Journal articles on the topic 'Italy – Politics and government – 19th century'
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1
Capotosti, Piero Alberto. "Coalition Agreements in the Italian Political and Institutional System." Israel Law Review 26, no. 4 (1992): 531–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700011171.
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1. In recent years, negotiations between parliamentary factions in Italy have had an increasing impact on the process of government formation. The frequency of such negotiations and resulting coalition agreements necessitates a more thorough examination of this phenomenon in order to understand the interaction between coalition agreements and government policy.The phenomenon of coalition governments is not a new one. A number of European states have witnessed their emergence since the late 19th century. It is, however, in regimes of extreme multi-party politics — as the Italian system must be considered — that this form of government has found full enforcement.
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Gemme, Paola. "Domesticating Foreign Struggles: American Narratives of Italian Revolutions and the Debate on Slavery in the Antebellum Era." Prospects 27 (October 2002): 77–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300001149.
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Reporting on the Roman revolution of 1848 as the foreign correspondent of theNew-York Daily Tribune, Margaret Fuller observed that Americans used the same arguments against the political emancipation of Italy that they employed against the social emancipation of blacks in the United States. “Americans in Italy,” she wrote, “talk about the corrupt and degenerate state of Italy as they do about that of our slaves at home.” “They come ready trained,” she explained, “to that mode of reasoning which affirms that, because men are degraded by bad institutions, they are not fit for better.” This essay builds upon Fuller's comment. It examines American accounts of the Italians' mid-19th-century struggle to free their country from its colonial bond to the Austrian empire and substitute local absolutist monarchies with more enlightened forms of government, and demonstrates that the discourse on revolutionary Italy became the site of a reenactment on foreign grounds of the domestic controversy over slavery. The discussion on whether Italians could become republican subjects was liable to become a mediated debate over emancipation and the future of the African bondsmen in the American republic because of the alleged similarities, both historical and “racial,” between the populations of Italy and blacks in antebellum America. Like the slaves in the United States, Italians had been subjected to brutal despotism for centuries, which, within the 19th-century environmental conception of political virtue, was believed to have negatively affected their aptitude for freedom. Like the black slaves, moreover, Italians were placed by racist ideology outside the pale of the dominant Anglo-Saxon racial category, a political as well as a “biological” class marked by the exclusive capacity for self-government.
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Kazimierczak, Mariola. "Michel Tyszkiewicz (1828-1897) et les fouilles archéologiques en Italie." Światowit 57 (December 17, 2019): 237–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.6819.
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According to Stanisław Lorentz, the collections of Michel Tyszkiewicz, enriched by his excavations in Egypt and Italy, undoubtedly “belonged to the more valuable European collections created in the second half of the 19th century”. After his first journey to Egypt, Tyszkiewicz, enlivened with a passion for excavations, first lived in Naples and then settled permanently in Rome in 1865. As the political situation changed there after 1870 and the new government restrained issuing permits, he started applying for excavation permits in his estate of Birże, in Lithuania (1871). Later, in 1894, he also tried to obtain excavation permits at Olbia, in Southern Russia, but this time unsuccessfully. His unpublished letters to the famous German scholar Wilhelm Froehner (1834–1925), now in the Goethe und Schiller Archiv in Weimar, throw a new light on the discoveries that took place in Boscoreale and in Lake Nemi and on his purchases there, as well as on his great enterprise in relation to the Satricum excavations in 1896, from which he was excluded after discovering the trace of “thousands of different votive objects”.
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Trezubov, Matvey D. "The concept of “Old” and “New” Europe by Roman Dmowski and its role in the discourse of modern Polish foreign policy." Rusin, no. 69 (2022): 213–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/69/12.
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Roman Dmowski, a Polish nationalist and a founder of the independent Polish state, occupies an important place in Polish history. After the restoration of Poland on the political map of Europe, there was a need for a certain foreign policy that could give prosperity to a country de facto deprived of its agency for 123 years. Dmowski argues that the national identity can be protected from the Protestant countries of the West only through defining it as a main guardian of the Latin civilization. He formulated this thesis on the basis of Houston Chamberlain's The Foundation of the 19th Century, Oswald Spengler's The Decline of Europe and numerous works of Feliks Koneczny, who had a fundamental influence on Dmowski. His concept aimed at saving the Latin civilization (Italy, Poland, and France, led by Charles Maurras) from the affects of Jewish civilization and Protestantism in particular, representing the Latin civilization largely due to the reinterpretation of the Protestant countries and its further antagonization. This bloc was purely defensive and wasn't implemented in practice. Speaking about the discourse of modern Polish foreign policy, one can find many allusions to Dmowski, although it should be understood that the Polish government are not endecja (Narodowa Demokracja). So, for example, the “German-Pole” dichotomy, which was used Dmowski, is now in many ways one of those associated with the intra-European crisis. Now, in connection with the events of February 24, Poland potentially has every chance of becoming a hegemon in the Eastern European policy of the European Union, since it fully supports Ukraine and close integration with it. Since Ukraine is already a candidate for EU membership, this will allow it to compete with Germany in EU politics and possibly even result in EU reforms, due to its active pro-Ukrainian policy.
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Uvarov, Pavel. "Italian Bankers in France and Italian Wars." ISTORIYA 14, no. 1 (123) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023946-9.
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At the last stage of the Italian Wars (1494—1559), the military, political and, most importantly, financial superiority of the Habsburgs over the Valois became quite obvious. The Spanish king could make use of silver which was already coming quite regularly and in large quantities from the mines of the New World. He controlled the old (Augsburg — Ulm) and new (Besançon — Piacenza) centres of banking capital, as well as the commercial and financial heart of the emerging world economic system — Antwerp. But King Henry II of France (1547—1559) launched a series of daring reforms, sometimes far ahead of his time. The king could rely on a more developed bureaucracy than in other countries, on a state system that had reached an advanced level of centralization, and on the economy that was still on the rise, the ‘heart’ of which were the Lyon fairs that acquired international significance. In order to continue an active foreign policy, an unprecedented step was taken — not a royal official, but a Lyon banker of Italian origin, Albizzi Del Bene (Albisse Delbeyne), was appointed to the post of surintendent des finances. Thus, the government was able to use the experience and capability of the banking world for its own purposes. Under the conditions of the war, which was fought at a great distance from the borders of the kingdom, the circulation of money was greatly simplified and became more predictable. The surintendent, closely associated with the most powerful trading and banking house Gadagni (Gadagne) of Lyon, had great weight among Italian bankers who operated not only in Lyon, but also in Venice, Rome, and Tuscany. The reformers’ plans and the progress of reform can be fully appreciated by studying documents from the Lamoignon Collection (Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts, Moscow). Providing fairly clear guarantees based on the income from the Lyon fairs, the king, with the help of his surintendent and people from his entourage who were responsible for financing French policy in Italy (Constable Anne de Montmorency, royal secretary Jean Duthier), managed to attract huge sums (about 12 million Tours livres) which made it possible to resist a powerful enemy. A flexible combination of bills of exchange, clearing and other mechanisms allowed to transfer this amount of money to Italy. The crowning success of Del Bene was the creation of the Grand Parti de Lyon — a consortium of creditors to the French king. Some researchers claimed that its principles were quite comparable to the achievements of the 19th-century banking system. If there had been peace, the Grand Parti de Lyon could well have contributed to the repayment of the principal amount of borrowings and the dissolution of the accumulated interest debt. But politics had once again interfered with the economy. A new war, in which France was drawn against the will of the royal entourage, a chain of military defeats (the capture of Montmorency, the main patron of Del Bene, in 1557) and, finally, the unexpected death of Henry II shortly after the Peace of Cateau-Cambrésis (1559) put an end to bold economic reforms.
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Firdaus, Yelmi Eri, Elfia Elfia, and Meirison Meirison. "RISE AND FALL OF MAMLUK SULTANATE: The Struggle Against Mongols and Crusaders in Holy War." Al-Adyan: Journal of Religious Studies 1, no. 1 (August 6, 2020): 14–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15548/al-adyan.v1i1.1713.
