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1

Ronfani, P. "Children, Law and Social Policy in Italy." International Journal of Law, Policy and the Family 15, no. 2 (August 1, 2001): 276–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/lawfam/15.2.276.

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2

Scarlato, Margherita. "Social Enterprise and Development Policy: Evidence from Italy." Journal of Social Entrepreneurship 3, no. 1 (March 2012): 24–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19420676.2012.659675.

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3

Kichewko, Karolina. "European Social Pacts Policy (the Netherlands, Ireland and Italy)." Polish Political Science Review 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2013): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ppsr-2015-0007.

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Abstract The main aims of this article are: a presentation of the theoretical framework for the analysis of the social pacts policy (taking into consideration that social pacts are phenomena which are very difficult to clearly define) and the presentation of the practice of this policy in chosen European countries (including three cases of “using” social pacts for the shaping of public policy, taking into consideration the fact that the form and content of social pacts vary from country to country). Social pacts are very special kinds of agreements between the representatives of the state and the interest groups. They can include various issues of social and economic policies, but they can also be used for solving economic difficulties and sustaining progress, including the development of the state. Social Pacts Policy is useful for a weak state and interest groups, which as a result of it can have an influence on public policy. Although, its application is not a facile process of agreement between the state and the social partners, it can have various forms and can include different goals of social and economic policies. Similarly, the range, institutionalisation and length of social pacts are not the same in all countries. Moreover, as the article indicates it refers to the economic, cultural and social circumstances, which can also cause the disappearance of the social pacts mechanism.
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4

D'Emiliano, Matteo, and Giovannina Giulianio. "Policy integration in practice: evidence from anti-poverty policy in Italy." Sinappsi 12, no. 2 (2022): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.53223/sinappsi_2022-02-3.

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In Italy, over the last few years, policy to combat poverty has been designed assuming that the integrated provision of social and employment services should represent one of the essential conditions (a minimum standard) of the policy. Since ‘integration does not just happen by design’, what happens when an integrated policy approach is put into practice? Using some of the main evidence of a recent survey on more than 400 Local social planning authorities (local institutions responsible for coordinating social policies) an index of service integration has been developed in order to analyze and measure the capacity of local administrations to deal with the paradigm of coordination and integration.
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5

CATALANO, SERIDA L., PAOLO R. GRAZIANO, and MATTEO BASSOLI. "Devolution and Local Cohesion Policy: Bureaucratic Obstacles to Policy Integration in Italy." Journal of Social Policy 44, no. 4 (May 19, 2015): 747–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279415000239.

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AbstractThis article analyses and compares the multi-dimensional co-ordination of employment and social policies at the Italian local level, especially focusing on the policy implementation stage. It departs from developing a theoretical framework to take into account the crucial variables that might potentially impact on the co-ordination of social cohesion policies. In particular, following a neo-institutionalist approach, great emphasis is placed on the legacy of the Weberian bureaucratic model, and its implied ‘specialisation ethos’. In addition, the effect of other contextual variables, such us social capital and the rate of unemployment, are considered.The empirical analysis confirms the crucial impact of the specialisation ethos in preventing inter-policy co-ordination from occurring at the Italian local level, and the relevance of other contextual variables in causing policy integration within services, rather than between services.
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6

Fargion, Silvia. "Social work promoting participation: reflections on policy practice in Italy." European Journal of Social Work 21, no. 4 (April 29, 2017): 559–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13691457.2017.1320528.

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7

Pulignano, Valeria. "Union struggle and the crisis of industrial relations in Italy." Capital & Class 27, no. 1 (March 2003): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030981680307900101.

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This paper argues that the Berlusconi government is seeking to replace the ‘social concertation’ arrangement between government and trade unions with ‘social dialogue’ in an effort to undermine trade union ‘power’. This endeavour by the government to impose a policy of ‘social dialogue’ would severely limit trade unions' influence in economic and social policy decision-making and leave Berlusconi free to introduce reforms favouring his friends in employer organisations. One likely outcome would be the deregulation of the Italian labour market strongly damaging workers' rights.
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8

Navarro, Vicente. "A Critique of Social Capital." International Journal of Health Services 32, no. 3 (July 2002): 423–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/6u6r-ltvn-fhu6-kcnu.

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This article critiques the concepts of communitarianism and social capital as used in the United States and in Europe. For the United States, the author focuses on Robert Putnam's understanding of both concepts, showing that the apolitical analysis of the Progressive Era, of the progressive developments in Northern Italy, and of the situation of labor unions in the United States is not only insufficient but wrong. The critique also includes the difference between U.S. communitarianism and its European versions, Christian democracy and New Labour, and the limitations of both approaches. The uses and misuses of these concepts in the political debate are discussed.
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9

Fernandez, Gabriela, Carol Maione, Harrison Yang, Karenina Zaballa, Norbert Bonnici, Jarai Carter, Brian H. Spitzberg, Chanwoo Jin, and Ming-Hsiang Tsou. "Social Network Analysis of COVID-19 Sentiments: 10 Metropolitan Cities in Italy." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 13 (June 23, 2022): 7720. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19137720.

