Journal articles on the topic 'Italy – Politics and government – 20th century'
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1
Romano, Bernardino, Francesco Zullo, Alessandro Marucci, and Lorena Fiorini. "Vintage Urban Planning in Italy: Land Management with the Tools of the Mid-Twentieth Century." Sustainability 10, no. 11 (November 9, 2018): 4125. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su10114125.
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This paper describes a critical situation for Italy, which is one of the causes of the overall disorganization of settlement growth in the past decades. Using the data extracted from some institutional databases, we show that a large part of the national territory is managed with highly effective decision-making tools (such as municipal town planning schemes in Italy), which are, however, lagging behind in their conception and fulfilment of scientific, cultural, and political requirements deemed essential today for effective and sustainable land transformation. Municipalities with plans dating back to a quarter of a century ago, or without any plans, are 1445 in number (17% of the total) and involve 6,200,000 ha of territory (1/5 of Italy) with almost 10 million residents. The territorial changes in these geographical areas, mainly concentrated in the south, are managed with tools based on mid-20th century concepts and techniques, although a large proportion of these territories are demographically active and transform substantial portions of land. Thus, for at least 15–20 years, these territories underwent transformations disconnected from town plans and driven essentially by one-off measures or managed through numerous exceptional and negotiated procedures provided for by national legislation. Today, it seems necessary for southern Italy to overcome its extensive delay in territorial planning, and the drive can only come from national government. This would help it finally respond to current environmental sustainability, risk resilience, and territorial security requirements, through appropriate and technically advanced management procedures not envisaged in previous planning procedures.
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Ha, Sha. "The Problem of a National Literary Language in Italy and in China in the 20th Century: Antonio Gramsci, Pier Paolo Pasolini, Lu Xun." International Journal of Comparative Literature and Translation Studies 7, no. 3 (July 31, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijclts.v.7n.3p.1.
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The Italian scholar and political leader Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937) was an active opponent of the dictatorial government ruling his country before the 2nd World War. He was kept in prison for11 years, until his death, by the ruling Fascist Party and during that time he filled over 3,000 pages, writing about Linguistics, History and Philosophy. He was concerned with the duty of Italian progressive intellectuals to create a ‘common literary language’, accessible to the under-privileged Italian people, who until then had been excluded from culture. After the war, during the sixties of last century, a ‘common Italian language’ started developing, through the introduction of the 10-years long compulsory school and the increasing power of mass media: that language was not fit to become the common literary language of the Nation. The writer and movie director Pier Paolo Pasolini (1922-1975), who in his novels gave voice to the sub-urban proletarians of the city of Rome, was highly unsatisfied with the new common language that was in the process of being established in the country. As for China, when the imperial system was abolished by the ‘Xinhai revolution’, in 1911, the belief became increasingly widespread among intellectuals that the rebirth of China had to be based in the global rejection of the Confucian tradition and that the ‘Báihuà’ (people’s language) should be adopted in literature, replacing the ‘Wényán’ (classical language), not accessible to the common people. Lu Xun and his colleagues eventually succeeded in their efforts of establishing the ‘Báihuà’ as the common literary language of China. Purpose of the paper is the comparison between the efforts exerted by these literati in creating a ‘common literary language’ in their respective countries.
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Kara-Murza, A. A. "“Chieftain” Subculture in Russia in Search of Historical Alternatives (V.V. Shulgin)." Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 62, no. 4 (July 6, 2019): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2019-62-4-7-24.
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The article examines the views of the prominent Russian politician and publicist Vasily Vitalyevich Shulgin (1878–1976), whom the author considers to be the largest ideologist of the “chieftain” political subculture in Russian political culture. Following Shulgin, the author distinguishes two fundamentally different models of power: “monarchical” (traditional) type of power and “chieftain” (or “charismatic”) type of power. V.V. Shulgin was one of the first Russian thinkers who, after Alexander Pushkin and Sergei Solovyov, considered the “golden age” of the Russian society to be under the rule of “leaders-heroes” (for example, Peter the Great). Shulgin explained many of the problems of Russian statehood revealed in the early 20th century by the degradation of the Russian ruling class and specifically the Romanov dynasty. Under these conditions, the national leader P.A. Stolypin (similar to Bismarck in Germany or Mussolini in Italy), able to bring the country out of crisis by evolution, had appeared “next to the monarch,” but he has not been appreciated by Russian society and it has caused a national catastrophe. The First World War has accelerated the degradation of the Russian government. The “democratic forces” that came to power in Russia for a short time could not nominate a new “leader” from their ranks (Shulgin treats Alexander Kerensky rather ironically). Shulgin foresaw that “intermediate figures” like the White generals or the Red diarchy of Lenin and Trotsky would eventually give way to the autocratic rule of an all-Russian “Chief,” who would combine the ideology of the Whites and the will of the Reds.
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Guslin, Guslin, and Amarulla Octavian. "The impact of the Bolsheviks Revolution on the political development and system of government of the new state of the 20th century." Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review 6, no. 2 (August 20, 2021): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v6i3.31484.
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The Bolshevik Revolution forced the end of Tsar Nicholas II's imperial rule in Russia. Furthermore, under the leadership of Vladimir Lenin, Russia formed a new government in the form of the Republic. The main power of this government is entirely under the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. Subsequent changes in the form of government in Russia, especially after World War I, inspired newly independent countries in the mid-20th century to follow the same system of government. Through theories about the state, politics, and government system, this study will analyze the influence of the Bolshevik revolution on the new system of government for new countries in the world in the 20th century. To analyze the effect of changes in the form of government, the authors use an exploratory qualitative research method with a historical approach through a literature study. After the Revolution, based on a common view of colonialism, human rights, ideology, and the strong understanding of Marxism-Leninism, several countries in the world that were newly independent in the mid-20th century were inspired by the Bolshevik Revolution by forming countries with a Republican system of government, including Indonesia.
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Semyonov, Alexander M. "Imperial parliament for a hybrid empire: Representative experiments in the early 20th-century Russian Empire." Journal of Eurasian Studies 11, no. 1 (January 2020): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366520902868.
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This article argues that the history of Russian constitutional and parliamentary reform in the early 20th century can be cast in a new light in view of the global transformation of political life under the challenge of imperial diversity and mass politics. The article points out that imperial diversity as a challenge to democratic government was not unique to the Russian Empire. The character of the Russian Empire was marked by peculiarities; it was shaped by composite and hybrid imperial space, which placed the challenge of imperial diversity at the center of political practices and imaginaries. The article traces the history of political reform in the Russian Empire in the early 20th century focusing on the reform of the Sejm of the Grand Duchy of Finland and the novel practices and political imaginaries of imperial diversity in the first and second State Duma. The exploration of the history of the constitutional reform in the Russian Empire of early 20th century demonstrates that rather than being absolute antagonists to representative government, Russian imperial politics and traditions of imperial sovereignty nested possibilities of compromise and redefinition of political solidarity in the space of diversity.
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Kuitert, Lisa. "Balai Pustaka and the Politics of Knowledge." Lembaran Sejarah 17, no. 1 (October 25, 2021): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.69965.
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During the colonial period of Indonesia the Dutch government was an important source of knowledge which was disseminated through the production of books, such as textbooks and other printed material. In response to the establishment of many new commercial printers and publishers, the colonial government, in 1917, set up its own publishing company, Balai Pustaka, which also published attractive and popular books. This new publishing house intentionally and unintentionally served several goals at a time that was characterized by the rise of young Indonesian intellectuals who were part of new political movements formed in the first decades of the 20th century.
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Gayada, F. A. "Russian Liberal of the Beginning of the 20th Century in Politics." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 6 (February 28, 2018): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-6-28-43.
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The article examines the political views and practices of Russian liberals in the early twentieth century. Russia’s political destiny of this period directly depended on building constructive relations between the authorities and society. Liberal ideas had a significant impact on the educated public. At the same time, the constructive cooperation between the liberals and the government was the most important condition for the possibility of application of these ideas in domestic political practice. The article examines the political experience of the two largest liberal political parties in Russia – the Cadets and the Octobrists. The author comes to the conclusion that the Russian liberal politician of the early twentieth century could not get out of the role of an idealist oppositionist. He was incapable of recognizing the existing realities and the need for political compromises, which were often perceived as a sign of impotence or immorality. The liberals perceived themselves as the only force capable of bringing Russia to the right, «civilized» path. In the opinion of the liberals, this path was inevitable, therefore, under any circumstances, the liberal movement should have retained its leading role. In the spring of 1917, the liberal opposition was able to defeat its historical enemy (autocracy), but retained power for a very short time. The slaughter of the state machine, which the liberals themselves did not intend to preserve, led them to defeat. Thus, the state was the only guarantor of the existence of a liberal movement in Russia.