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For 300 years, precisely from 1250 to 1517, the Mamluk Dynasty ruled in Egypt and Syria. Their power ended after the conquest of the Ottoman Turks, who later built a new empire. The writer wants to describe how the slave nation could become a ruler who gained legitimacy from Muslims. Mamluk is a soldier who comes from slaves who have converted to Islam. "The mamluk phenomenon," as David Ayalon called it, was an extremely large and long-lived important politic, which lasted from the 9th century to the 19th century AD. Over time, Mamluk became a robust military caste in various Muslim societies. Especially in Egypt, but also the Levant, Iraq, and India, mamluks hold political and military power. In some cases, they gained the position of the Sultan, while in other cases, they held regional power as amir or beys. The historical method starts with collecting literature, sorting, and analyzing and interpreting the writer doing historiography on the dynamics of this mamluk dynasty government. A dynasty filled with phenomenon, which originated from slaves and then turned into the ruler of a vast territory. Not only that, but the slaves were also able to defeat big countries like France, Portugal, and Italy. The Mamluk Sultanate was famous for repelling the Mongols and fighting with the Crusaders. They are descended from various variations, but the most frequent is Kipchak Turks, depending on the period and region in question. When a mamluk is bought, their status is above ordinary slaves, who are not permitted to carry weapons or carry out specific tasks. In places like Egypt, from the Ayyubid dynasty to the era of Muhammad Ali of Egypt, Mamluk is considered as "real rulers" with social status over those born as Muslims.Selama 300 tahun, tepatnya dari tahun 1250 hingga 1517, Dinasti Mamluk memerintah di Mesir dan Suriah. Kekuatan mereka berakhir setelah penaklukan Turki Ottoman, yang kemudian membangun sebuah kerajaan baru. Penulis ingin menggambarkan bagaimana negara budak bisa menjadi penguasa yang mendapatkan legitimasi dari umat Islam. Mamluk adalah seorang prajurit yang berasal dari para budak yang telah memeluk Islam. "Fenomena mamluk," sebagaimana David Ayalon menyebutnya, adalah politik penting yang sangat besar dan berumur panjang, yang berlangsung dari abad ke-9 hingga abad ke-19. Seiring waktu, Mamluk menjadi kasta militer yang kuat di berbagai masyarakat Muslim. Terutama di Mesir, tetapi juga Levant, Irak, dan India, mamluk memegang kekuasaan politik dan militer. Dalam beberapa kasus, mereka mendapatkan posisi Sultan, sementara dalam kasus lain, mereka memegang kekuasaan regional sebagai amir atau lebah. Metode historis dimulai dengan mengumpulkan literatur, menyortir, dan menganalisis dan menafsirkan penulis melakukan historiografi pada dinamika pemerintahan dinasti mamluk ini. Sebuah dinasti penuh dengan fenomena, yang berasal dari budak dan kemudian berubah menjadi penguasa wilayah yang luas. Bukan hanya itu, tetapi para budak juga mampu mengalahkan negara-negara besar seperti Perancis, Portugal, dan Italia. Kesultanan Mamluk terkenal karena memukul mundur bangsa Mongol dan bertarung dengan Tentara Salib. Mereka diturunkan dari berbagai variasi, tetapi yang paling sering adalah Kipchak Turki, tergantung pada periode dan wilayah yang dimaksud. Ketika mamluk dibeli, status mereka di atas budak biasa, yang tidak diizinkan membawa senjata atau melakukan tugas tertentu. Di tempat-tempat seperti Mesir, dari dinasti Ayyubiyah ke era Muhammad Ali dari Mesir, Mamluk dianggap sebagai "penguasa nyata" dengan status sosial atas mereka yang terlahir sebagai Muslim.
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Mullenix, Elizabeth Reitz. "Private Women/Public Acts: Petticoat Government and the Performance of Resistance." TDR/The Drama Review 46, no. 1 (March 2002): 104–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/105420402753555886.
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Feminists in 19th-century America performed their politics by storming taverns, holding mock elections at polling sites, and lecturing in public. These performances exacerbated fears concerning the “Woman Question” as antebellum feminists exposed gender as ritualized acts and employed performativity as a way to enact their resistance.
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Nesterova, T. P. "‘Tunisian Question’ in Franco-Italian Relations (1922—1928)." Nauchnyi dialog 11, no. 8 (October 30, 2022): 386–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2022-11-8-386-402.
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The article is devoted to the development of relations between France and Italy in the context of the status of the Italian population of Tunisia issue. Thanks to the agreements reached by the Italian states and the government of Tunisia, in the first half of the 19th century mass emigration of Italians began to Tunisia, as a result, by the end of the 19th century, a significant Italian diaspora had formed in Tunisia. The establishment of a French protectorate over Tunisia led to the question of the status of the Italian population of Tunisia, which was eventually settled by the Franco-Italian convention of 1896. After the First World War, France refused to comply with the decisions of 1896. The French government set itself the goal of naturalizing Italians in Tunisia. The Italian government strongly opposed such a policy. The negotiations did not lead to a settlement of the conflict. The place of the ‘Tunisian question’ in relations between Italy and France in the 1920s is analyzed, the numerous discussions of the problem of the status of Italians in Tunisia and Italy’s attempts at least to maintain the situation, that existed in accordance with the 1896 convention, are considered in the article. It is proved that Tunisia, with its large Italian diaspora, occupied a significant place in the African policy of Italy during the period of fascism. It is substantiated that the period of the 1920s was essentially the preparatory work for a more serious discussion of the colonial problems that arose between France and Italy, which resulted in the Laval-Mussolini agreement of 1935.
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Ircha, M. C. "The Chignecto ship railway: a 19th century engineering innovation." Canadian Journal of Civil Engineering 19, no. 1 (February 1, 1992): 164–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/l92-016.
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Just over a century ago, work commenced on the Chignecto Marine Transport Railway across the Isthmus of Chignecto. The ship railway involved the use of a hydraulic lift to raise large ships on a wheeled cradle. The cradle and the ship were to be towed across the Isthmus by two locomotives and then hydraulically lowered into the receiving waters. The project would transfer ships quicker and be less expensive than building a canal. A private company built the ship railway with the promise of an operating subsidy from the federal government. Financial problems brought the work to a standstill in August 1891. Despite what appeared to be a temporary setback, international economic and national political events prevented completion of the project. Today, the remains of the railbed, an arch culvert, and the foundations of the pump house are all that are left of this 19th century engineering innovation.The contemporary technical literature detailed many of the engineering feats at Chignecto. In 1891, Henry Ketchum, the New Brunswick engineer responsible for the concept and design, presented two concurrent papers on the ship railway to the Canadian Society of Civil Engineers. This paper documents the development of Chignecto Marine Transport Railway. Key words: history, civil engineering, Canadian, shipping, canals, marine railway, and politics.
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Shahmuhametova, Elena, Malika Yusupova, Natali Solovyova, and Olga Borisova. "Governor in the system of state administration at the beginning of the 19th century." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, no. 02 (February 1, 2021): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202102statyi07.
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Provincial politics in the Russian Empire depended on the personality of the emperor, his views and worldview. During the years of Paul’s Government an extreme form of centralization has been established in the activities of the State apparatus. With the arrival of Emperor Alexander I, there was, in our opinion, a symbolic removal of the distance between the supreme power and its military support, which, in fact, removed obstacles to the spontaneous inclusion of the military in political activity in the next fluctuations of this monarch’s line.
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Meldolesi, Luca. "Una nota per la riforma dello Stato: quarta libertŕ e federalismo democratico." RIVISTA TRIMESTRALE DI SCIENZA DELL'AMMINISTRAZIONE, no. 1 (July 2009): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sa2009-001002.