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The pandemic spread rapidly across Italy, putting the region’s health system on the brink of collapse, and generating concern regarding the government’s capacity to respond to the needs of patients considering isolation measures. This study developed a sentiment analysis using millions of Twitter data during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in 10 metropolitan cities in Italy’s (1) north: Milan, Venice, Turin, Bologna; (2) central: Florence, Rome; (3) south: Naples, Bari; and (4) islands: Palermo, Cagliari. Questions addressed are as follows: (1) How did tweet-related sentiments change over the course of the COVID-19 pandemic, and (2) How did sentiments change when lagged with policy shifts and/or specific events? Findings show an assortment of differences and connections across Twitter sentiments (fear, anger, and joy) based on policy measures and geographies during the COVID-19 pandemic. Results can be used by policy makers to quantify the satisfactory level of positive/negative acceptance of decision makers and identify important topics related to COVID-19 policy measures, which can be useful for imposing geographically varying lockdowns and protective measures using historical data.
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10

Brusco, Sebastiano, and Ezio Righi. "Local government, industrial policy and social consensus: the case of Modena (Italy)." Economy and Society 18, no. 4 (November 1989): 405–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03085148900000020.

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11

Picot, Georg. "Party Systems and Social Policy: A Historical Comparison of Italy and Germany." West European Politics 37, no. 1 (June 3, 2013): 138–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2013.801577.

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12

Tronca, Luigi. "Social capital and health." SALUTE E SOCIETÀ, no. 3 (June 2012): 143–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ses2011-003009en.

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This paper provides a sociological overview of the concept of social capital and explores how it is related to the notion of health. The theoretical section of the study addresses the issue of an operational definition of social capital and conducts detailed analysis of the dimensions and forms of the concept that stand out in terms of importance in the field of health research. It also takes into consideration the most significant causal mechanisms identified between social capital and health outcomes. The empirical part of the paper features analysis of data on the connection between social capital and self-perceived health, collected during the first survey conducted in Italy by the Osservatorio sulle Strategie di Consumo delle Famiglie (Observatory on Consumption Strategies in the Family). The survey shows that community social capital, generally expressed in terms of family trust, may, depending on the subject's social milieu of origin, not play any role in determining the level of self-perceived health in Italy. Alternatively, it may play either of two roles, acting as a multiplier or a substitute with regard to positive causal processes determined by parameters of a socio-demographic nature.
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13

Di Bella, Arturo. "Digital Urbanism in Southern Italy." International Journal of E-Planning Research 1, no. 4 (October 2012): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijepr.2012100105.

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This article presents an analysis of the presence in, and use of, the web by some forms of digital citizenry in a city of southern Italy: Catania. Its primary aim is to analyze how, also in a weak civil society, information and communication technologies (ICTs) create new opportunities for extending public sphere and for learning new modes of participatory local action for sustainable urban development. The local experiences presented in this research indicate that ICTs can facilitate a redistribution of local social powers, offering infrastructures and tools useful for implementing a continuous process of social interaction, exchange of knowledge and the development of practices, influencing policy processes and planning models.
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14

Greenberg, Jessica. "Counterpedagogy, Sovereignty, and Migration at the European Court of Human Rights." Law & Social Inquiry 46, no. 2 (February 2, 2021): 518–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lsi.2020.40.

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What happens to gains in human rights protections if states learn how to use international human rights courts to evade future scrutiny? This article centers on Hirsi Jamaa v. Italy, a landmark 2012 migration case at the European Court of Human Rights. Rights advocates characterized the case as a legal victory for migrants. Subsequent shifts in Italian bordering and policing on the high seas demonstrate unintended consequences of this litigation. While Italy implemented the judgment, compliance went hand in hand with state efforts to undermine rights protections in practice. Italy carved out new areas of discretion among maritime police, human rights advocates, and migrants on the high seas. Ultimately, assessing the impact of case law requires looking not only at judgments and at execution. It requires attention to subsequent policy environments and policing efforts that may violate the spirit, if not the letter, of human rights obligations.
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15

Zecchinelli, A., F. Caprari, P. Ponzi, A. Bonetti, and G. Pezzoli. "PNL5 SOCIAL COSTS OF PARKINSON DISEASE IN ITALY." Value in Health 7, no. 6 (November 2004): 788. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1098-3015(10)66110-4.

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16

Gelormino, Elena, Maurizio Marino, Roberto Leombruni, and Giuseppe Costa. "Austerity Resistant Social Policies to Protect Employment." International Journal of Health Services 47, no. 2 (December 11, 2016): 165–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020731416681231.

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During the worse phase of the economic downturn, few social policies resisted to the austerity measures imposed to Italy by the European Union. Among them, the most important is the Wage Supplementation Fund, to protect workers and entrepreneurs from bankruptcy and unemployment. Adopting a realist methodology we studied the social mechanisms which are the roots of some political and administrative choices in that period; the public policy decision making approach gave us a theoretical base. Some main mechanisms have been discovered: technical and economic mechanisms overcame politics, social attitudes pushed political choices, the fear of political and social instability drove all parties.
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17

Barbabella, Francesco, Eralba Cela, Marco Socci, Davide Lucantoni, Marina Zannella, and Andrea Principi. "Active Ageing in Italy: A Systematic Review of National and Regional Policies." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 1 (January 5, 2022): 600. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19010600.

