Different Twist on Lipstick.” Wall Street Journal 9 Sep. 2008. 30 Jul. 2010. Covington, Marti, and Maya Curry. “A Brief History of: ‘Putting Lipstick on a Pig.’” Time 11 Sep. 2008. 17 May 2010. Cresswell, Julia. “Let’s Hear it for the Cliché.” British Journalism Review 19.57 (2008): 57-61. “Endless Culture War.” The Economist 4 Oct. 2008: ABI/INFORM Global, ProQuest. 30 Jul. 2010. “Definition Pork Barrel.” Webster’s Online Dictionary. 30 Jul. 2010. freerepublic.com. “Welcome to Free Republic.” Free Republic 2009. 30 Jul. 2010. Givhan, Robin. “On the Subject of Race, Words Get in the Way.” Washington Post 20 Jan. 2008: M01. 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