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- As a comment (on "The Forth Freedom", 2007) and anticipation (of "Democratic Federalism", 2009), this article, drawing from those monographies by the Author, carves its hypothesis out of a comparison between the European and the "New World" administrative traditions. Italy was largely imbued by the franco-prussian étatisme of the 18th and 19th centuries; and even developed a peculiar variety of it, based on "assistenzialismo" and the "theft and police" game. Since the end of the 19th century, however, and, more recently, since the second world war, Italy experienced a strong and rising tendency toward "autonomism" and regionalism, which eventually brought to a constitutional reform in 2001. According to it, Local Institutions and the central State should be considered on the same footing: a central proposition that may open the way to the development of "democratic federalism". The article addresses numerous policy issues (on cultural, pedagogic, administrative, outcome, working, benchmarking etc grounds) that rapidly may induce that desirable transformation.Key words: Public Innovation; Freedom; Federalism; Administrative Tradition; Western Autonomy; Local Government. Parole chiave: Innovazione pubblica; Libertŕ; Federalismo; Tradizione amministrativa occidentale; Autonomia; Regionalismo
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Girard, Chris. "Coevolving informatics and shifting gender dynamics in Norwegian politics." Open Access Government 36, no. 1 (October 17, 2022): 264–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.56367/oag-036-9829.
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Coevolving informatics and shifting gender dynamics in Norwegian politics Chris Girard, an Associate Professor from the Department of Global and Sociocultural Studies at Florida International University explores education, gender rights and the freedoms of women in Norway. Only one of Norway’s 70 monarchs was a woman over the last thousand years, and now, after great change when universal suffrage was first extended to women in 1913, since 1981, two women have become prime ministers in Norway, serving as heads of state for over 40 per cent of the subsequent four decades. Now, the Norwegian parliament comprises 45 per cent of women legislators, which can partially be attributed to the development of a digital-age layer of information flow, which allowed more Norwegian women to overcome the spatial barriers to government careers that arise from childcare at home. In the present day, there is now a growing demand for educated women counteracts an enduring historical trend extending from the 12th century to the final quarter of the 19th century, when women in Norway had been blocked from higher levels of education.
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Abdolmohammadi, Pejman. "Remarks on the Origins of Secularism and Nationalism in Iran." Eurasian Studies 13, no. 1-2 (October 17, 2015): 153–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685623-12340008.
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Mirzā Fatḥʿalī Āḫūndzāde (1812-1878) is one of the most important thinkers and intellectuals of the 19th century in Iran. He started to develop a critical perception of political Islam, giving rise to a new current of thought based on Persian nationalism, secularism and constitutionalism. This article, after a brief introduction of the political and historical context of the 19th century, will analyse the political thought of Āḫūndzāde, highlighting some fundamental elements of his ideas and reflections such as enlightenment, nationalism, constitutionalism, the relationship between religion and politics, and the importance of individual liberties and civil rights. Āḫūndzāde was able to combine the Western enlightenment with the Persian pre-Islamic history and identity, creating, for the first time in the Iranian modern history, a new current of thought based on secularism and nationalism. This article will also show how Āḫūndzāde’s thought influenced the political evolution of Persia from the mid of nineteenth century until today, highlighting some important historical events of Persia such as the Constitutional Revolution, Riḍā Šāh’s reign, Muṣaddiq’s government and the political movements of today’s Iranian civil society.
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Riall, Lucy. "Hero, saint or revolutionary? Nineteenth-century politics and the cult of Garibaldi." Modern Italy 3, no. 02 (November 1998): 191–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949808454803.
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SummaryGiuseppe Garibaldi was the most enduring political hero of nineteenth-century Italy. His political image was inspired by both the romantic movement and religion and, in turn, inspired a new kind of charismatic popular politics. The first part of this article explores the sources and assesses the impact of the cult of Garibaldi during the Risorgimento. The second part examines the use made of Garibaldi's image after Italian unification and, especially, after his death. It finds that government attempts to glorify Garibaldi were relatively unsuccessful while the parallel, republican cult of Garibaldi had a considerable impact. Thus, Garibaldi's extraordinary popularity highlighted the failed official ‘nationalization’ of Italians. At the same time, support for Garibaldi points to the emergence of an alternative sense of Italian national identity
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Soll, Jacob. "Accounting for Government: Holland and the Rise of Political Economy in Seventeenth-Century Europe." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 40, no. 2 (October 2009): 215–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2009.40.2.215.
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In the 1650s, political administrators across Europe began adopting accounting strategies to manage government. Although the method of double-entry book-keeping emerged during the Middle Ages and spread from Italy during the Renaissance, governments were slow to adopt it. Inspired by the Dutch precedent, however, English, French, German, and Russian rulers and ministers looked to accounting to build new military industrial complexes. This general movement represents a paradigmatic change in the language of politics, away from traditional humanist theory toward a technocratic culture that would later evolve into the political-economic movement of the eighteenth century.
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Puzovic, Vladislav. "Jefrem Bojovic’s letters addressed to Nil Alexandrovich Popov." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 179 (2021): 347–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2179347p.
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There are 19 unpublished letters written by latter bishop of Zica Jefrem Bojovic, preserved in The Manuscripts Department of The Russian State Library of Moscow. These letters, addressed to Nil Alexandrovich Popov, are part of a personal collection of this famous Russian scholar in the field of history and Slavic literature. Letters from this collection were written from 1874 until 1886, while Bojovic was a student at The Moscow Spiritual Academy and a professor in the Seminary of Belgrade. These letters are a great source for Bishop Jefrem?s biography, especially for understanding his relationships with Russia. They witness a sincere friendship with Popov, one of the most prominent people in relations between Serbs and Russians, during the second half of the 19th century. These letters are important in order to understand Bojovic?s point of view, regarding the issues of Serbian social, political and church life in the 9th decade of the 19th century. Serbian Government led Pro-Austrian politics during that period of time, which affected relationships within Serbian Church and society. The most significant consequence was an uncanonical replacement of the Serbian Metropolitan Mihailo (Jovanovic) and his hierarchy. Bojovic was the first source witness of these events, who was actively supporting Metropolitan Mihailo. During his studies in Russia, Jefrem Bojovic became a true lover of Slavs, which formed his further views. The mentioned documents were analyzed in this study for the first time, and they will hopefully enrich the biography of Jefrem Bojovic. This study should help us to understand better the occasions within the church, society and politics in Serbia during the ninth decade of the 19th century.
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Griffin, Stephen M. "Bringing the State into Constitutional Theory: Public Authority and the Constitution." Law & Social Inquiry 16, no. 04 (1991): 659–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1991.tb00864.x.
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This article brings the state into constitutional theory by presenting a theory of the development of the American state from the late 19th century to the present. The focus of the theory is the ability of the national state to exercise sovereignty or public authority over civil society. The main thesis is that the Constitution did not establish a government with a level of public authority adequate to the requirements of a modem democratic state. The result was a mismatch between the demands of civil society and the competence of state institutions, causing a reorganization of the political institutions of civil society in the early 20th century and a crisis of public authority in the 1960s. The United States continues to experience the consequences of an imbalance between the state institutions established by an 18th-century constitution and 20th-century democratic politics.
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Pulignano, Valeria, Domenico Carrieri, and Lucio Baccaro. "Industrial relations in Italy in the twenty-first century." Employee Relations 40, no. 4 (June 4, 2018): 654–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-02-2017-0045.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to reflect on the developments which have characterized Italy’s industrial relations from post-war Fordism to neo-liberal hegemony and recent crisis, with a particular focus on the major changes occurred in the twenty-first century, especially those concerning concertative (tripartite) policy making between the government, the employers’ organizations and the trade unions. Design/methodology/approach This study is a conceptual paper which analysis of main development trends. Findings Italy’s industrial relations in the twenty-first century are characterized by ambivalent features which are the heritage of the past. These are summarized as follows: “collective autonomy” as a classical source of strength for trade unions and employers’ organization, on the one hand. On the other hand, a low level of legislative regulation and weak institutionalization, accompanied by little engagement in a generalized “participative-collaborative” model. Due to the instability in the socio-political setting in the twenty-first century, unions and employers encounter growing difficulties to affirm their common points of view and to build up stable institutions that could support cooperation between them. The result is a clear reversal of the assumptions that had formed the classical backdrop of the paradigm of Italy’s “political exchange.” This paradigm has long influenced the way in which the relationships between employers, trade unions and the state were conceived, especially during 1990s and, to some extent, during 2000s, that is the development of concertative (tripartite) policy making. However, since the end of 2000s, and particularly from 2010s onwards national governments have stated their intention to act independently of the choices made by the unions (and partially the employers). The outcome is the eclipse of concertation. The paper explores how the relationships among the main institutional actors such as the trade unions (and among the unions themselves), the employers, and the state and how politics have evolved, within a dynamic socio-political and economic context. These are the essential factors needed to understand Italy’s industrial relations in the twenty-first century. Originality/value It shows that understanding the relationship among the main institutional actors such as the trade unions (and among the unions themselves), the employers and the state and their politics is essential to understand the change occurred in contemporary Italy’s industrial relations.