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Active ageing is defined as the process of optimizing opportunities for health, participation and security in order to enhance quality of life as people age. The design of active ageing policies intersects with different overarching societal challenges, especially ageing populations, social rights and sustainability. However, there are no previous attempts to review active ageing policies in the light of these challenges and the international policy objectives and targets that are guiding the international community. The aim of this study is to systematically identify, review and analyse all national and regional policies on active ageing adopted in Italy, by applying a conceptual framework derived from main international policy initiatives in the three areas. The research was conducted in two stages. First, a case study analysis was carried out per each relevant national institution and regional government. Standardised interviews were combined with policy document search, selection and analysis. Second, we performed a policy analysis in the light of a conceptual framework adopted. This latter was composed by nine policy domains, selected and integrated from principles and objectives of three overarching international frameworks on ageing—i.e., the Regional Implementation Strategy (RIS) commitments of the Madrid International Plan of Action on Ageing (MIPAA), social rights—i.e., the European Pillar of Social Rights and sustainability—i.e., the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of the Agenda 2030 for Sustainable Development. Results pointed out that out of the identified nine policy fields, the major intervention areas by Italian policy makers concerned labour market participation, life-long learning, social and economic inequalities, health and well-being. Less attention had been given to issues such as gender and equal opportunities and sustainable cities. This systematic policy review is a milestone for understanding how active ageing policies contribute to address major societal challenges and what domains need further policy development.
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18

Ipsen, Carl. "The Organization of Demographic Totalitarianism: Early Population Policy in Fascist Italy." Social Science History 17, no. 1 (1993): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1171245.

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19

Ipsen, Carl. "The Organization of Demographic Totalitarianism: Early Population Policy in Fascist Italy." Social Science History 17, no. 1 (1993): 71–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016758.

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Population has always been recognized as a fundamental resource of the state. In nineteenth-century Europe, however, the relationship between population—a body of people capable of working, fighting, growing, or moving collectively—and the state underwent a significant transformation as national governments found it increasingly more important to know their populations quantitatively. Satisfaction of this need required the creation of national institutions to carry out censuses and monitor the vital statistics and migratory movements of population.
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20

Kazepov, Yuri, and Costanzo Ranci. "Is every country fit for social investment? Italy as an adverse case." Journal of European Social Policy 27, no. 1 (November 21, 2016): 90–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928716673314.

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The scientific debate on social investment (SI) is moving from an ideological and normative approach towards a more realistic one. Scholars are paying closer attention to the actual developments in social policy and to the contextual conditions and impacts of SI policies. Considering this, two main issues arise. First, that SI policies are politically feasible and likely to have positive impacts only if specific contextual conditions are met. Second, SI policies were supposed to have a positive impact on both inequalities and economic growth: a strong theoretical assumption that needs to be carefully tested. The Italian case will be used here to illustrate this new perspective and the consequences of the lack of contextual pre-conditions. For this reason, the article is divided into three parts. The first part will present our theoretical argument in the context of the most recent analytical accounts of SI policy in Europe. In particular we will argue that, given the lack of crucial structural pre-conditions, SI policies may have ambiguous and even unexpected negative impacts on both economic growth and equal opportunities. In the second and third parts, we will present empirical evidence of this ambiguity considering childcare and apprenticeship reforms in Italy. More specifically, based on empirical research carried out in Italy, we want to answer two questions: (1) Why is the Italian welfare state so ‘unfriendly’ to SI policies? What are the main factors explaining the limited room for SI policies? (2) When an SI approach is promoted in specific policy areas in Italy, what is its social and economic impact? Do these interventions achieve the positive results to be expected according to the SI approach? Finally, the last part synthesises the main arguments and aims to open a critical discussion on the structural pre-conditions of SI policies and the need for further analysis of the political economy contexts in which SI policy develops.
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21

Natali, David. "‘From Italy to Europe’: a review of recent Italian literature on social policy." Journal of European Social Policy 16, no. 3 (August 2006): 287–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928706065747.

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22

Belotti, Emanuele. "The importation of social mix policy in Italy: A case study from Lombardy." Cities 71 (November 2017): 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2017.06.013.

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23

Tousijn, Willem. "Integrating health and social care: Interprofessional relations of multidisciplinary teams in Italy." Current Sociology 60, no. 4 (June 22, 2012): 522–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392112438335.