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Söllner, Alfons. "Totalitarismus – eine kleine Ideengeschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts." Politisches Denken. Jahrbuch 29, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/jpd.29.1.87.
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Totalitarianism is problably the most ambivalent political idea of the 20th century: it stands for the most negative experience with politics, it was used as polemical weapon within the major political conflicts of the epoch, and it attracted as many ingenious political thinkers in order to clarify totalitarianism as a scientific concept. The essay is only a sketch and tries to reconstruct the variations of the concept throughout five stages: its origins in Mussolini’s Italy, the pluralistic formation in the 1930/40s, the canonization during the cold war, its diminuation in the 1960/70s, and the comeback after 1989. The author argues that it is exactly the multiplicity or even then controversial character of the concept which makes it so significant for the ruptured history of the 20th century.
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Griffin, Stephen M. "Bringing the State into Constitutional Theory: Public Authority and the Constitution." Law & Social Inquiry 16, no. 04 (1991): 659–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1991.tb00864.x.
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This article brings the state into constitutional theory by presenting a theory of the development of the American state from the late 19th century to the present. The focus of the theory is the ability of the national state to exercise sovereignty or public authority over civil society. The main thesis is that the Constitution did not establish a government with a level of public authority adequate to the requirements of a modem democratic state. The result was a mismatch between the demands of civil society and the competence of state institutions, causing a reorganization of the political institutions of civil society in the early 20th century and a crisis of public authority in the 1960s. The United States continues to experience the consequences of an imbalance between the state institutions established by an 18th-century constitution and 20th-century democratic politics.
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Mair, Peter. "Representation and participation in the changing world of party politics." European Review 6, no. 2 (May 1998): 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700003203.
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The 20th-century has been the century of mass politics, and the mass parties that emerged at the beginning of this century became deeply rooted within wider society. The passing of this golden age of the party has now been marked by two distinct processes of change. On the one hand, parties have become more distant from society and more closely linked to government and the state. On the other hand, there has been a decline in the political identities of the parties, such that voters now find it increasingly difficult to distinguish between them. These changes, and the related transformation of politics into administration, have led to a growth in popular indifference to parties and to politics in general, as well as to a declining sense of engagement. Should this trend continue, it is mass spectacle rather than mass involvement that is likely to characterize the future of mass politics.
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Rosidin, Didin Nurul, Mila Amalia, Ihsan Sa'dudin, and Eka Safitri. "Muslim Social Movements in Cirebon and the Emergence of National Resistance Movements Against the Dutch Colonial Government in the Early 20th Century Indonesia." Journal of Asian Social Science Research 4, no. 1 (August 12, 2022): 63–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jassr.v4i1.64.
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The early twentieth century saw the emergence of Muslim social movements as a new model of resistance against the Dutch colonial rule in Indonesia. This model of the resistance movement was a response to various changes in politics, social and religious culture in the early decades of the 20th century due to dynamics within the Muslim community as well as the new policy of the colonial government. This article studies the emergence of Muslim social movements in Cirebon, West Java, and its impacts on the development of the Muslims’ resistance movement against the Dutch colonial rule in Indonesia. There have not been many studies of Cirebon's role in Islamic social movements in the early 20th century. Therefore, this article, using a historical method, attempts to contribute to this literature by examining social movements carried out by Muslims in Cirebon and their impacts on the emergence of resistance against Dutch colonial rule in Indonesia. The findings show that Cirebon, which was one of the main centres of early Islamic civilization in the Indonesian archipelago, played a prominent role in the emergence of Muslim social movements in early 20th century Indonesia. Various Muslim social organizations emerged in the area such as Sarekat Islam, Persarekatan Ulama, Nahdhatul Ulama, and Muhammadiyah. Although these social-religious organisations had differences or were in tension on various issues, their emergence succeeded in convincing the native people of the importance of a new strategy in their resistance against the long and hegemonic rule of the Dutch colonial government which had ruled the Cirebon region since the late 17th century.
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Sidorenko, Irina N. "The Crisis of Democracy and the Problem of Democratic Peace." Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 65, no. 3 (September 16, 2022): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2022-65-3-39-57.
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The author analyzes three waves of the crisis of democracy during the 20th and early 21st centuries. The first crisis of democracy in the early 20th century is caused by the emergence and development of public politics, which challenged the possibility to govern the masses having conflict potential, it balanced the power of the people and universal suffrage with the control of the media in order to maintain the stability of political system. The second wave of the crisis of democracy (the last third of the 20th century) is associated with the destruction of the conventional world and the weakening of the nation-state; and its markers were: the imbalance between the branches of government, the domination of economics over politics, the predominance of equality over freedom, the problematic implementation of human rights, and, as a consequence, the inability to put into practice the national form of democracy. The third wave of crisis (early the 21st century) is accompanied by the transformation of democracy into post-democracy, in which the power of the people is replaced by the power of global capital, and the illusion of consent is reinforced by the prohibition of alternative points of view and the narrowing of the space of issues allowed for discussion in the name of public security. The crisis of the policy to achieve peace through the transformation of the balance of powers into a balance of interests called into question the principles of democracy. On the contrary, post-democracies justify the use of force to spread democracy around the world, and they take an active part in contemporary military conflicts, which can rightly be defined as hybrid proxy wars. Drawing on J. Habermas’s concept of communicative rationality, the author concludes that to overcome the crisis of democracy it is necessary to accept the very possibility of an alternative to this form of government and allow to discuss these previously marginalized issues as well as to maintain the return of the majority to genuine communication and politics, contribute to its enlightenment.
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Riall, Lucy. "Hero, saint or revolutionary? Nineteenth-century politics and the cult of Garibaldi." Modern Italy 3, no. 02 (November 1998): 191–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949808454803.
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SummaryGiuseppe Garibaldi was the most enduring political hero of nineteenth-century Italy. His political image was inspired by both the romantic movement and religion and, in turn, inspired a new kind of charismatic popular politics. The first part of this article explores the sources and assesses the impact of the cult of Garibaldi during the Risorgimento. The second part examines the use made of Garibaldi's image after Italian unification and, especially, after his death. It finds that government attempts to glorify Garibaldi were relatively unsuccessful while the parallel, republican cult of Garibaldi had a considerable impact. Thus, Garibaldi's extraordinary popularity highlighted the failed official ‘nationalization’ of Italians. At the same time, support for Garibaldi points to the emergence of an alternative sense of Italian national identity
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Caio Henrique, Dias Duarte. "«Change everything so that nothing changes»: Right Regimes and Diplomacy in Brazil in the 20th Century." Latin-American Historical Almanac 29 (March 26, 2021): 109–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-29-1-109-125.
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In this article we will make a comparison between the political regimes and the diplomacy of Brazil in two periods of the 20th century: the final years of the period of the Liberal Republic, in the Goulart Government (1961-1964) and under the Military Dictatorship, with a special focus on the distension under the Geisel Government (1974-1979). We focus on the political organization of these periods, which can be considered crisis or transition periods, and in the same way, the continuities in their diplomatic contributions. Looking at the internal crises, it will discuss legal aspects of the two periods, such as the defective construction of parliamentarism and the Institutional Acts of the dictatorship. The comparison of internal and external politics will seek to demonstrate the similarities between the external objectives of the two governments despite their differences in regime and ideological orientation, addressing the Independent External Policy of parliamentarism under Goulart and Responsible and Ecumenical Pragmatism under Geisel dictatorial rule.
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Soll, Jacob. "Accounting for Government: Holland and the Rise of Political Economy in Seventeenth-Century Europe." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 40, no. 2 (October 2009): 215–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2009.40.2.215.
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In the 1650s, political administrators across Europe began adopting accounting strategies to manage government. Although the method of double-entry book-keeping emerged during the Middle Ages and spread from Italy during the Renaissance, governments were slow to adopt it. Inspired by the Dutch precedent, however, English, French, German, and Russian rulers and ministers looked to accounting to build new military industrial complexes. This general movement represents a paradigmatic change in the language of politics, away from traditional humanist theory toward a technocratic culture that would later evolve into the political-economic movement of the eighteenth century.