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Bespalchikova, Yana. "A Review of MARION KRUSE, THE POLITICS OF ROMAN MEMORY: FROM THE FALL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE TO THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2019, 304 pp." Antropologicheskij forum 17, no. 49 (June 2021): 233–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31250/1815-8870-2021-17-49-233-240.
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The monograph by M. W. Kruse—professor of Classics at the University of Cincinnati—investigates the difficulties of building a new historical memory and identity in the late Roman Empire at the end of the 5th—first half of the 6th century. At that time, the emperors did not actually control Italy and Rome, a previous center and origin of imperial statehood. The study is based on an analysis of the texts of the most influential authors of this period, in particular historians of the era of the emperor Justinian, as well as the narrative of his own laws—Novellae of the Corpus Juris Civilis. The monograph represents Kruse’s substantially reworked PhD dissertation on classical philology. In his study, Kruse makes a successful attempt at a large-scale revision of the current concept of modern science about the indifference of contemporaries to the events of 476 in Italy and argues that the assessment of these events as the fall of the Western Roman Empire and a momentous event is only a construct of historical science of the 19th century, originating from the works of E. Gibbon.
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Forbath, William E. "Courts, Constitutions, and Labor Politics in England and America: A Study of the Constitutive Power of Law." Law & Social Inquiry 16, no. 01 (1991): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1991.tb00282.x.
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For most of the 19th century, the labor movements of England and America seemed to be developing along similar lines. Then, in the decades around the turn of the century, both movements were embroiled in a common battle over the political soul of trade unionism. In England, the champions of broad, class-based social and industrial reforms prevailed. In the United States, they lost, and the winners were the voluntarists, who held that labor should steer clear of politics as much as possible. This article suggests that the key reasons for the divergence lie not in the sociology of the working class or labor movement, so much as in the character of the state and polity and the lessons trade unionists drew from experiences in those arenas. The difference between judicial supremacy in the United States and parliamentary supremacy in England combined with other differences in the two nations’ forms of government to produce sharply contrasting lessons about the value of state-based reforms.
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Shen, Huifen. "Qiaojuan Politics: Government Policies toward the Left-Behind Family Members of Chinese Overseas, 1880s-1990s." Journal of Chinese Overseas 6, no. 1 (2010): 43–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/179325410x491464.
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AbstractSince the late 19th century, the emigration of Chinese has left large numbers of their family members (Qiaojuan) behind in China. These “left-behind relatives” were seen as a channel through which the government could influence the attitudes and behaviors of the Chinese overseas especially in relation to overseas remittances to families remaining in China; the Qiaojuan thus became a group that successive Chinese governments treated with special consideration in their policy-making. Before 1949, some Qiaojuan received favorable treatment and a degree of protection from extortion and theft, and these were extended to the whole group of Qiaojuan regarding their property and legitimate rights in the post-1949 era, with the exception of the period when the “ultra-Left” policy was implemented. Many Qiaojuan actively used their privileged status to pursue their interests through the transnational protection networks. This article examines the changing perceptions of and policies toward the Qiaojuan on the part of various Chinese governments between the 1880s and the 1990s. It demonstrates that the changing socio-political status of the Qiaojuan is contingent upon the government’s perceived importance of the Chinese overseas and the Qiaojuan in an era of rapid national development.
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Romney, Paul. "A Conservative Reformer in Upper Canada: Charles Fothergill, Responsible Government and the “British Party”, 1824‑1840." Historical Papers 19, no. 1 (April 26, 2006): 42–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030917ar.
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Abstract Whig treatments of the politics of early 19th century Upper Canada have tended to treat the reformers as a group unified behind the concept of "responsible government". As Graeme Patterson has pointed out, though, the concept of responsible government, which lay at the heart of much debate during the 1830s and 1840s, had a variety of meanings, ranging from the traditional Baldwinite view of ministerial responsibility for policy to an elected chamber of a sovereign legislature to the much simpler concept cf effective accountability of the colonial administration to imperial authorities. The author explores a distinctive variant upon the theme cf "responsible government" - that posited by the English-born reformer, Charles Fothergill. After a short, and not par- ticularly distinguished, career as a placeman, Fothergill was dismissed in 1826 for his activities in the House of Assembly. After three years in the mainstream cf reform politics, he broke with W.W. Baldwin, John Rolph and their adherents over the meaning cf responsible government, and proclaimed himself a "conservative reformer." Afterthe Rebellion, he became a tribune of the so-called "British Party" - a group of loyal, conservative, middle-class British immigrants who resented the dominance of the Family Compact. Though Fothergill shared the social conservatism which underlay the Bald- winite view of responsible government, he posited a less radical, more legalistic - and, to the author, more logical - alternative to ministerial responsibility.
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Suárez Trejo, Javier. "From Romana Gens to cumbiatella: propaganda, migration and identity in Italo-Peruvian mobilities." Modern Italy 24, no. 1 (October 8, 2018): 21–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2018.28.
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Branding promotes and sells products and services through the creation of an identity – the brand. What happens when the promoter of a brand is a government? What transformations does a national identity experience when it becomes a brand to export? Is national branding a contemporary form of promoting national identities? To explore these questions, the article focuses on two artefacts that show the propaganda/branding strategies of Italians in Peru and Peruvians in Italy during the twentieth century: the magazine Romana- Gens ne la Terra de ‘Los Incas’ (1934–1941) and the ad-documentary Marca Perú in Loreto, Italy (2012). The analysis of these artefacts shows three dimensions of Italo-Peruvian mobilities. First, the complex negotiations of foreign populations that seek to integrate into their adoptive countries (and/or desired market). Second, the reversal of the direction of migration: Latin America was a point of arrival for the Italian immigrants from the nineteenth century until the 1970s, but during the last decades of the twentieth century, it became a point of departure to Italy, which was seen as a place of economic progress. Finally, the specific politics of affects in the relationship of Italian and Peruvian immigrants with national identities built during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
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Gamba, Piergiorgio, Mario Lima, Alessandro Inserra, Ascanio Martino, Girolamo Mattioli, Gloria Pelizzo, Carmelo Romeo, and Giovanna Riccipetitoni. "Bella Italia: Specialized Pediatric Surgical Care in Italy." European Journal of Pediatric Surgery 27, no. 05 (September 25, 2017): 422–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0037-1607027.
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AbstractItalian pediatric surgery has a long history, rich in events, places, and personalities that make it unique. Our first pediatric surgical unit dates back to the first half of the 19th century and its number has grown exponentially during the following decades, with a maximum flowering in the years after the second world war.The rich history of pediatric surgery has not prevented it from facing important problems, such as the demographic crisis, underemployment of surgeons, and care of pediatric patients by adult specialists.The attempt to find solutions to these problems has led to a great deal of efforts not only by pediatric surgeons, but also by the Italian government and institutions, with the implementation of ministerial plans that favor the specificity and growth of our discipline through thematic and territorial networks, through more effective training and specialization plans, the cooperation between the Directors of Pediatric Surgical Units for a better coordination of care, the participation in European networks, such as the recently created ERNs (European Reference Networks).Many Italian pediatric surgeons are active in International Societies, as members or coordinators, in the design and management of multicenter studies and surveys and even in the creation of new international networks.The Italian response to the demand for specialization and centralization involves knowledge sharing, large-scale cooperation, transversal between specialists and vertical with governmental authorities for a better and more effective care of pediatric patients.
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Trifunovic, Branislava. "Fin-de-siccle in Russia: Politics and culture." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 174 (2020): 185–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2074185t.