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Integrating health and social care has been a major objective of recent policy reforms in Italy. Integration has been implemented on three levels, namely institutional, organizational and professional. At the professional level multiprofessional teams have been created or adapted (if existing) in several areas, including among others, care of the elderly, the disabled and the addicted. This article discusses the findings of an empirical study based on 57 interviews with managers and members of community-based, multiprofessional teams in the Turin area, Italy. The topics addressed include the effects of integration on the traditionally dominant role of the medical profession, on relationships between professionals and managers and on work organization and interprofessional strains. The findings point to a more balanced role of medicine and other professions than before the policy reforms, and to a reconsideration of the managerialism–professionalism dichotomy, since professionals tend to capture managerial work and co-opt it into a new professionalism.
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Bellucci, Paolo, and Oliver Heath. "The Structure of Party-Organization Linkages and the Electoral Strength of Cleavages in Italy, 1963–2008." British Journal of Political Science 42, no. 1 (July 14, 2011): 107–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123411000226.

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No consensus exists on the causal mechanisms underpinning declining voting based on social cleavages – religion and class – in Europe. Previous research has emphasized two main factors: social change within the electorate (bottom-up) and parties’ policy polarization (top-down). This article presents a third level of analysis that links parties and cleavage-related social organizations, producing a factor capable of reinforcing group identity and interest representation. This hypothesis was tested for Italy in 1968–2008, where changes in the party system provided a natural experiment to assess the impact of changing structural alternatives at the party–organizational level. The level of cleavage voting in Italy then responded primarily to changes in the structure of party–organization linkages, while the impact of policy mobilization and social change was negligible.
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25

Mennini, Francesco Saverio, Paolo Sciattella, and Matteo Scortichini. "Socio-economic impact of epilepsy in Italy." Global & Regional Health Technology Assessment 9, Suppl. 2 (June 28, 2022): 10–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.33393/grhta.2022.2427.

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The World Health Assembly recognizes the growing economic and societal burden of neurological disorders, a leading cause of disability and the second cause of mortality in the world. In this context we analysed the socio-economic impact of epilepsy in Italy with a specific focus on hospitalizations and costs related to disability pensions (DPs) and ordinary disability allowances. In the case of epilepsy, between 2009 and 2015 we observed an alarming increasing trend for DPs (+26%), indicating that substantial expenses must be supported throughout the patients’ lifetimes by both the social security system and the National Health Service (NHS) on top of the impact on caregivers. We also analysed the hospital expenditure on epilepsy through the information available in the Hospital Discharge Cards between 2015 and 2018. Almost all admissions (76% ordinary hospitalizations, 24% day hospitals) were acute (95%), followed by rehabilitation (4%) and long-term care (1%). The cost of acute and ordinary hospitalizations was by far the highest in 2018, the last year of analysis. This large expense due to hospitalizations could be reduced through the implementation of different organizational and management approaches. Our recommendation is that the policy maker should consider the best approach to ensure an early diagnosis for patients and provide early access to drugs and/or surgery. Finally, the adoption of new innovative treatments should improve effectiveness and, at the same time, reduce the expense of the NHS, of the social system as a whole, with a tangible improvement in patients’ quality of life.
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26

Pirani, Pietro. "‘The way we were’: the social construction of Italian security policy." Modern Italy 15, no. 2 (May 2010): 217–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903573639.

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Italian security policy literature reveals, usually implicitly rather than explicitly, two distinct strains of analysis. One set of explanations, rooted in realist theory, views Italian foreign policy behaviour by reference to its power position. A second set of arguments, rooted in liberalism, assumes that policy-makers are ultimately influenced by domestic institutional factors in deciding foreign policy issues. The purpose of this article is to offer a theoretical contribution to the ongoing debate on continuity and change in Italian foreign policy. While neorealist and liberal theories have been widely used to explain the development of Italian international behaviour, neither approach has yet provided a full explanation of Italian security policy since the end of the Cold War. In contrast to these theories, it is argued that Italy has built its foreign policy on the basis of cultural considerations involving conflicting strategies of action.
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27

Frigerio, Ivan, Fabio Carnelli, Marta Cabinio, and Mattia De Amicis. "Spatiotemporal Pattern of Social Vulnerability in Italy." International Journal of Disaster Risk Science 9, no. 2 (April 30, 2018): 249–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s13753-018-0168-7.

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28

Fiorillo, Damiano. "Workers’ health and social relations in Italy." Journal of Economic Studies 43, no. 5 (October 10, 2016): 835–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jes-11-2014-0193.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether social relations are associated with the health of workers. It uses two types of health status measures – self-reported and more objective health – and it considers two types of social relationships: individual social relations, measured through the frequency of meetings with friends; and contextual social relations, the average frequency with which people meet friends at the community level. Design/methodology/approach A probit model is estimated from the worker sample accounting for the possibility of selecting individuals in the labour market (selection equation). Then expanded probit models (including inverse Mills ratio) are used on both self-reported and more objective health measures using new data from an income and living conditions survey carried out in 2006 by the Italian Statistics Office. Robustness checks are employed to deal with possible problems when interpreting the results. Findings The study finds that social relations are correlated with health status of workers with differences among health outcomes. Social relations at the individual level are positively correlated with self-perceived health (SPH), negatively associated with chronic condition (CC) but not related to limitations in daily activities. Contextual social relations are negatively linked with CC and limitations in daily activities but not correlated with SPH. Research limitations/implications Although the results are consistent with the argument that individual and contextual social relations influence workers’ health, the author cannot prove causality. Social implications Improving the health of workers could reduce health inequalities and could increase work performance. The implication at a macro-economic level of an improvement in the health conditions of workers is relevant in Italy, where the level of labour productivity is low compared to the other developed countries (OECD, 2013). Policy makers should consider the benefits, both at social and economic level, of public policies designed to improve the social and physical infrastructure of social relations. Originality/value This paper is the first to relate individual and contextual social relations simultaneously to workers’ health. Moreover, it makes several other contributions to this area: it control for unobserved worker heterogeneity; it uses both subjective self-reported health as well as a more objective measure of health based on CC and limitations in activities of daily living; it adopts a multilevel approach to examine in the same framework the individual and contextual relationship of social relations with individual health status of workers, in so doing, filling a gap in the literature on social capital and public health.
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Chiocchetti, Elena. "Effects of social evolution on terminology policy in South Tyrol." Terminology 27, no. 1 (July 5, 2021): 110–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/term.00060.chi.