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Romano, Marina. "Muḏakkirāt fī l-siyāsah al-miṣriyyah: Nationalism and the Politics of Memory in 20th-Century Egypt." Oriente Moderno 99, no. 1-2 (June 17, 2019): 94–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340209.
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Abstract Despite the massive research carried out on Egyptian nationalism and its ideological premises in the first half of the 20th century, little is known on the copious political memoirs composed and published in the same period and on their contribution to the development of a nationalist discourse in its strict sense. Among these “political autobiographies”, the Muḏakkirāt fī l-siyāsah al-miṣriyyah (Memoirs on Egyptian Politics) by Muḥammad Ḥusayn Haykal played a crucial role in the dissemination of a shared sense of identity based on the nation-state. By performing the act of remembering, Haykal continually reshapes the boundaries of his community and questions the inner meaning and the long-term impact of concepts drawn from the liberal-democratic ideology, such as “freedom”, “justice”, “equality”, on the Egyptian system of government and socio-cultural context. This study will therefore attempt to unveil the ‘sense of community’ conveyed by Haykal’s political memoirs by following the theory of Benedict Anderson on the nation defined as an imagined community.
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Capotosti, Piero Alberto. "Coalition Agreements in the Italian Political and Institutional System." Israel Law Review 26, no. 4 (1992): 531–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700011171.
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1. In recent years, negotiations between parliamentary factions in Italy have had an increasing impact on the process of government formation. The frequency of such negotiations and resulting coalition agreements necessitates a more thorough examination of this phenomenon in order to understand the interaction between coalition agreements and government policy.The phenomenon of coalition governments is not a new one. A number of European states have witnessed their emergence since the late 19th century. It is, however, in regimes of extreme multi-party politics — as the Italian system must be considered — that this form of government has found full enforcement.
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Avango, Dag, Louwrens Hacquebord, Ypie Aalders, Hidde De Haas, Ulf Gustafsson, and Frigga Kruse. "Between markets and geo-politics: natural resource exploitation on Spitsbergen from 1600 to the present day." Polar Record 47, no. 1 (June 15, 2010): 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247410000069.
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ABSTRACTWhat are the driving forces behind large scale natural resource exploitation in the polar regions and how should we understand the relations between these forces? New historical-archaeological research performed during the International Polar Year (IPY) 2007–2009 on whaling, hunting and mining in Spitsbergen (1600–present) show both economic and geopolitical factors driving the development of those industries, both the whaling industries in the 17th century and 1900’s, and the mining industry of the early 20th century. However, the relation between these driving forces has differed, both between time periods and between actors. In most cases economic motives provided the main rationale for utilising resources and for government support for resource exploiters, but in some instances governments would support even unprofitable ventures in order to maintain a foothold on Spitsbergen.
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Ja'far, Ja'far, Mhd Syahnan, Asrul Asrul, Zaini Dahlan, and Sakti Ritonga. "Discovering the Legacy of Mandailing Ulama: Education, Intellectuals, and Politics in North Sumatra in the Early 20th Century." Ulumuna 26, no. 2 (December 28, 2022): 296–336. http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v26i2.502.
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This study examines the role of Mandailing ulama in education, intellectuals, and politics in the early 20th century. Ulama plays a critical role in safeguarding the morality of Muslim society (umma). Drawing upon the historical approach, it employed Kuntowijoyo model of writing history stages and Anthony Giddens' structuration theory to analyze the problems that this study intends to answer. This study argues that the social structure surrounding the Mandailing ulama enabled them to address religious and other sociocultural issues. This study also unveiled that the Mandaling ulama in the early 20th century mobilized the organizations, such as Al Washliyah (1930), Al-Ittihadiyah (1935), and Nahdlatul Ulama (1918) to promote the education of the indigenous people, fortify the Sunni school of thought from the heretical and influence of Dutch colonial government. It was manifested by supporting only two Islamic political parties: the Masjumi Party and the Nahdlatul Ulama Party. This suggests that Ulama were not only religious scholars who acquired knowledge of Islamic norms and disseminated them through religious and educational institutions, such as madrasa and pesantren, but also active agents in socio-political transformation within the Muslim community.
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Box, Richard C. "Authoritarian populism in the US: context and continuity in a post-truth era." Review of Nationalities 10, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2020-0003.
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Abstract An enduring theme in US politics is tension between people on the right who favour limited government that serves individual and elite interests and people on the left who prefer active government with emphasis on a broader public interest. Recently, the political landscape has shifted from the dominant ideology of neoliberalism toward a far-right authoritarian populism with parallels to mid-20th century fascism. This shift appears in regressive societal characteristics - such as xenophobia, racism, homophobia, and misogyny - that were thought to have diminished in an increasingly progressive 21 st century. An argument can be made that authoritarian populism is a continuation of longstanding patterns of elite influence, in which regressive elements serve as techniques to distract the public from the governing economic agenda. The essay examines this phenomenon and explores potential future effects on US society.
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Muh Saerozi. "Transformation of Villas to Mosques Social Impact of Islamization On The Government Center of Java In The Late 20th Century." IJORER : International Journal of Recent Educational Research 2, no. 1 (January 31, 2021): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.46245/ijorer.v2i1.68.
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Islamization of Java becomes an actual topic of religious social research because the phenomena not only relate to religious discourse but also other aspects. This research focuses on the Islamization of the government center of Salatiga Central Java. The aims of this study are: to find the academic answer to why Islamization occurred in the government center of Salatiga in Central Java, to find out the Islamization process underway, to describe the dominant factors affecting Islamization, and to describe the impact of Islamization on religious life around the central government. The benefit of this research is to contribute the theories of Islamization of Government center of Java in the late of 20th century. This study is a descriptive research and causality analysis. The events were limited to those of 1985 to 2018. The data were sourced from the archives, inscription, news, interviews, and literature. The results of the study found that the Islamization of the Salatiga government center was carried out because the infrastructure was still European patterned. The actualization of Muslim religiosity was not well supported by this infrastructure. The symbol of Islamization is the transformation of the villa on the west of the city square into a mosque. The Islamization was successful because of the symbiotic factors between political parties, rulers, scholars, Islamic universities, and religious organizations. There was no significant impact yet on the improvement of spiritual and social lives around the government center. This study enriches theories about the symbiotic relations of religions, politics, and social changes in Java in the late 20th century.
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Tanjung, Ida Liana, Bambang Purwanto, and Nur Aini Setyawati. "COLONIAL POLITICS IN FORMING ETHNIC IDENTITY OF MELAYU MINANGKABAU AND BATAK IN TAPANULI." Jurnal Humaniora 28, no. 1 (June 4, 2016): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jh.v28i1.11508.
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The article discusses the forming of ethnic identity among Batak and Malay people in Tapanuli during colonial period. The colonial government that desired to expand its hegemony among these ethnic groups had led them to create policies and boundaries for the groups in Tapanuli. This study uses historical method (heuristic) that begins from sources collection, sources critique,interpretation and explanation. Constructive approach is used to analyze the sources that considers ethnic identity is a result of construction process of a particular group. This article shows that in pre-colonial period it was difficult to determine ethnical boundaries in Tapanuli, particularly the Malay, Minangkabau, and Batak. However, after the Dutch government expanded its expansion to this region, the ethnical boundaries began to form and the differences among them became apparent. Ethnic segregation policy implemented by the Dutch and its support to the Batak ethnic group and the Christian obviously had formed and changed the awareness of ethnic identity among Batak and Malay people. In the early 20th century, the colonial government featured and strengthened the ethnic identity awareness in Batak community.
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Wahyudhi, Nostalgiawan. "The Pattern of Islamic Moderate Movement in Java under Political Fluctuations in Early 20th Century." International Journal of Nusantara Islam 3, no. 2 (June 28, 2015): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/ijni.v3i2.1412.
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The previous studies of Islamization in Java follow a clear distinction of Priyayi-Abangan-Santri thesis, which was gradually developed and incompatible to capture the changing of political preferences of Javanese Muslims. This paper examines what kind of patterns formed on the dynamics of the Islamization process in Java under the influence of socio-political changes. The output of this paper is to show the pattern of Islamization process in Java under the political dynamic changes of Indonesian politics in the early twentieth century. The pattern of Islamization in Java was influenced by ethical policy, the transmission of Middle East Islam, and caused by the politization of Islam by the Colonial government. The ethical policy encouraged the creation of a public space for political contestations that determined the new identity of Indonesian elite. The transmission of Middle Eastern Islam triggered the polarization of Javanese Muslims into two patterns: the modernist Muslim strengthened the pattern of Priyayi-Santri in urban communities with Islamization through modern institutions. In this, the traditionalist Muslim also developed an intellectual genealogy through Pesantren networks scattered in the rural areas created the pattern of Santri-Abangan. Meanwhile the politization of Islam by Colonial government created a benefit to the unification of Islamic institutions.