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In this research paper, author discusses artistic responses to political turmoil from 1850 to 1917. This period in the Russian Empire was marked by a gradual striving for a radical and total social transformation initiated by, sometimes even violent, social reactions to the existing autocratic form of government in the mid-19th century, and completed by the Great Russian Revolution of 1917. The article dwells upon historical problems of social and cultural transformations of the Russian society and highlights artistic contribution in strive for modernization. In exploring the mode of adaptation of Russian society to the challenges of modernity, the possibility arose for the setting of three chronologically conditioned, but complex, cause-effect correlations of art and socio-political change: national-imperial, then (paradoxically named) larpurlartist-democratic and avant-garde-socialist correlation. These political and, at the same time, cultural platforms, are recognized as suitable for creating and strengthening a revolutionary climate in imperial Russia. Referring to the revolutionary nature of the artistic movements that preceded the Russian avant-garde, we insist that pluralism of styles and aesthetics in the socio-cultural sphere, as well as social engagement of artists, are factors that are of utmost importance in the preparation of the October Revolution in 1917.
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Verbora, Antonio Robert. "The Political Landscape Surrounding Anti-Cruelty Legislation in Canada." Society & Animals 23, no. 1 (February 2, 2015): 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685306-12341353.
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In 1998, the federal government launched a consultation process, which pointed out that nothing significant had been done to change federal anti-cruelty laws in Canada since 1892. The consultation process concluded that among other concerns, outdated wording of the law has prevented the prosecution of many serious nonhuman animal abusers. Since 1999, there have been a number of failed amendments to the Criminal Code anti-cruelty provisions. The study examines the trajectory of the proposed changes since 1999 to the present, using official transcripts of Canadian parliamentary debates, and seeks to understand the politics of animal cruelty legislation in Canada. Using thematic analysis, this paper explores how resistance to the amendments is articulated and rationalized, as well as the grounds upon which proponents argue in favor of amending the anti-cruelty provisions. The study ultimately sheds light on the failure to bring 19th century Canadian criminal laws into the 21st century.
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Körner, Axel. "Local Government and the Meanings of Political Representation: A Case Study of Bologna between 1860 and 1915." Modern Italy 10, no. 2 (November 2005): 137–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940500284168.
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SummarySince the early nineteenth century political opposition became a central concept of political representation in constitutional monarchies. While this concept marked the political language of unified Italy on the national level, in local administration the legitimacy of political opposition remained an issue of dispute, as illustrated in this analysis of the political language in Bologna's local council. Local perceptions of national events, like the government's reaction to Garibaldi's unsuccessful Mentana-campaign, assumed major symbolic meaning in local politics and challenged traditional understandings of municipal administration by introducing the concept of political opposition. In Bologna, after Rome the second city of the former Papal State, the Moderates were able to grow into a position of political hegemony after the Unification of Italy and remained the predominant political force also after Italy's “parliamentary revolution” of 1876 and the electoral reforms of the 1880s. As a consequence of its limited influence on the local administration, Bologna's Left defined its ideological profile earlier and more clearly than the Left in other parts of Italy and integrated issues of national importance into local political discourse. Analysing the relationship between central administration and periphery, the article reveals the development of political language and the changing meanings of political representation between Unification and World War One and explains on this basis the escalation of social and political conflict in Finesecolo Italy.
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Stanton, Domna C. "The Humanities in Human Rights: Critique, Language, Politics." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 121, no. 5 (October 2006): 1518–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s0030812900099818.
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IN THE BEGINNING WAS THE AND. WHEN JUDITH BUTLER AND I DEcided to cochair a conference called “Human Rights and the Humanities,” we aimed to create a connection between two apparently disparate fields and to leave its nature general enough to allow participants to probe different types of relations. I say “apparently” because connections between the humanities and human rights have existed historically and conceptually in the West through the mediation of humanism. Even though in Renaissance Italy umanista, the teacher of classical languages and literatures, was contrasted with legista, the teacher of law, humanist thought held that the reading, understanding, and critique of the bonae litterae, as Eugenio Garin has argued, could contribute to the renovation of the world, social life, and government and thus to human happiness. Not surprisingly, then, civic humanism was to merge with the ideals of freedom, equality, justice, tolerance, secularism, and cosmopolitanism in the eighteenth-century European Enlightenment. And since 1945 Enlightenment humanism has provided the philosophical underpinnings of human rights declarations, covenants, conventions, protocols, and charters.
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Abeywardana, Nuwan, Wiebke Bebermeier, and Brigitta Schütt. "Ancient Water Management and Governance in the Dry Zone of Sri Lanka Until Abandonment, and the Influence of Colonial Politics during Reclamation." Water 10, no. 12 (November 27, 2018): 1746. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w10121746.
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The dry-zone water-harvesting and management system in Sri Lanka is one of the oldest historically recorded systems in the world. A substantial number of ancient sources mention the management and governance structure of this system suggesting it was initiated in the 4th century BCE (Before Common Era) and abandoned in the middle of the 13th century CE (Common Era). In the 19th century CE, it was reused under the British colonial government. This research aims to identify the ancient water management and governance structure in the dry zone of Sri Lanka through a systematic analysis of ancient sources. Furthermore, colonial politics and interventions during reclamation have been critically analyzed. Information was captured from 222 text passages containing 560 different records. 201 of these text passages were captured from lithic inscriptions and 21 text passages originate from the chronicles. The spatial and temporal distribution of the records and the qualitative information they contain reflect the evolution of the water management and governance systems in Sri Lanka. Vast multitudes of small tanks were developed and managed by the local communities. Due to the sustainable management structure set up within society, the small tank systems have remained intact for more than two millennia.
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Zonca, Elisabetta. "A Useful, Delightful, and Good Reading: How Maria and Antonia Ponti Conceived a Library for Women." Collections: A Journal for Museum and Archives Professionals 14, no. 3 (September 2018): 299–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/155019061801400307.
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In the second half of 19th century, newborn Italy was invaded by innovative ideas supported by democratic, liberal, and socialist intellectuals who wanted to renew social life, economy, and moral values by spreading their ideas both in politics and in everyday life. Right-wing reaction used the same methods of communication and persuasion: the publication of journals and books and their promotion in reading cabinets and public libraries. Maria and Antonia Ponti, two upper-middle-class sisters who married into aristocracy, used their influence and resources to advance the status of women in society. They founded associations and libraries (in Ravenna, Imola, and Bergamo) with the theoretical support of a network of Italian intellectuals, including Cor-rado Ricci, Vilfredo Pareto, and Maffeo Pantaleoni. The philanthropic actions of the sisters, who combined their Catholic and conservative point of view with the improvement of the condition of women, have handed down a remarkable legacy in the form of books and a collection of laces.
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Wardęga, Joanna. "Chinese Heritage with European Characteristics: International and Domestic Dimensions of the China’s Cultural Heritage Politics." Politeja 18, no. 4(73) (November 29, 2021): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.73.01.
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The discussion on Chinese cultural heritage started to emerge as a result of inspiration coming from foreign travels of Chinese scholars-officials and as protective measures against looting of artifacts in the 19th and 20th centuries. The most spectacular robberies were carried out by Anglo-French forces in the Old Summer Palace (Yuanming Yuan) during the Second Opium War in 1860. That event became one of the cornerstones of the “century of humiliation” (bainian guochi) in the Chinese historical narrative. Even though the Communist Revolution classified historical sites as remnants of feudalism, today the Communist Party of China has assumed the role of a defender of the Chinese heritage. In contemporary China, its cultural heritage is a phenomenon of both domestic and international significance. The Chinese emphasize the antiquity of the Chinese nation, pointing to the origins of Chinese civilization as early as five thousand years ago. In contemporary China, recovering cultural treasures is important for the political legitimacy of a government and for erasing the national humiliation.
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Çirakman, Asli. "FROM TYRANNY TO DESPOTISM: THE ENLIGHTENMENT'S UNENLIGHTENED IMAGE OF THE TURKS." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 1 (February 2001): 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801001039.