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Abstract This paper illustrates the challenges of terminology policy in the legal domain in South Tyrol, Italy, i.e. within a minority community whose language (German) is an official language in other countries. In this context terminology planning becomes necessary mainly in relation to legal and administrative concepts, due to the system-bound nature of legal language. The method applied in South Tyrol is micro-comparison with other German-speaking legal systems. Based on South Tyrol’s example, we show how changes in society have affected approaches, methods and tools for terminology planning and practical terminology work. South Tyrol’s autonomy model is often considered a best practice for the resolution of ethnic conflict. Its long-lasting experience in terminology planning may equally serve as a model for minority language communities that have only recently been granted extensive language rights.
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Hantrais, Linda. "Introduction: Themed Section on the European Union and Social Policy: National and EU Policy Interaction." Social Policy and Society 2, no. 3 (June 25, 2003): 209–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746403001283.

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When the European Economic Community was established in 1957, the six founding member states (Belgium, France, Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands) had a shared interest, though each for their own reasons, in ensuring that provisions to promote the harmonisation of national social protection systems figured in the treaties. Progressively, and as membership of the Community expanded and diversified, the social dimension came to be accepted as a legitimate, albeit contested and subordinate, component in European law and policy. Whereas the social protection systems of the six original member states could be considered as variants of the continental model of welfare, the new waves of membership in the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s brought different conceptions of social protection, making harmonisation ever-more difficult to achieve. Denmark, Ireland and the United Kingdom in the second wave were characterised by their universal welfare systems. Greece, Portugal and Spain in the third wave had less developed, minimalist provision for social protection. In the fourth wave, Austria was closer to the founding member states, whereas Finland and Sweden represented the Nordic model with their universalist system based on social democratic criteria.
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31

Biasi*, Marco. "Covid-19 and labour law in Italy." European Labour Law Journal 11, no. 3 (July 6, 2020): 306–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2031952520934569.

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This article provides an account of the Italian response to the Covid-19 pandemic in the labour law field. The author focuses on the policy measures in the matters of income support, parental leave, rest and holiday leave, agile working (i.e. teleworking), dismissal, as well as on the special provisions arranged by the social partners and later adopted by the legislator to preserve the health and safety of the employees and also to prevent the spread of coronavirus in the workplace. Ultimately, the author hints at the potential development of employee participation in Italy in the wake of the upsurge of social dialogue during the coronavirus emergency.
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32

Bailey, David, Dan Coffey, Maria Gavris, and Carole Thornley. "Industrial policy, place and democracy." Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society 12, no. 3 (September 19, 2019): 327–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjres/rsz010.

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Abstract Industrial policy is a potential vehicle for more participative and democratic forms of policy formation. But in Britain an ademocratic policy culture is transforming into an undemocratic one. This article explores the roots of this in major sea changes in the industrial policy climate of Western Europe, where non-discriminatory and aspatial policy stances are now giving way under pressure to openly discriminatory policies aimed at favoured industries or locations. The British case is contrasted with France, Germany and Italy, and their variety of responses. It is proposed that an extended notion of ‘place’ offers a basis for social dialogue.
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Campesi, Giuseppe, and Giulia Fabini. "Immigration Detention as Social Defence: Policing ‘Dangerous Mobility’ in Italy." Theoretical Criminology 24, no. 1 (July 10, 2019): 50–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480619859350.

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Drawing on an empirical study, this article explores the role of immigration detention in Italy by analysing the way a specific rhetoric of ‘dangerousness’ has developed and is being used within the framework of immigration enforcement policies. Our argument is that immigration detention has been transformed into an instrument of crime prevention and ‘social defence’, and that this transformation is fuelled by the central position that the legal categories of ‘risk’ and ‘danger’ have assumed in the regulation of the return procedure. The article contends that immigration law enforcement agencies can make use of immigration detention as a flexible control tool to manage what are perceived as the most problematic populations in urban areas, thus practising a policy of selective enforcement that while not explicitly built along racial and ethnic lines, clearly discriminates among migrants according to their ‘social marginality’ or supposed ‘social dangerousness’.
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34

Canepa, Alessandra, and Federico Drogo. "Wildfire crime, apprehension and social vulnerability in Italy." Forest Policy and Economics 122 (January 2021): 102330. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.forpol.2020.102330.