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Pulignano, Valeria, Domenico Carrieri, and Lucio Baccaro. "Industrial relations in Italy in the twenty-first century." Employee Relations 40, no. 4 (June 4, 2018): 654–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-02-2017-0045.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to reflect on the developments which have characterized Italy’s industrial relations from post-war Fordism to neo-liberal hegemony and recent crisis, with a particular focus on the major changes occurred in the twenty-first century, especially those concerning concertative (tripartite) policy making between the government, the employers’ organizations and the trade unions. Design/methodology/approach This study is a conceptual paper which analysis of main development trends. Findings Italy’s industrial relations in the twenty-first century are characterized by ambivalent features which are the heritage of the past. These are summarized as follows: “collective autonomy” as a classical source of strength for trade unions and employers’ organization, on the one hand. On the other hand, a low level of legislative regulation and weak institutionalization, accompanied by little engagement in a generalized “participative-collaborative” model. Due to the instability in the socio-political setting in the twenty-first century, unions and employers encounter growing difficulties to affirm their common points of view and to build up stable institutions that could support cooperation between them. The result is a clear reversal of the assumptions that had formed the classical backdrop of the paradigm of Italy’s “political exchange.” This paradigm has long influenced the way in which the relationships between employers, trade unions and the state were conceived, especially during 1990s and, to some extent, during 2000s, that is the development of concertative (tripartite) policy making. However, since the end of 2000s, and particularly from 2010s onwards national governments have stated their intention to act independently of the choices made by the unions (and partially the employers). The outcome is the eclipse of concertation. The paper explores how the relationships among the main institutional actors such as the trade unions (and among the unions themselves), the employers, and the state and how politics have evolved, within a dynamic socio-political and economic context. These are the essential factors needed to understand Italy’s industrial relations in the twenty-first century. Originality/value It shows that understanding the relationship among the main institutional actors such as the trade unions (and among the unions themselves), the employers and the state and their politics is essential to understand the change occurred in contemporary Italy’s industrial relations.
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McCracken, Damian John. "The CCF and Canada's Socialist Streak." Federalism-E 20, no. 1 (April 17, 2019): 66–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v20i1.13154.
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In the early 20th Century Canada saw the rise of a prominent socialist movement led by the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF). The CCF's influence on Canadian politics was essential to the creation of Canada's modern political ideology, which can be described as reform liberal. This ideology took hold due to the pressure that the CCF exerted on the two major federal parties, which could both be characterized as classical liberal. Due to the settlement pattern of the prairies and the actions of the federal government in response to the Great Depression, the CCF was able to secure a strong support base that propelled it to federal politics and allowed it to form a provincial government in Saskatchewan. Though it never formed a federal government, the CCF pushed for old age pension, reforms of corporate taxation, and Medicare. As a provincial actor and a "third force" upon the two ruling federal parties, the CCF and its successor the New Democratic Party’s contributions to Canadian identity and policy are beyond dispute.
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Meinolf, Arens. "An ethnic group amidst the tensions of totalitarian demographic politics. Csangos/Hungarians in the context of Romanian-Hungarian-German relations (1944)." Erdélyi Társadalom 5, no. 2 (2007): 71–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.17177/77171.88.
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According to the Munich based scholar the history of Moldovan Csangos was much more influenced by major European events, then it was earlier thought. One has to mention here their (i.e. Csangos) strictly defined frames by the two known totalitarian regimes of the 20th century. One key event of matter to Csangos from the Hungarian side was the resettlment project on the summer of 1944 that eventually failed. This clearly shows the ideological positions of both the Hungarian and Rumanian government of that time, as well as the role of Nazi Germany on the Csango issue
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Arciszewska, Barbara, and Makary Górzyński. "Urban Narratives in the Age of Revolutions: Early 20th century Ideas to Modernize Warsaw." Artium Quaestiones, no. 26 (September 19, 2018): 101–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/aq.2015.26.6.
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In January 1906, in the turbulent period of 1905–1907, the poet, artist, and socialactivist Antoni Lange published in the Warsaw weekly Świat an essay called“Marzenia warszawskie” (“The Warsaw Dreams”). A several page text, illustratedwith woodcuts by the painter Andrzej Zarzycki, included a spectacular vision of metropolitanWarsaw of the future: a capital city with many public buildings and moderninfrastructure, a genuine center of Polish national and cultural life. The present essayanalyzes unexamined ideas of Lange in terms of the history of architecture, andin a double political and social context. “The Warsaw Dreams” was deeply rooted inthe political reality of the former Kingdom of Poland, addressing the issue of liberalizationof the Russian rule during the 1905 revolution. Using the vocabulary of urbanplanning and making a list of changes in the city’s architecture, Lange articulateda vision of the future space of Warsaw as a Polish metropolis of modernity, administeredindependently of Russia. In his essays he proposed to extend the city limits andremove its fortifications as well as introduce local government with significant prerogativesas an instrument of Warsaw’s great transformation – its aestheticization and construction of public buildings, such as national government edifices, schools,and cultural centers. The authors argue that by describing public architecture of thefuture Warsaw as a “dream” full of copies of well-known European architectural monumentsfrom Venice, Prague, and Cracow, Lange created a comprehensive politicalproject of autonomy of the Kingdom of Poland in the Russian empire. “The WarsawDreams” originally combined together architecture and politics, urban space and theproblems of Polish modernization, and the discourses of nationalism and socialism.Lange’s visionary proposal from 1906 is of the most imaginative responses to thechallenges of the development of Warsaw at the turn of the 20th century in the contextof Polish political and social problems of those times.
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Zygadło, Grażyna. "“We’re missing the Latino attorney or astronaut as the hero”: Latinx Presence in Hollywood in the 20th and 21st Centuries." Polish Journal for American Studies, no. 16 (2022) (December 22, 2022): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/pjas.16/2022.04.
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The article examines the Latinx presence throughout the history of American cinema and analyses the reasons for the mis- and underrepresentation of Latinos/as in Hollywood productions focusing on major stereotypes and politics of American government towards this ethnic group influencing their cinematic description. The final part discusses the recent works produced by Latinos/as and telling their stories in the twenty-first century to demonstrate that Latinos/as are the integral part of American society who want to be justly represented and have the possibility to speak in their own name.
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Coombe, Paul. "Epistemology, Power, Discourse, Truth and Groups." Group Analysis 50, no. 4 (August 14, 2017): 478–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0533316417725837.
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This article begins with reference to a recent publication that has challenged some of the previously asserted origins and attributions of group analysis and psychoanalysis. Trigant Burrow was one of the earliest psychoanalysts and coined the term ‘group analysis’ in a certain context early in the 20th-century. The book edited by the Petegatos in Italy is then used as the basis of a study examining the nature of epistemology and its being intimately and necessarily associated with power: a politics of truth. What follows then is an exploration of the work of philosophers, in particular Foucault, and others, venturing across the realms of sociology, history, politics and psychoanalysis and the nature of discourse. It is demonstrated that the claims for truth in any sphere of human life need to be subject to healthy doubt and that the perversion of truth in groups is an ever present risk which we must all take responsibility to challenge.
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Mina, Hao. "Feminism Is Still Relevant in Australia." Studies in Social Science Research 2, no. 3 (July 15, 2021): p26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sssr.v2n3p26.
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Feminist movements had been pervasive in the 20th century. It helped women to earn civil rights globally, welcomed by most civilized citizens. Then in the 21st century, it seems to have no reason to exist since there are no apparently observable and unpleasant unequal treatments towards women. Feminism, hence, is regarded as a word of the past by some people. Nevertheless, it is not the fact. By studying the situation in Australia, women in this nation have become the study object. Working opportunities in politics and business have been counted, combined with the study of relevant government policies towards different gender. The male’s changing attitude towards female in gender role has also exposed the socialization process in Australia. Through close scrutiny, it is found that feminism is still very much relevant in Australia.