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This study aims to examine the way in which European writers of the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries represented Ottoman government. The Ottoman Empire had a special place in European experience and thought. The Ottomans were geographically close to Western Europe, yet they were quite apart in culture and religion, a combination that triggered interest in Turkish affairs.1 Particularly important were political affairs. The Ottoman government inspired a variety of opinions among European travelers and thinkers. During the 18th century, the Ottomans lost their image as formidable and eventually ceased to provoke curiosity in the European public. They were no longer dreaded as the “public calamity”; nor were they greatly respected as the “most modern government” on earth. Rather, they were regarded as a dull and backward sort of people. From the 16th century to the 19th century, the European observers employed two similar, yet different, concepts to characterize the government of the Ottoman Empire. The concept of tyranny was widely used during the 16th and 17th centuries, whereas the concept of despotism was used to depict the regime of the Ottomans in the 18th century. The transition from the term “tyranny” to that of “despotism” in the 18th century indicates a radical change in the European images of the Ottoman Empire. Although both of these terms designate corrupt and perverse regimes in Western political thought, a distinction was made between tyranny and despotism, and it mattered crucially which term was applied to the Ottoman state. European observers of the empire gave special meanings to these key concepts over time. “Tyranny” allowed for both positive and negative features, whereas “despotism” had no redeeming features. Early modern Europeans emphasized both admirable and frightening aspects of Ottoman greatness. On the other hand, the concept of despotism was redefined as inherently Oriental in the 18th century and employed to depict the corruption and backwardness of the Ottoman government. This transformation was profoundly reflected in the beliefs of Europeans about the East. That is, 18th century thought on Ottoman politics contains a Eurocentric analysis of Oriental despotism that is absent from the discussions of Ottoman tyranny in earlier centuries.
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Jorgic, Kristina, and Petar Colic. "A brief survey of the fight against corruption in the Russian and Ottoman Empire in the first half of the 19th century." Filozofija i drustvo 24, no. 1 (2013): 160–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1301160j.
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For the Russian and Turkish Empire the nineteenth century is the period of adopting reform laws to modernize the country in order to be competitive in the course of time. Although the reform process in Russia was obstructed by the Arakcheyev regime and reactionary politics of Nicholas I of Russia, the government made a serious step in the fight against systemic corruption, enacting the Criminal Code of 1845. On the other hand, Turkey was undoubtedly under considerable foreign pressure concerning modernization processes. The Tanzimat period represents a significant epoch in which Turkey, among other countries, was faced with widespread corruption. The crown success of reformatory work in Turkey was adoption of the Criminal Code of 1856. This paper analyzes the specific laws which sanctioned corruption in these two empires.
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Pratt, Douglas. "Secular New Zealand and Religious Diversity: From Cultural Evolution to Societal Affirmation." Social Inclusion 4, no. 2 (April 19, 2016): 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i2.463.
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About a century ago New Zealand was a predominantly white Anglo-Saxon Christian nation, flavoured only by diversities of Christianity. A declining indigenous population (Maori) for the most part had been successfully converted as a result of 19th century missionary endeavour. In 2007, in response to increased presence of diverse religions, a national Statement on Religious Diversity was launched. During the last quarter of the 20th century the rise of immigrant communities, with their various cultures and religions, had contributed significantly to the changing demographic profile of religious affiliation. By early in the 21st century this diversity, together with issues of inter-communal and interreligious relations, all in the context of New Zealand being a secular society, needed to be addressed in some authoritative way. Being a secular country, the government keeps well clear of religion and expects religions to keep well clear of politics. This paper will outline relevant historical and demographic factors that set the scene for the Statement, which represents a key attempt at enhancing social inclusion with respect to contemporary religious diversity. The statement will be outlined and discussed, and other indicators of the way in which religious diversity is being received and attended to will be noted.
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Barrow, Emma, and Barry Judd. "Whitefellas at the Margins." International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies 7, no. 2 (June 1, 2014): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcis.v7i2.111.
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Within the context of the Australian higher education sector and the organisational interactions facilitated by a university, the politics of Anglo-Australian identity continues to limit the ability of ‘whitefella’ Australians to engage with Indigenous people in a way that might be said to be truly ethical and self-transformative. Instead, the identity politics of Anglo-Australia, a politics that originates in the old colonial stories of the 19th century, continues to function in a way that marginalises those individuals who choose to engage in a way that goes beyond the organisational rhetoric of government and civil institutions in promoting causes such as reconciliation and ‘closing the gap’. The history of Australian colonialism teaches us that, when a deep and productive engagement between settler and native has occurred, the stability of Anglo-Australian identity is destabilised as the colonial establishment is reminded of Indigenous dispossession and the moral and legal legitimacy of the contemporary Australian state become subject to problematic questions that arise from this fact of Australian history. Framing the contemporary context of change and resistance, the authors discuss the importance of inclusive institutional practice, in the quest for a democratic modelling that points to a pathway for a truer recognition, acceptance and inclusion of Indigenous peoples in the ‘mainstream’ of Australian university life.
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Saharuddin, Desmadi, Meirison Meirison, Inayatul Chusna, and Ade Sofyan Mulazid. "Capitulation and Siyasah Syar’iyah Al-Maliyah Impact on Economic Stability of the 18th & 19th Ottoman Turks." QIJIS (Qudus International Journal of Islamic Studies) 7, no. 2 (January 6, 2020): 329. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/qijis.v7i2.4847.
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<p><em></em>Free trade and foreign investment that characterize the 21st Century trade and business model do not benefit all parties, particularly Islamic countries. Only those who have well-established economic system and large capital gain the most benefit. This condition had occurred during the Ottoman Khalifah. Therefore, this article aims to prove that free trade and foreign investment during the Ottoman, in the form of capitulation, brought negative impact on the Ottoman’s economy and politics. Capitulation is an agreement between the Ottoman and Western European countries that regulated economic and legal sectors by giving privilege to the European countries to come and trade in the Ottoman. The Ottoman became a free market place that eliminated the Islamic economic system. The Ottoman saw the agreement as its Siyasah Syar’iyah Al-Maliyah to protect the political sovereignty when facing European countries. Once the agreement benefited the Ottoman, later it caused economic political problems. The domestic industries faced difficulty when competing with foreign trades. The Ottoman government did not have full authority over the law and justice of the Europeans in the Ottoman. The capitulation that was expected by the Ottoman to protect its economy and politics had put the country under the domination of Western Europe. What happened to the Ottoman is proof that the free market is only beneficial to developed countries with active industries. Therefore, this historical fact should be reference for Islamic countries in conducting their foreign economic system.</p>
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Kravchuk, Alexandr S. "Crimean Tatars in the Governing Bodies of the Taurida Province in the First Half of the 19th Century." RUDN Journal of Russian History 20, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2021-20-1-47-60.
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The author identifies the amount of Crimean Tatars who served as officials in Taurida Governorate in the first half of the 20th century. The article is based on archival data, address-calendars and mesyatseslovs of the Russian Empire. Russian politics in the region after the Crimean annexation was characterized by an active interaction with the local population. The imperial authorities gave the Crimean Tatars broad rights and involved them in civil and military service. Tatar murzas and beys who entered service closely interacted with Russian officials and thus got acquainted with the Russian language and culture as well as with the new legal system. While the largest number of Crimean Tatars were in service during the reign of Catherine II, their number began to decline under her successors. The author argues that the Russian authorities interaction with the Crimean Tatar nobility was based on mutually beneficial conditions. The state received the loyalty of local leaders, which provided stability and allowed for communication with the ordinary population. In turn, the murzas and beys received titles and ranks, which allowed them to increase their property and keep their social status. However, the number of Crimean Tatars in local government functions during the first half of the 19th century was low. They served in the governing bodies only by election from the nobility. This was a result of central policy but also of the low level of training among Tatar officials. Many of them were not familiar with legal procedures laws and could not read and write in Russian. Consequently, they preferred service in military formations, which was more prestigious and did not require special training.
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Sawaie, Mohammed. "RIFA⊂A RAFI⊂ AL-TAHTAWI AND HIS CONTRIBUTION TO THE LEXICAL DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN LITERARY ARABIC." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 3 (August 2000): 395–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800021152.