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BORELLA, MARGHERITA, and MICHELE BELLONI. "Self-employment in Italy: the role of Social Security Wealth." Journal of Pension Economics and Finance 18, no. 1 (August 24, 2017): 31–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474747217000300.

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AbstractUsing a rich micro dataset drawn from administrative archives, we explore whether Social Security Wealth (SSW) is an important factor affecting the decision to become self-employed. We focus on the two main categories of self-employed professions covered by the Italian public pension system: craftsmen and shopkeepers. We use the large exogenous variation in individual expected SSW that occurred as a result of the policy reform process undertaken in Italy during the 1990s to identify the effect of this variable and we study how the probability of being self-employed or employed depends, amongst other things, on the difference in the expected SSW that accrues under the two alternative employment scenarios. Our key finding is that a higher difference in expected SSW from self-employment compared with employment has a positive effect on the probability of being self-employed and on the probability of switching to self-employment, whereas it has a negative effect on the probability of switching from self-employment to employment.
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Franco, Daniele, and Pietro Tommasino. "Lessons From Italy: A Good Pension System Needs an Effective Broader Social Policy Framework." Intereconomics 55, no. 2 (March 2020): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10272-020-0874-4.

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37

De Rosis, Sabina, Francesca Pennucci, and Chiara Seghieri. "Segmenting Adolescents Around Social Influences on Their Eating Behavior: Findings From Italy." Social Marketing Quarterly 25, no. 4 (October 20, 2019): 256–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1524500419882059.

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Adolescence is a fundamental period in everyone’s life. Teenagers have for the first time the possibility to take on responsibility about their choices in many domains, building their own “lifestyle.” Among these domains, food is one of the most important considering the implications for their future health. Deep knowledge of teenagers’ behaviors and of factors affecting their choices can support tailored health policy and social marketing interventions for this population. The purpose of this article is to prospectively segment teenagers around food socialization factors as influencing factors of food preferences, attitudes, and behaviors of adolescents. A cluster analysis (CA) was performed on a sample of 4,749 respondents aged 15 and 18 years coming from Tuscany (Italy). Considering food well-being and consumer socialization frameworks, the CA used three food socialization variables related to influences and source of information/advices at intrapersonal, interpersonal, and broader societal levels. Five distinct groups were identified and described, showing deep differences in the adolescents’ food behaviors corresponding to different socialization patterns. Adolescents who reported broader food socialization at all investigated levels present better lifestyle habits. Social marketers, policy makers, and health professionals can work on specific influencing food socialization factors for tailoring marketing interventions and increasing their positive impact on adolescents’ food behaviors.
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BRUGIAVINI, AGAR, and VINCENZO GALASSO. "The social security reform process in Italy: where do we stand?" Journal of Pension Economics and Finance 3, no. 2 (July 2004): 165–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474747204001568.

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A reform process is underway in Italy. Achieving financial sustainability of the social security system has been the first objective characterizing the reforms of 1990s, but these have also introduced rules which aim at a more actuarially fair system. Indeed the social security system prevailing in Italy, financed on a PAYG basis, was, at the end of the 1980s, clearly unsustainable and also extremely unfair to some group of workers, enacting a form of perverse redistribution which is typical of ‘final salary’ defined benefit systems. It was also a system characterized by strong incentives to retire early.In this paper we briefly describe the different regimes of the Italian pension system in its recent history and focus on some aspects of the reform process taking place during the 1990s. Since economists and policy makers are still struggling to assess the results and the long-term effects of these reforms we provide both a survey of this debate and some fresh evidence on the evaluation of the policy changes. We carry out this analysis with a particular emphasis on two aspects which are relevant in the debate. On the one hand we stress the role of economic incentives and the overall fiscal implications of changing the systems as well as these incentives. On the other hand we emphasize the intergenerational considerations and the political implications of the ageing process of the Italian population. From our description it emerges that the overall design of the Italian reform is probably a good one, and yet some more steps need to be taken to speed up some of the positive effects of the reform process that, due the adverse demographic trends affecting PAYG systems as well as the political arena, could easily evaporate.
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Kalm, Sara, and Johannes Lindvall. "Immigration policy and the modern welfare state, 1880–1920." Journal of European Social Policy 29, no. 4 (April 12, 2019): 463–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928719831169.

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This article puts contemporary debates about the relationship between immigration policy and the welfare state in historical perspective. Relying on new historical data, the article examines the relationship between immigration policy and social policy in Western Europe in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, when the modern welfare state emerged. Germany already had comparably strict immigration policies when the German Empire introduced the world’s first national social insurances in the 1880s. Denmark, another early social-policy adopter, also pursued restrictive immigration policies early on. Almost all other countries in Western Europe started out with more liberal immigration policies than Germany’s and Denmark’s, but then adopted more restrictive immigration policies and more generous social policies concurrently. There are two exceptions, Belgium and Italy, which are discussed in the article.
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Fernández-Prados, Juan Sebastián, Cristina Cuenca-Piqueras, and María José González-Moreno. "International public opinion surveys and public policy in Southern European democracies." Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy 35, no. 2 (June 2019): 227–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21699763.2018.1535997.