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Sipa, Sarlota Naema, A. M. Djuliati Suroyo, and Endang Susilowati. "Zuid Midden Timor under the Dutch Control 1905-1942." Indonesian Historical Studies 1, no. 1 (June 5, 2017): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v1i1.1240.
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This study is aimed at retracing the Dutch colonial government in South Middle Timor or Zuid Midden Timor in the beginning of 20th century. Intending to expand its controlled territories, to exploit the sandalwood trade and introduce Christianity, the colonial government then domiclied in Kupang entered the inland parts of Timor island, to be prescisely in Molo in 1905. The Ducth colonial government defeated the local meos (soldiers), the Molo meo, Amabuan meo and the Amanatun meo. These three regions were later formed as a governmental administration zone by the East Indies, equivalent to a landschaap and were later combined in an onderafdelling-level administration unit called Zuid Midden Timor, with Molo as its capital city. As the capital city, Molo housed all public administration affairs, markets and shops, which were all centered in Molo. Until the end of the Dutch control in 1942, the Dutch colonial government had left its influences in culture, education, social aspects and governmental politics.
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Stepovaya, Valeriya I. "Nikolai Gogol’s Comedy The Government Inspector in American Translations of the First Third of the 20th Century." Imagologiya i komparativistika, no. 16 (2021): 84–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/24099554/16/6.
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The article focuses on N.V. Gogol’s comedy The Government Inspector in American translations of the first third of the 20th century to identify different renditions and semantic transformations of the play in the context of American culture. The author employs comparative, contextual, and content analysis to analyse three American translations: 1) by Max Solomon Mandell in 1908; 2) by Thomas Seltzer in 1916; 3) by George Rapall Noyes and John Lawrence Seymour in 1933.The analysis has shown that M. Mandell’s translation contains the greatest number of transformations, being adapted to the needs of the American theatre. The changes reduce the significant typical characteristics of Russian characters and emphasize their depravity. Having become more “American” in this translation, the comedy reflects American cultural and social processes: the religion-based struggle between the “genteel tradition” and realism in the literature of the early 20th century and the emerging critical attitude to the bourgeois reality. Thus, M. Mandell’s translation can be considered as preserving Gogol’s ambivalent understanding of the play, related to both the satirical origin and spiritual meaning. The changes in T. Seltzer’s translation are less significant. T. Seltzer partly explains them, revealing his socialist sympathies in the preface. T. Seltzer confirms that his translation is to demonstrate the disadvantages of the bourgeois social system, which sheds light on other transformations. However, despite his own views, T. Seltzer is aware that Gogol’s attitudes were different. These signals can be found in the translated text as well as in the preface, which makes the message of the translation less radical. The third translation is the most accurate. Having no interest in politics, D. Noyes, together with his student and colleague D. Seymour, creates a philological translation that is close to the original and allows for various renditions. This version reflects the gradual transition to the translation as an object of academic research. However, all the translations under analysis employ domesticating strategies, which reduces the significance of the source languages cultural backgrounds. The choice of strategy was determined by the ideology of American imperialism in the USA. Thus, each translation reflects, on the one hand, the socio-political and cultural situation of the USA in the first third of the 20th century, and, on the other, translators’ personalities.
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Suárez Trejo, Javier. "From Romana Gens to cumbiatella: propaganda, migration and identity in Italo-Peruvian mobilities." Modern Italy 24, no. 1 (October 8, 2018): 21–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2018.28.
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Branding promotes and sells products and services through the creation of an identity – the brand. What happens when the promoter of a brand is a government? What transformations does a national identity experience when it becomes a brand to export? Is national branding a contemporary form of promoting national identities? To explore these questions, the article focuses on two artefacts that show the propaganda/branding strategies of Italians in Peru and Peruvians in Italy during the twentieth century: the magazine Romana- Gens ne la Terra de ‘Los Incas’ (1934–1941) and the ad-documentary Marca Perú in Loreto, Italy (2012). The analysis of these artefacts shows three dimensions of Italo-Peruvian mobilities. First, the complex negotiations of foreign populations that seek to integrate into their adoptive countries (and/or desired market). Second, the reversal of the direction of migration: Latin America was a point of arrival for the Italian immigrants from the nineteenth century until the 1970s, but during the last decades of the twentieth century, it became a point of departure to Italy, which was seen as a place of economic progress. Finally, the specific politics of affects in the relationship of Italian and Peruvian immigrants with national identities built during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
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Leoni, Giulia. "Social responsibility in practice: an Italian case from the early 20th century." Journal of Management History 23, no. 2 (April 10, 2017): 133–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmh-10-2016-0057.
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Purpose The purpose of this study is to examine the ideals informing the social strategy of Marzotto, an Italian family business in the textile industry, during the rise and fall of the fascist regime and to compare it with the main concepts of social responsibility theory that developed from the 1950s onwards. Because Italy at that time was a family-based economy, subject to a dictatorial government, it offers an interesting context of investigation that is similar to various contemporary emerging countries. Design/methodology/approach Using a company’s public social report and various published histories, the historical case study of this Italian family business and its pioneering social strategy is reconstructed. Through the identification of the social practices and the ideals underlying the strategy, the analysis finds similarities and differences with the traditional concepts from social responsibility literature. Findings The study finds that Marzotto’s social strategy traces some dimensions of social responsibility theory for it was a voluntary and discretional act by the business owner; it was based on the necessary balance between economic and social aims; and it was focusing only on social issues. Instead, the “social” spectrum is found to have a different meaning in the Marzotto strategy with respect to the “social” in the traditional theory because it was limited to a local level and limited groups of stakeholders. Practical implications By showing the relevant role of business-owners in social responsibility awareness, this study has implications for contemporary practice. It suggests that the educating business-owners about social responsibility and the development of bottom-up rather than top-down social initiatives will be crucial in contemporary similar contexts. The results also open to new research opportunities on corporate social responsibility in the past to explain contemporary differences among its implementation in different countries. Originality/value The research brings awareness to social responsibility in the past in a context other than traditional Western countries and to its differences and similarities with the established social responsibility framework. It is the first study on past social practices that makes use of primary sources to support the analysis.
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Körner, Axel. "Local Government and the Meanings of Political Representation: A Case Study of Bologna between 1860 and 1915." Modern Italy 10, no. 2 (November 2005): 137–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940500284168.
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SummarySince the early nineteenth century political opposition became a central concept of political representation in constitutional monarchies. While this concept marked the political language of unified Italy on the national level, in local administration the legitimacy of political opposition remained an issue of dispute, as illustrated in this analysis of the political language in Bologna's local council. Local perceptions of national events, like the government's reaction to Garibaldi's unsuccessful Mentana-campaign, assumed major symbolic meaning in local politics and challenged traditional understandings of municipal administration by introducing the concept of political opposition. In Bologna, after Rome the second city of the former Papal State, the Moderates were able to grow into a position of political hegemony after the Unification of Italy and remained the predominant political force also after Italy's “parliamentary revolution” of 1876 and the electoral reforms of the 1880s. As a consequence of its limited influence on the local administration, Bologna's Left defined its ideological profile earlier and more clearly than the Left in other parts of Italy and integrated issues of national importance into local political discourse. Analysing the relationship between central administration and periphery, the article reveals the development of political language and the changing meanings of political representation between Unification and World War One and explains on this basis the escalation of social and political conflict in Finesecolo Italy.
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Stanton, Domna C. "The Humanities in Human Rights: Critique, Language, Politics." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 121, no. 5 (October 2006): 1518–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s0030812900099818.
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IN THE BEGINNING WAS THE AND. WHEN JUDITH BUTLER AND I DEcided to cochair a conference called “Human Rights and the Humanities,” we aimed to create a connection between two apparently disparate fields and to leave its nature general enough to allow participants to probe different types of relations. I say “apparently” because connections between the humanities and human rights have existed historically and conceptually in the West through the mediation of humanism. Even though in Renaissance Italy umanista, the teacher of classical languages and literatures, was contrasted with legista, the teacher of law, humanist thought held that the reading, understanding, and critique of the bonae litterae, as Eugenio Garin has argued, could contribute to the renovation of the world, social life, and government and thus to human happiness. Not surprisingly, then, civic humanism was to merge with the ideals of freedom, equality, justice, tolerance, secularism, and cosmopolitanism in the eighteenth-century European Enlightenment. And since 1945 Enlightenment humanism has provided the philosophical underpinnings of human rights declarations, covenants, conventions, protocols, and charters.