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In the 19th century, Europe had a tangible impact on the Arab East. During this period, Arabic-speaking regions were brought into intimate contact with the West, both through military intrusion (e.g., the French in 1798–1801 and the British in Egypt in 1882), and institutional penetration (e.g., the founding of Western-style schools and higher-education institutions in the Levant in the 1800s by Christian missionaries such as the Syrian Protestant College in 1866, now the American University of Beirut, and [the Jesuit] St. Joseph University, also in Beirut, in 1874). This overpowering European encroachment on the Arab East in the 19th century resulted in cultural and linguistic identity crises. Muhammad ⊂Ali, who ruled Egypt from 1805 until 1848, dispatched groups of students to Western countries such as Italy, Austria, and France to study at their universities and technical institutions. At home, he established schools with Western-language instruction, and sponsored translations of scientific works initially into Turkish, and later into Arabic, from Italian and French, thus making available new disciplines such as various branches of engineering, military science, and agriculture. In 1822, he established a printing press in the Bulaq section of Cairo.1 From then on, Arabicized versions of European terms such as “theater” (tiy―atru), “journal” (jurn―al), “the post” (al-busta), and “politics” (al-bulit―iq―a) signaled the arrival of Western institutions and technology in Arabic-speaking regions, and such terms were adopted by writers in their writings. The cultural, political, military, and technological challenges that resulted from the European contact with the Arab East, and the institutional changes that accompanied them, proved to be a crucial turning point in the development of the Arabic language, particularly its lexicon. However, interest in language matters was central to the Arab renaissance (Nahda) of the 19th century. Arab writers; intellectuals; and translators such Rifa⊂a Rafi⊂ al-Tahtawi (1801/2–73), (Ahmad) Faris al-Shidyaq (1801/04?–87), Nasif al-Yaziji (1800–71), and Butrus al-Bustani (1819–83), among others, debated Arabic linguistic issues in terms of their own literary and linguistic heritage. These and other authors discussed the “internal” needs of Arabic, not only issues of translating the culture of the Western societies. They wrote grammars and compiled other literary textbooks to facilitate the teaching of Arabic and to overcome difficulties of learning the language associated with older, traditional ways of language teaching and to raise awareness of the literary tradition of Arabs. These intellectuals also engaged in the preparation of glossaries and dictionaries appropriate to the needs of their societies.2
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Shevtsov, N. V., and M. D. Krynzhina. "Contribution of Alexey Suvorin and His Newspaper Novoye Vremya into Russian Culture of the Second Half of 19th – Early 20th Century’." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 5, no. 3 (September 28, 2021): 137–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2021-3-19-137-147.
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Novoye Vremya (The New Time) newspaper was considered as the leading daily periodical of the pre-revolutionary Russia. In 1876, Aleksey Suvorin, an outstanding Russian publisher and literary figure, became its owner and chief editor. He turned the newspaper into a source of information, which seriously influenced the public opinion in Russia. Novoye Vremya provoked constant interest among readers of all social levels. It was popular both among high-ranking government officials and people without any ranks, conservatives and liberals, people with higher education and those who did not even graduate a gymnasium. Newspaper stories were apprehensible not only for educated people but for any common person. Young and old, men and women liked Novoye Vremya. It had never forced its opinion and suggested the readers to make personal judgement through its reports. Suvorin managed to form the audience that valued the newspaper and believed in it. Not only Novoye Vremya stood out for its excellent materials on politics, economy, and non-fiction. In its reviews the newspaper gave a fair evaluation of the Russian authors’ works. Moreover, it became famous with the literary works of the top writers, the classics of Russian literature. Therefore, it is not by accident that the author of this article pays special attention to the cooperation between Novoye Vremya and the most known Russian writers of the second half of the 19th century and early 20th century. Thanks to Suvorin, the talent of Anton Chekhov, who started publishing his works in the newspaper under a different name, opened up. Novoye Vremya published the stories which were later included into his collection In the Twilight. Here he also published his famous novella The Duel. Despite the fact that Novoye Vremya was considered to be a newspaper rather than a literary magazine, it worked together with such writers as Leo Tolstoy, Nikolay Nekrasov, Nikolay Leskov, Mikhail Saltykov-Shchedrin, for whom the newspaper was not only a serious periodical but also a source of education and knowledge. In Soviet times the directive was to forget about Suvorin. And when they did remember, they certainly wrote about him as a reactionary, chauvinist, notorious monarchist. And if another major pre-revolutionary publisher I.D. Sytin was recognized by the Soviet government, although he lost his printing house and real estate, then Suvorin was in disgrace.
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Ilham, Muhammad. "Diplomasi Politik Kesultanan Palembang Dan Kolonial Belanda Tanggal 23 Mei 1803." Medina-Te : Jurnal Studi Islam 13, no. 2 (December 28, 2017): 188–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/medinate.v13i2.3474.
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Abstract
Diplomacy, Politics, Sultanate, Colonial
This research was conducted as an effort to find out how the political diplomacy relations used by the Palembang sultan in establishing relations with Western powers, especially the Dutch Company in the archipelago. Political diplomacy is important because diplomacy is one way to foster and establish friendly relations between one person and people from other countries who aim to collaborate in various interests of the sultanate and government interests. To be able to establish relationships with one another, a device or diplomat is needed to establish the relationship. The main problem discussed in this study is to look at the Codicology, Philology, Transliteration, and Types of diplomacy in the Malay letters made by the Palembang authorities for the Dutch colonial government and also this research aims to find out what reasons and objectives to be achieved in fill in the letters. For this purpose, this type of research includes qualitative research, using secondary and primary sources. Primary sources are obtained from original texts and secondary sources in the form of books relating to the Palembang Sultanate, theses, dissertations and scientific journals. The technique of collecting data is to examine and select selectively then displayed and used in accordance with the time limit, namely the 19th century. After that, the data analysis technique uses descriptive-analytical techniques, namely to describe the full text, then analyze the meanings contained in the method and methods used is a single diplomatic edition method. After that, the writing of history to see and describe the findings in the letter with a historical approach.
Keywords: Diplomacy, Politics, Sultanate, Colonial
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Sucipta, Pery Rehendra, and Rilo Pambudi S. "THE GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF GOOD GOVERNANCE IN THE MIND OF RAJA ALI HAJI." Jurnal Hukum Peratun 2, no. 2 (December 3, 2019): 259–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.25216/peratun.222019.259-274.
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This brief writing tried to challenge the old thinking that led everyone to the Raja Ali Haji figure as a literary and cultured man in the 19th century of the Malay Kingdom of Riau-Lingga. Whereas he was a multidisciplinary of science, who also included the politics, government, and constitutional law. His expertise on that subject was inseparably based on his experience as a kingdom adviser. As well as two books that specifically containing a law thought that are Muqaddimah fi Intizam and Tsamarat Al-Muhimmah. This study uses a normative juridical approach with the quality of research is analytic descriptive. The studies explain that: First, the legitimacy of Raja Ali Haji as a jurist, among other things: Gurindam Dua Belas is not a mere literacy work, it also includes the idea of contitutional law; the kingdom adviser; and review of his books. Second¸the general principles that are included in Muqaddima fi-Intizam and Tsamarat al-Muhimmah include the principle of consensus, the principle of prudence, the principle of juctice, the principle of unfairness, the principle of professionality, the principle of accountability, the principle of legality, the principle of public interest, and the principle of not mixing authority.
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Morganti, R., A. Tosone, M. Abita, and D. Di Donato. "THE LOST HERITAGE OF ROMAN IRON AND STEEL BRIDGES. VIRTUAL RECONSTRUCTION OF TWO CASE STUDIES." ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLII-2/W15 (August 23, 2019): 799–806. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-archives-xlii-2-w15-799-2019.
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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> In the second half of 19th century the city of Rome knew a period of great urban transformations: the Pope Pio IX and after, the government of the new Kingdom of Italy, strongly pushed the modernization of the ancient and underdeveloped city, trying to follow the examples of the main European capitals. One of the most relevant signs of that period was the construction of multiple iron and steel bridges along the Tiber, that were built to improve the crossing network guaranteed by the old masonry links. Different supporting systems were used and many experimental technologies for the Italian context were tested, representing a crucial phase for the settle of a design and an industrial know-how that was firstly imported from the most advanced countries of the Northern Europe.</p><p> In the 20th century most of these connections were unfortunately replaced, losing this precious heritage which was strongly linked to the technological culture of the time. Garibaldi Bridge, still present but radically transformed, and Alari Bridge, completely demolished, have been accurately modelled thanks to the availability of appropriate archival documentation and on-site tests, applied following a proposed methodology. The virtual reconstruction of the two case studies permits to spread the knowledge of this lost heritage, to ease the divulgation of past technologies and to recover the unusual image of exposed iron and steel structures surrounded by the ancient panorama of the Eternal city.</p>
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Fitzgerald, Timothy. "Japan, Religion, History, Nation." Religions 13, no. 6 (May 27, 2022): 490. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13060490.