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AbstractThis article aims to analyse the presence of and relationship between the most relevant comparative social research thorough international surveys and public policies reflected in the different official bulletins or gazettes of the countries of southern Europe, specifically Spain, Portugal and Italy. Following a consideration of the process of globalisation of research through surveys, four surveys were selected (Eurobarometer, World Values Survey, International Social Survey Programme, European Social Survey). The complex relationships between public opinion and public policy were also addressed. Finally, it is concluded that the most prominent international surveys have little or no presence in public policies in the countries analysed.
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41

Hemström, Örjan. "Attitudes toward Alcohol Policy in Six EU Countries." Contemporary Drug Problems 29, no. 3 (September 2002): 605–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009145090202900306.

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This study explores differences between Sweden, Finland, the United Kingdom, Germany, France and Italy regarding public attitudes toward alcohol control policy (measured by a statement that the government has a responsibility to keep down how much people drink). Cross-national representative samples of around 1,000 respondents 18–64 years old in each country were analyzed. A large majority of people in Italy and Sweden (about 75%) supported governmental responsibility for alcohol control. This was the case for 60% in France and for 48% in the UK, whereas in Finland and Germany those who were supportive constituted a minority (38% and 29%). After controlling for social factors in logistic regressions, this pattern was unaltered and clearly significant. The attitude was strongly related to alcohol consumption: in all six countries, non-drinkers and low consumers were most supportive and high consumers least supportive. Limitations of the data and potential explanations of the findings are discussed.
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LYNCH, JULIA. "The Age-Orientation of Social Policy Regimes in OECD Countries." Journal of Social Policy 30, no. 3 (July 2001): 411–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279401006365.

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This article presents a series of measures of the extent to which social policies in twenty-one OECD countries are oriented towards the support of elderly (over 65 or in formal retirement) and non-elderly (under 65 and not retired) population groups. Employing breakdowns by age in spending on social insurance, education and health, tax expenditures on welfare substituting goods, and housing policy outcomes, this article shows that countries tend to demonstrate a consistent age-orientation across a variety of policy areas and instruments. After correcting for the demographic structure of the population, Greece, Japan, Italy, Spain and the United States have the most elderly-oriented social policy regimes, while the Netherlands, Ireland, Canada and the Nordic countries have a more age-neutral repertoire of social policies. In identifying the age-orientation of social policy as a dimension of distributive politics that is not captured by other welfare state typologies, this article suggests the need to develop new accounts of the development of welfare states that include the dimension of age.
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43

Trein, Philipp. "Bossing or Protecting? The Integration of Social Regulation into the Welfare State." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 691, no. 1 (September 2020): 104–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716220953758.

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This article is an empirical analysis of how social regulation is integrated into the welfare state. I compare health, migration, and unemployment policy reforms in Australia, Austria, Canada, Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Sweden, Switzerland, the UK, and the United States from 1980 to 2014. Results show that the timing of reform events is similar among countries for health and unemployment policy but differs among countries for migration policy. For migration and unemployment policy, the integration of regulation and welfare is more likely to entail conditionality compared to health policy. In other words, in these two policy fields, it is more common that claimants receive financial support upon compliance with social regulations. Liberal or Continental European welfare regimes are especially inclined to integration. I conclude that integrating regulation and welfare entails a double goal: “bossing” citizens by making them take up available jobs while expelling migrants and refugees for minor offenses; and protecting citizens from risks, such as noncommunicable diseases.
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44

Maino, Franca, and Celestina Valeria De Tommaso. "Fostering Policy Change in Anti-Poverty Schemes in Italy: Still a Long Way to Go." Social Sciences 11, no. 8 (July 25, 2022): 327. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci11080327.

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This article explores the poverty phenomenon and anti-poverty policies in Italy, before and after the COVID-19 pandemic. It aims to contribute to the mainstream literature on policy change, looking at how the convergence of multiple streams (problem, policy, and political) contributed to achieving the adoption of the Italian Minimum Income scheme, the Citizenship Income. Despite increasing political and public awareness of poverty, the 2022 Budget Law failed to achieve a structural reform—considering amendments proposed by the Ministry of Social Policy’s Commission and the Italian Anti-Poverty Network—to improve both the equity and efficiency of the anti-poverty measure. Strong path dependency in the conceptualization and implementation of the anti-poverty tool is still evident; policy change thus has a long way to go.
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45

Gürsel, Bahar. "Citizenship and Military Service in Italian-American Relations, 1901-1918." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 7, no. 3 (July 2008): 353–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153778140000075x.