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Montiel, G. L. "The new Mexican political system: reconfiguration of capacities and power." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 1 (August 23, 2020): 10–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-1-10-27.
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There exist different elements that contribute to the idea of the political system as such in the context of the Mexican experience, but also that serve as referents that characterize the recent past. For that reason, we present a scheme of analysis – with political trends that are being built and that differentiate the new Mexican political system compared to that of the 20th century. Based on a model of the political system as the methodology of the analysis, we will track the trends of the changing Mexican politics during the 21st century. The destruction of the institutions of the old political system is associated with a long process of political struggle, which has provided for the creation of new institutions, but in very specific political spaces. The article traces the changes in the political system of Mexico in the 21st century in its various spheres and manifestations: public authority, party system, electoral complex, civil society, the process of democratization. We consider the evolution of the three branches of government and analyze their current balance.
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Turbanti, Adolfo. "Safety, Exploitation of Labour and Industrial Relations in an Italian mine in the 20th century." Áreas. Revista Internacional de Ciencias Sociales, no. 43 (December 31, 2022): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/areas.481771.
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The 1954, May 4th disaster of the Ribolla mine is one of the worst mine accidents ever happened in Italy. Italian mine activity has never been comparable to that in the most important industrialised countries. The lack of minerals has always been one of the greatest problems hindering industrial development. However, in the first half of the twentieth century and until the ‘70s, mineral extraction was a significant part of the national economy, employing many thousands of workers. More specifically, at first copper mines, later mainly pyrite ones, represented the basis for the development of Montecatini, the big Italian chemical monopoly. The Ribolla lignite mine was owned by the Montecatini company. The mine had a remarkable development during the Second World War and 1200 miners still worked there in 1954. The firedamp explosion caused 43 deaths and was matter of huge controversy and debate among trade unions and left political parties on the one hand and the Montecatini company on the other. Before the disaster, the miners' union had reported serious safety problems with regard to working methods. A deeper insight into the event began to emerge only many years later. In particular, studies based on part of the documents made available from the trial against Montecatini were published in 2005. After the disaster, Montecatini was forced to adopt safety measures and to invest money to improve the working conditions, particularly ventilation in the tunnels. However, the mine’s life had come to an end and some years later it was closed. My study will show how the mining company, trade unions, political parties and local governments acted after the mining disaster. For example, how industrial relations changed in the still open mines. In a social environment dominated by the left, the Montecatini had to abandon the authoritarian behaviour, which was probably derived from the fascist era. The left, on the other hand, had to renounce the most radical elements of their programmes, such as the nationalization of the mines. La actividad minera italiana nunca ha sido comparable a la de los países industrializados más importantes. La falta de minerales siempre ha sido uno de los mayores problemas que han obtaculizado el desarrollo industrial. Sin embargo, en la primera mitad del siglo XX y hasta los años 70, la extracción de minerales fue una parte importante de la economía nacional, empleando a miles de trabajadores. Más específicamente, al principio las minas de cobre, luego principalmente las de pirita, representaron la base para el desarrollo de Montecatini, el gran monopolio químico italiano. La mina de lignito Ribolla, en la parte sur de la Toscana, también era propiedad de la Compañía Montecatini. La mina tuvo un desarrollo notable durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial y en mayo de 1954 todavía trabajaban 1.200 mineros. El desastre del 4 de mayo de 1954 en esa mina es uno de los peores accidentes mineros jamás ocurridos en Italia. La explosión de grisú provocó 43 muertos y fue motivo de gran polémica y debate entre sindicatos y partidos políticos de izquierda, por un lado, y la empresa Montecatini, por otro. Antes del desastre, el Sindicato de Mineros había denunciado serios problemas de seguridad por los métodos de trabajo. Una visión más profunda del evento comenzó a surgir solo muchos años después. En particular, en 2005 se publicaron estudios basados en parte de los documentos disponibles del juicio contra Montecatini. Después del desastre, Montecatini se vio obligado a adoptar medidas de seguridad e invertir dinero para mejorar las condiciones de trabajo, en particular la ventilación de los túneles. Sin embargo, la vida de la mina había llegado a su fin y algunos años después se cerró. Mi estudio mostrará cómo la empresa minera, los sindicatos, los partidos políticos y los gobiernos locales actuaron después del desastre minero. Por ejemplo, cómo cambiaron las relaciones laborales en las minas aún abiertas. En un ambiente social dominado por la izquierda, los Montecatini tuvieron que abandonar el comportamiento autoritario, que probablemente se derivaba de la era fascista. La izquierda, en cambio, tuvo que renunciar a los elementos más radicales de sus programas, como la nacionalización de las minas.
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Gregorczyk, Dariusz. "NATO and the Warsaw Pact in defence politics of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the second half of the 20th century." Res Politicae 13 (2021): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/rp.2021.13.02.
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After the year 1945 and during the Cold War, the defence politics of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRJ) in regards to NATO was determined by the country's international politics and its geostrategic placement. The geopolitical situation of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was extremely complicated due to its borders shared with NATO and the Warsaw Pact countries. The communist government of Yugoslavia, and the leaders of the Yugoslav People's Army, expected the SFRJ territory to become a warzone should the conflict between the two political blocks escalate to military action. One of the key elements of the doctrine of the SFRJ politicians and military elite was a plan of defense solutions in case of a NATO aggression. The defence strategies of the YPA, especially after 1968, also took into account a possibility of the Warsaw Pact forces entering the country. The defence plans prepared for a NATO aggression were based mostly on the experiences of World War II, expecting the SFRJ territory to be one of the important elements of a future war between the two blocks.
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Shaw, Julia. "Ayodhya's sacred landscape: ritual memory, politics and archaeological ‘fact’." Antiquity 74, no. 285 (September 2000): 693–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00060087.
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Great astonishment has been expressed at the recent vitality of the Hindu religion at Ajudhia [sic], and it was to test the extent of this chiefly that … this statement has been prepared. As the information it contains may be permanently useful, I have considered it well to give it a place here. This information is as correct as it can now be made and that is all that I can say CARNEGY(1870: appendix A)After the destruction of Ayodhya's Babri mosque in 1992 by supporters of the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), the statement above seems laden with premonition of the events to come (Rao 1994). More importantly, Carnegy’s comments highlight that the mosque’s destruction was not simply the result of 20th-century politics. The events surrounding and following the outbreak of violence in 1992 have resulted in more ‘spilt ink’ than Carnegy could ever have imagined. This literature can be divided into two main categories; firstly, the initial documentation submitted to the government by a group of VHP aligned historians, which presented the ‘archaeological proof’ that the Babri mosque had occupied the site of a Hindu temple dating to the 10th and 11th century AD (VHP1990; New Delhi Historical Forum 1992). This was believed to have marked the birthplace of the Hindu god Rama (hence the name Rama Janmabhumi — literally ‘birthplace of Rama’), and been demolished at the orders of the Mughal emperor Babur during the 16th century. As a response, a second group of ‘progressive’ Indian historians began a counter-argument, based on the same ‘archaeological proof’ that no such temple had ever existed (Gopal et al. 1992; Mandal 1993). The second category is a growing body of literature which has filled many pages of international publications (Rao 1994; Navlakha 1994). Especially following the World Archaeology Congress (WAC) in Delhi (1994), and subsequently in Brač, Croatia (1998), this has been preoccupied with finding an acceptable route through the battlefield which arises as a result of the problematic, but recurrent, marriage between archaeology, folklore and politics (Kitchen 1998; Hassan 1995).
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Basundoro, Purnawan. "POLITIK RAKYAT KAMPUNG DI KOTA SURABAYA AWAL ABAD KE-20." SASDAYA: Gadjah Mada Journal of Humanities 1, no. 1 (December 8, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/sasdayajournal.17025.
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This article aims to explain the politics activities by the villagers in Surabaya at the early of 20th century. The villagers was always considered as the passive people who refused to be involved in a conflict, therefore didn’t do the politic. The historic methodology is taken in this research by referring to the documents from the same century, the newspaper in Surabaya, and also referring to other tertiary resources. The approach chosen is the politic history, a history to describe the struggle of the people to achieve their will. The villagers had various strategy and tactic. As for the villagers who already had the experience of education, even though it was only a basic education, they wrote so many protests in the newspaper related to the decisions of the colonial government which were not in their favour. There was a newspaper in Surabaya managed by the indigenous people at that time, middle scale, and eager to gather all the complaint from the low class society. They also protested directly to the government by using the politic organisation. The formal gathering held by the member of the gemeenteraad, known as “begandring”, was used by the villagers to speak up their aspiration.