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Conflicts over citizenship and military service became a central issue in Italian-American relations in the early twentieth century. The United States and Italy founded their concepts of citizenship on two different bases, jus soli and jus sanguinis. As a consequence of this difference and the swelling number of Italian immigrants naturalized in America, the two governments' policies about naturalization and military service collided until 1918. The Italian government's policy put Italian Americans' loyalty to the United States in jeopardy, especially for men who wished to return to Italy for business or educational purposes. Thus, the study of Italian Americans' experiences in the context of the policies of both countries illustrates a key aspect of the relationship between the United States and Italy, both in terms of social experience and public policy.
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Zorzoli, Giovanni Battista. "The power sector in italy: an (almost) forced path." ECONOMICS AND POLICY OF ENERGY AND THE ENVIRONMENT, no. 1 (April 2012): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/efe2012-001005.

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The article underlines that, after the results in the Referendum of June 2011 on nuclear energy policy, the future pathway of the power sector is strictly conditioned to the current production structure. The author analyzes how relevant economic, geopolitical, environmental and social factors could influence this situation in the next years and suggests some scenarios
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47

Cicchetti, Americo, Matteo Ruggeri, Lara Gitto, and Francesco Saverio Mennini. "Extending influenza vaccination to individuals aged 50–64: A budget impact analysis." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 26, no. 3 (June 29, 2010): 288–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462310000280.

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Objectives: Influenza (vernacular name, flu) is a viral infection that causes a high consumption of resources. Several studies have been carried out to provide an economic evaluation of the vaccination programs against influenza. Nevertheless, there is still a lack of evidence about the dynamic effects resulting from the reduction of the transmission power. This study considers the impact on contagiousness of alternative strategies against influenza in people aged 50–64 in Italy, France, Germany, and Spain.Methods: By using the Influsim 2.0 dynamic model, we have determined the social benefits of different coverage levels in every country compared with the ones currently recommended. We have subsequently performed a Budget Impact Analysis to determine whether the currently recommended coverage results from an optimal budget allocation. A probabilistic sensitivity analysis was also conducted.Results: We found that in Germany, the optimal coverage level is 38.5 percent, in France 32.4 percent, in Italy 32.75 percent, and 28.3 percent in Spain. By extending the coverage level, social saving tends to increase up to 100 percent for France and Italy and up to 80 percent for Germany and Spain.Conclusions: Decision makers should allocate the budget for vaccination against influenza consistently with the estimation of the optimal coverage level and with the dynamic effects resulting from the reduction of the transmission power.
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48

Contri, Fernanda. "Social Policies against Drug Abuse in Italy: An Overview and Evaluation." Journal of Drug Issues 24, no. 4 (October 1994): 573–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002204269402400402.

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Continuously changing social drug policies pose problems in presenting an homogeneous picture of the current situation in Italy. The Consolidation Act was passed three years ago, and in 1993 a national referendum substantially modified the 1989 law. Goals have been reached regarding coordination of repressive action at an international level, and a National Fund for the Fight against Drugs was established. Efforts have been made to coordinate a unitary, although not standardized, policy among different authorities involved in anti-drug activities. A prevention “culture” has been implemented, recognizing the basic role of the family in primary education, increasing activities from the first years of school, as well as improving programs for educators at the university level. Great efforts are also being made to achieve better coordination in the field among the various social services. Monitoring studies are in development.
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Di Gessa, Giorgio, and Emily Grundy. "The Dynamics of Paid and Unpaid Activities Among People Aged 50–69 in Denmark, France, Italy, and England." Research on Aging 39, no. 9 (June 14, 2016): 1013–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0164027516654521.

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In the context of the current policy emphasis on extending working lives, we investigate whether the relationship between participation in paid work, other formal, and informal activities among people aged 50–69 is complementary or competitive. We also investigate differences in associations between countries using comparable longitudinal data from Denmark, France, Italy, and England. We find positive associations between informal and formal engagement in cross-sectional and longitudinal analyses. Paid work was negatively associated with formal and informal engagement, and respondents who stopped working were more likely to be engaged in formal (Denmark and France) and informal activities (England and Italy) at follow-up than respondents who continued working. However, the strongest predictor of formal and informal engagement at follow-up was baseline engagement. In the context of policy aims to extend working lives and broaden older people’s participation in other productive activities, new balances between work and other forms of engagement are still to be found.
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Tilbe, Fethiye. "Remittances and Social Policy: Reflecting on The Migration Conference 2019." Remittances Review 4, no. 2 (October 24, 2019): 167–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/rr.v4i2.864.

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The debates over and interest in remittances have grown significantly in the last decade or so. This is mainly due to the growth in the volume of remittances sent and received around the world which exceeded 600 billion USD per annum. Despite a burgeoning literature, most studies focus on the receiving end. However, it takes two to tango. The circumstances of those sending and the impact of sending remittances on the sending parties are equally important. The determinants of each and every transfer, the motivations to send money and its impact on further migrations, integration and beyond needs to be understood. More studies needed to understand sending behaviour and dynamics. Patterns of remittance sending should be examined from both sending and receiving perspectives. Another weak area in the literature is the remittance flows into industrialised countries (or traditional destination countries). These flows represent about a third of global remittance flows and yet to receive adequate attention in scholarly and policy debates. Within the wider framework of remittances debate, it is also important to bring in social policy perspectives. These questions are being reflected in this article concern the papers presented at The Migration Conference 2019 Bari, Italy.
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