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Wardęga, Joanna. "Chinese Heritage with European Characteristics: International and Domestic Dimensions of the China’s Cultural Heritage Politics." Politeja 18, no. 4(73) (November 29, 2021): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.73.01.
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The discussion on Chinese cultural heritage started to emerge as a result of inspiration coming from foreign travels of Chinese scholars-officials and as protective measures against looting of artifacts in the 19th and 20th centuries. The most spectacular robberies were carried out by Anglo-French forces in the Old Summer Palace (Yuanming Yuan) during the Second Opium War in 1860. That event became one of the cornerstones of the “century of humiliation” (bainian guochi) in the Chinese historical narrative. Even though the Communist Revolution classified historical sites as remnants of feudalism, today the Communist Party of China has assumed the role of a defender of the Chinese heritage. In contemporary China, its cultural heritage is a phenomenon of both domestic and international significance. The Chinese emphasize the antiquity of the Chinese nation, pointing to the origins of Chinese civilization as early as five thousand years ago. In contemporary China, recovering cultural treasures is important for the political legitimacy of a government and for erasing the national humiliation.
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Mažeikis, Gintautas. "L. KARSAVINO ISTORIOSOFINIS MESIANIZMAS IR EURAZIJOS IDĖJA." Problemos 73 (January 1, 2008): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/problemos.2008.0.2021.
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Straipsnyje analizuojamos Karsavino Eurazijos ir simfoninės asmenybės teorijos ir jų įtaka asmeniniam Karsavino likimui, jo sofiologinėms mesianistinėms nuostatoms. Aptariama svarbiausių filosofinių Karsavino idėjų genezė: gyvo religingumo ir bendrojo religinio fondo, gnostinės pleromos interpretacijos, Šv. Trejybės dialektika ir jos santykis su N. Kuziečio filosofija, simfoninės asmenybės teorija. Pagrindinis teiginys apie Karsavino ir Kuziečio filosofijų skirtumą yra pagrįstas kristologiniais Karsavino argumentais apie Kuziečio filosofijos nepakankamumą aiškinant Dievo kaip Possest eksplikacijos ir komplikacijos problematiką. Karsavinas, remdamasis ortodoksiniais kristologiniais teiginiais, simfoninės asmenybės bei ideokratijos teorija bei tipologine, istoriosofine civilizacijų klasifikacija, pagrindžia kairiąją Eurazijos sąjūdžio ideologiją, kuri išliko aktuali ir šiandienos Rusijos politinei situacijai. Straipsnyje parodomos lietuviškosios filosofijos ir Karsavino samprotavimų paralelės ir keliamas klausimas dėl Eurazijos ideologijos nesvarstymo tarpukario Lietuvoje. Straipsnio pabaigoje grįžtama prie filosofinio Karsavino apsisprendimo, saikingų, asmeninių mesianistinių jo nuostatų ir sokratiško likimo tardymų, įkalinimo Abezės lageryje laikotarpiu. Pagrindiniai žodžiai: gyvasis religingumas, simfoninė asmenybė, panteizmas, gnoticizmas, mesianizmas.Historiosophical Messianism of L. Karsavin and the Idea of Eurasia Gintautas Mažeikis SummaryThe historiosophical and messianistic ideas of L. Karsavin and his ideology of left Eurasia were based on the theological and gnostic symbolism of the early 20th century, F. Schelling’s philosophy of Myth and Universality, Vl. Solovjov’s Philosophy of Universality, Mystics of Christology, the Orthodox understanding of Saint Trinity, typological theory of civilizations. At the beginning of his mediaeval researches Karsavin investigated sacral events in rural areas in the 17th–18th centuries, especially in Italy, magic activities and popular beliefs in Christian Saints, based on uncritical, natural, live religious feelings and spontaneous faith. He maintained live religious faith to be the background for the significance and utility of all canonical religious rules and churches. These ideas are similar to the French school of Annales and to the M. Bakhtin’s theory of Carnival issues of the Mediaeval tradition of laughter. However, Karsavin re lated his consideration of spontaneous hierophany to the gnostic tradition of Divine Pleroma. It is important to them in order to interpret the philosophy of Nicolaus Cusanus, especially his conception of God as Possest and a permanent and contradictory process of explicatio and complicatio. On the basis of Cusanus’ philosophy, Karsavin developed his personal idea of dialectics of Saint Trinity as a union of Divine personalities. Karsavin maintained that the conception of Cusanus is insufficient because Cusanus didn’t explain the role of Christ in the full reunification of sinful human beings with God. By Karsavin, Cusanus avoided pantheistic tendencies and therefore couldn’t develop the theory of divination of personality. On the contrary, Karsavin develops the idea of divination of oneself in his theory of Symphonic personality. Every personality is a form of free solution and responsibility, love and self-sacrifice. Therefore, the personality develops itself from an autonomous individual into the personality as a family, the personality as a nation, as a state, and finally the personality transforms into a cosmic human being, or Adam Kadmon. The hierarchic growth of personality, his ontology presupposes his essential responsibility for the development of nation, state, culture and civilization. It was the basis of Karsavin’s messianism. The nation or culture couldn’t be developed in the necessary direction, towards divinity, without creative and self-sacrificing activity of the individual. The hierarchical conception of the world personality presupposes the ideocratic form of government. The idea of the ideocratic power makes Karsavin’s political considerations similar to the Soviet system of power. Karsavin from 1925 until 1929 was the leader of the left wing of the Eurasia movement which was located in Paris. He initiated and supported a dialog with Bolsheviks’ representatives. However, Karsavin strongly criticized communism and Bolsheviks from the Orthodox point of view. Karsavin was a deep believer and couldn’t support the destruction of churches by the Soviet regime. However, today it is possible to say that Karsavin’s political visions are very similar to the modern Vl. Putins’ regime in contemporary Russia. Eurasia and Symphonic Personality ideas became important motives for Karsavin’s coming to Lithuania in 1928. However, after arrival he didn’t participate in any political movement and developed his civilization ideas, the conception of ideocratic power and Symphonic Personality there. In the Lithuanian period, he becomes closer to the Russian Orthodox tradition of Old Believers and its ideas of self-sacrifice to populace. Karsavin didn’t emigrate from Lithuania in the threat of Soviet occupation. On the contrary, he spread his ideas of Symphonic Personality, dialectics of Trinity, self-sacrificing after the War and even in the concentration camp in Abeze until his death in 1952. Keywords: live religions, Symphonic Personality, pantheism, gnosticism, messianism.-size: 11pt;">
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Pratt, Douglas. "Secular New Zealand and Religious Diversity: From Cultural Evolution to Societal Affirmation." Social Inclusion 4, no. 2 (April 19, 2016): 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i2.463.
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About a century ago New Zealand was a predominantly white Anglo-Saxon Christian nation, flavoured only by diversities of Christianity. A declining indigenous population (Maori) for the most part had been successfully converted as a result of 19th century missionary endeavour. In 2007, in response to increased presence of diverse religions, a national Statement on Religious Diversity was launched. During the last quarter of the 20th century the rise of immigrant communities, with their various cultures and religions, had contributed significantly to the changing demographic profile of religious affiliation. By early in the 21st century this diversity, together with issues of inter-communal and interreligious relations, all in the context of New Zealand being a secular society, needed to be addressed in some authoritative way. Being a secular country, the government keeps well clear of religion and expects religions to keep well clear of politics. This paper will outline relevant historical and demographic factors that set the scene for the Statement, which represents a key attempt at enhancing social inclusion with respect to contemporary religious diversity. The statement will be outlined and discussed, and other indicators of the way in which religious diversity is being received and attended to will be noted.
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Hadzantonis, Michael. "Malay, in the shadows." Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 32, no. 1 (August 4, 2022): 52–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/japc.00084.had.
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Abstract Wayang Kulit performance, the art of shadow puppetry, has long embodied and conveyed political and secular voice throughout South and Southeast Asia, significant for the maintenance of cultural heritage. Throughout Malaysia’s modern history, Wayang as a dominant medium of education has mediated shifts in language ideologies and socialization, to the extent where changes to the Wayang correlate highly with changes to the Malay language. In the 1980s, the Malaysian government sought to attack and hence curtail Wayang performance, and to obscure its lineage, claiming that the Wayang defiles Islam and Malaysia as an Islamic state. The government sought to discontinue the Wayang, or at least to alter it significantly, and to persecute its adherents. With its attempts to mobilize the economy through neoliberal politics and the adoption of new non-poetic language registers, the Malaysian government altered Malaysian vernacular, cultural practices, and ideologies. Yet, little scholarly work, particularly through an Anthropological lens, has discussed the correlations and influences to these shifts. This paper addresses the significance of Wayang Kulit to the Malay language, that is, its contiguity with standardized language and vernacular, its semiotic complexities during performance and in larger society, and its junctures with Malaysian politics. The study unearths changes in the Wayang, its stylizations, symbolisms and performativities, in the latter 20th century, where these changes have aligned with cultural and language shifts, yet which the government has legitimated as pro Islamic and neoliberal. The data set includes a multi year ethnography of the Wayang, and a corpus of discussions, documentations, and scripts of Wayang performances and narratives.
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Reichardt, Dagmar. "PUT IT ON OR : USE IT AND ENJOY ! THE TRANSCULTURAL AND SYNERGIZING HISTORY OF ITALIAN FASHION AND INDUSTRIAL DESIGN." Culture Crossroads 19 (October 11, 2022): 285–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.55877/cc.vol19.36.
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Among the three international fashion hubs Paris, Milan, and New York that have dominated fashion production since the 20th century, Italian fashion stands out through its transcultural Italophony. Since the historic beginnings of the West, the development of fashion, taste and etiquette in modern Italy plays both culturally and historically a key role in European politics, economics, literature, fine arts, music and theatre. This applies also to Italian design, which is – like fashion – a powerful nonverbal language in cultural, aesthetical and economic terms, expressing a unique and life-affirming sociological habitus. This essay intends to pinpoint the outstanding impact of taste, fashion and design originating from Italy and perceivable all over the world on a transcultural and transdisciplinary level. Starting with antiquity and Renaissance, both disciplines enter a period of prosperity and success during the golden 1950s and 1960s, supported by the rise of Cinecittà, family business structures and crafts enterprises. In early postmodernity, a shift takes place from Alta Moda to Pronto Moda, from fashion as art to popular, serial industrial ready?to?wear, and a complex reciprocal synergetic effect builds up between the fashion and design brands. Both sectors are equal in terms of international influence and versatility, both are associated complementary to each other, and both disseminate a new standard of shapeliness, elegance and peachiness in the whole country as well as on a transnational scale.
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Rademaker, Laura. "Mission, Politics and Linguistic Research." Historiographia Linguistica 42, no. 2-3 (December 31, 2015): 379–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.42.2-3.06rad.
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Summary This article investigates the ways local mission and national politics shaped linguistic research work in mid-20th century Australia through examining the case of the Church Missionary Society’s Angurugu Mission on Groote Eylandt in the Northern Territory and research into the Anindilyakwa language. The paper places missionary linguistics in the context of broader policies of assimilation and national visions for Aboriginal people. It reveals how this social and political climate made linguistic research, largely neglected in the 1950s (apart from some notable exceptions), not only possible, but necessary by the 1970s. Finally, it comments on the state of research into Aboriginal languages and the political climate of today. Until the 1950s, the demands of funding and commitment to a government policy of assimilation into white Australia meant that the CMS could not support linguistic research and opportunities for academic linguists to conduct research into Anindilyakwa were limited. By the 1960s, however, national consensus about the future of Aboriginal people and their place in the Australian nation shifted and governments reconsidered the nature of their support for Christian missions. As the ‘industrial mission’ model of the 1950s was no longer politically or economically viable, the CMS looked to reinvent itself, to find new ways of maintaining its evangelical influence on Groote Eylandt. Linguistics and research into Aboriginal cultures – including in partnership with secular academic agents – were a core component of this reinvention of mission, not only for the CMS but more broadly across missions to Aboriginal people. The resulting collaboration across organisations proved remarkably productive from a research perspective and enabled the continuance of a missionary presence and relevance. The political and financial limitations faced by missions shaped, therefore, not only their own practice with regards to linguistic research, but also the opportunities for linguists beyond the missionary fold. The article concludes that, in Australia, the two bodies of linguists – academic and missionary – have a shared history, dependent on similar political, social and financial forces.
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Leontidou, Lila. "Urban Social Movements in ‘Weak’ Civil Societies: The Right to the City and Cosmopolitan Activism in Southern Europe." Urban Studies 47, no. 6 (May 2010): 1179–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098009360239.
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The transition from fast spontaneous urbanisation in southern Europe, with popular squatting as a form of civil disobedience, to ‘new social movements’ (NSMs) for democratic globalisation in cities, is taking place in the context of a broader transition. In the 20th century, there were unstable politics, civil wars and also still dictatorships in the south, which contributed in a north—south divide in Europe, engulfing civil societies, the welfare state, planning and grassroots mobilisations for a ‘right to the city’. This paper focuses on social transformation during the 21st century and points to three directions. First, it explores the nature of several NSMs as urban social movements (USMs) organised by loosely networked cosmopolitan collectivities, social centres and flâneur activists demanding a ‘right to the city’, and interprets this with reference to globalisation, democratisation and the Europeanisation of southern civil societies. Secondly, it unveils innovative forms of ‘urban’ mobilisations in the south, influencing the rest of the Europe: squatting in the past, social centres and the ESF (both starting in Italy) at present. Thirdly, it traces transformations of USMs between two centuries and argues about the deconstruction of the north—south divide in Europe with regard to movements and definitions of the ‘right to the city’. Mediterranean USMs have offered new insights and have broadened geographical imaginations in Europe.
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Bokeriya, Svetlana Aleksandrovna, and Valerij Vitalevich Danilov. "Osobennosti kul'turnoy diplomatii Italii na sovremennom etape." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 643–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-4-643-653.
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The article analyzes the cultural policy of Italy, which is one of the key soft power instruments of the country, along with public diplomacy, the Italian language, education and scientific activities, through the prism of the cultural strategy of the EU. Despite the presence of a large number of articles on soft power implementation, this issue remains insufficiently covered today, since the concept of soft power emerged at the end of the 20th century in the framework of the American international relations school (J. Nye) and the majority of academic foreign papers are still devoted to the American soft power model. It is revealed that scientific community paid not enough attention to the Italian soft power phenomenon. The author’s goal is to analyze the cultural model of Italy, used as one of soft power component. According to the results of the structural, comparative and institutional analysis, fundamental problems in the development of the Italian cultural model were identified, as well as the links between the successful adoption of cultural diplomacy and economic crisis. The governmental initiatives in Italy in realization of cultural diplomacy and the EU cultural strategy are thoroughly reviewed. The analysis of the activities of specialized government institutions responsible for the cultural promotion of the country and the Italian language abroad is carried out. The soft power rankings, reflecting the effectiveness of cultural policy, in particular, Anholt-GfK Nation Brands Index and The Soft Power 30 are being analyzed. Measures to ensure the efficient use of the soft power resources in Italy are proposed. They are mostly aimed at combining the activities of existing institutions and forming an integrated strategy for popularizing, financing and broadening soft power components both within the state and foreign policy strategy.
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Elrick, John W. "Simulating renewal: Postwar technopolitics and technological urbanism." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 38, no. 6 (June 2, 2020): 1120–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263775820928391.
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This article traces the terms and practices underwriting emergent forms of urban government to technical efforts to simulate markets after the Second World War. With an eye toward contemporary techno-utopian schemes and city-building initiatives, I argue that the basis of technological approaches to urban rule today—a conception of cities as complex socio-economic systems amenable to market-driven optimization—was forged by postwar administrators and technicians in response to the vicissitudes of uneven development. To advance this claim, I examine the history of San Francisco’s Community Renewal Program, an early modeling initiative sponsored in the US by the federal government. After situating it in the context of racialized housing markets and policies, I probe the Community Renewal Program’s attempt to build a computer model capable of forecasting the effects of redevelopment on housing markets. Though the Community Renewal Program model ultimately proved unviable as a planning tool, expert appraisals of it at the time simultaneously confirmed the characterization of cities as systems of market signals and affirmed in principle the ability to model and thus manage them given an appropriate technological infrastructure. In this light, current municipal design and development projects premised on interactive and remote-sensing technologies express something of the technocratic politics and optimism of the mid-20th century.