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I connect the invention of Japanese ‘religion’ since the Meiji era (1868–1912) with the invention of other modern imaginaries, particularly the Japanese Nation State and Japanese History. The invention of these powerful fictions in Japan was a specific, localised example of a global process. The real significance of this idea that religion has always existed in all times and places is that it normalises the idea of the non-religious secular as the arena of universal reason and progress. The invention of Japanese ‘religion’ had—and still has—a significant function in the wider, global context of colonial capital and the continual search for new ‘investment’ opportunities. Meiji Japan illustrates, in fascinating detail, a process of cognitive hegemony, and the way a globalising discourse on ‘progress’ transformed the plunder of colonial sites into a civilising mission. The idea that there is a universal type of practice, belief or institution called ‘religion’ as distinct from government, ‘politics’ or ‘science’ was not only new to Japan. It hardly existed in England or more widely in Protestant Europe and North America until the eighteenth or even 19th century. The idea of a secular constitutional nation state was only emergent in the late 18th century with the Declaration of Independence and the US Constitution. Most of Europe—including the colonial powers England and France—were still Christian confessional church states through most of the 19th century. The franchise was granted only to Christian men of substantial property, and denied to women, servants, wage labour, colonised subjects, and slaves. This critical, deconstructive narrative helps us to see more clearly the ideological function of the generic category of religion in the wider configuration of modern secular categories such as constitutional nation state, political economy, nature, history, and science. I also discuss the relation between History as a secular academic science, and the invention of ‘the Past’ in universal Time. I argue here that the invention of the Past by professional Historians has a significant role in transforming modern inventions such as ‘religion’ and the secular categories into the inherent and universal order of things, as though they have always been everywhere. I reveal this on-going process of ideological reproduction by close readings of some recent ‘histories of Japan’ and the way they uncritically construct ‘the Past’ in the terms of contemporary configurations.
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Kazarin, Victor N. "The History of the Aginsk Steppe Duma in the Documents from the State Archive of the Republic of Buryatiya (1839-1904) Has Been Published." Herald of an archivist, no. 3 (2020): 950–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-3-950-959.
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The review of an anthology on the history of the Aginsk Steppe Duma published by drs. B.V. Bazarov, B.T. Zhalsanova, L.V.Kuras notes that hundreds the new archival documents offer a holistic view on the governmental politics concerning one of large ingenious peoples of East Russia. The composers have identified and presented documents reflecting various aspects of local self-government of the Aginsk Duma created on the basis of M.M. Speransky’s Statute on the Inorodtsy of 1822. The review contains a brief characteristic of the archival documents corpus systematized in volumes and argues their information value. The documents contain data on the officials of the Duma, personnel structure in dynamics from its foundation to its termination. The edition offers an array of documents on tax policy pertaining to indigenous population, public censures, correspondence on administrative and land disputes at the turn of the 19th century. Authors-composers have published family lists of the Aginsk buryats. The review underscores the information value of the commentary included in all volumes of the edition, the nominal indexes numbering hundreds of surnames. The illustrative component of this three-volume edition is also emphasized: there are rare photos of officials of the Aginsk department, meetings of tsesarevitch Nikolai Aleksandrovich in Transbaikalia in 1892, deputy of the State Duma, descendants of families from the Transbaikal steppes in the Soviet period. The review emphasizes the importance of such edition for studying governmental policies concerning ingenious peoples, balance of government and local self- government, social and economic and cultural development of East regions in the Imperial period. Materials of the three-volume edition open numerous unpublished documents to researchers. The review notes its value for historians, local historians, archivists, museums employees, and those researching their family tree.
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Kondakov, Yuri E. "Documents on Freemasonry from the Archive of Archimandrite Photius (Spassky)." Herald of an archivist, no. 3 (2020): 676–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-3-676-691.
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The article introduces into scientific use an analytical note on Freemasonry addressed to Alexander I. In Europe in the 18th – 19th centuries, there was extensive anti-Masonic literature. In Russia, such works were rare. Reputedly, the greatest Russian extirpator of Freemasonry was Archimandrite Photius (Spassky). The ban of Masonic lodges in 1822 is attributed to his influence on Alexander I. Photius was one of the leaders of the social movement of the Russian Orthodox opposition. Among other objects of its criticism were the Masonic lodges. However, a consolidated anti-Masonic action failed to materialize. Now it has been made possible to explain the opposition’s restraint in its attitude to Freemasonry. Four volumes of documents belonging to archimandrite Photius have been found in the Russian State Historical Archive. These are the materials from 1817-1832. The collection includes personal documents of Photius, messages and letters of Metropolitan Seraphim (Glagolevsky), A.A. Arakcheev, A.S. Shishkov, Metropolitan Filaret (Drozdov). Many of these documents were handed over to Emperor Alexander I and influenced his change of heart in the politics. An anonymous note on Freemasonry from the Photius collection is included in the article in its entirety as a rare example of an anti-Masonic message to the Emperor. The note gives a retrospective of the Masonic movement in Russia. It describes what influence the masons of the 18th century had on Freemasonry of the 19th century. Most mentioned Masonic leaders belonged to the “Rosicrucian” system of Freemasonry (Order of the Golden and Pink Cross). The author of the note assured the emperor that there were Rosicrucians in his inner circle. He named Senator I.V. Lopukhin, publisher and translator A.F. Labzin, R.A. Koshelev, and the tsar’s friend, Minister A.N. Golitsyn. Photius’s documents show that criticism of Freemasonry was not the focus of the Russian Orthodox opposition activities. Among the opposition there were people who shared the idea of a worldwide Masonic conspiracy: S.I. Smirnov, M.L. Magnitsky. In Archimandrite In the Photius’s documents references to Freemasonry are very rare. At the time of the opposition’s action in 1824, the issue of Freemasonry was no longer relevant, since Freemasonry was subjected to a government ban in 1822.
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Wahyuddin, Imam. "Perkembangan Islam Arab Saudi." TASAMUH: Jurnal Studi Islam 10, no. 2 (September 3, 2018): 423–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.47945/tasamuh.v10i2.81.
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The kingdom of al-Sa'ūdiyah actually existed since 1446. However, as a strong dynasty and established the Saudi Arabia state is since the era of Abd. Aziz ibn Abd. Rahman al-Sa'ud (Ibn Saud) with the spirit of Wahhabism and British aid. Officially in 1932 the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia became an Islamic state with a monarchic system under King Ibn Saud. This paper will discuss the history of Islamic development in Saudi Arabia which is now as an Islamic State. Saudi Arabia is now dominated by the kingdom of al-Sa'ūdiyah which is influenced by Wahabiyah religious beliefs. From the beginning of the nineteenth century the Wahabiyah movement received support from Muhammad Ibn Sa'ud. They began expansion which culminated in the conquest of most of the Arabian peninsula and made social, religious and political set agendas in Saudi Arabia. Wahabiyah continues to expand and exist in Saudi Arabia, especially in the mid-19th to the 20th century, and its development pattern is based on top down. Thus, the development of Islam in Saudi Arabia can not be separated from Wahabiyah influence. In the midst of social change, Saudi authorities continue to maintain Wahabiyah as a royal religious ideology. In fact, Wahabiyah ulama also play a role in giving religious approval to the policies of the royal government. However, other factors that also make Islam flourish in Saudi Arabia are the historic impact as the main influence of Muslims since the Prophet era and Saudi Arabia's strategic position for various information reforms in the Islamic world as it controls Mecca and Medina as the sacred city (Haramain). On the other hand, the development of Islam in Saudi Arabia can also be seen in terms of Islamic politics played by the royal government and its foreign political economy which is deemed to be close to the Brtish, US or the West in the Middle East, preferably in the Israel and Palestinian conflict
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Wahyuddin, Imam. "PERKEMBANGAN ISLAM ARAB SAUDI." Tasamuh: Jurnal Studi Islam 10, no. 2 (November 7, 2018): 423–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.32489/tasamuh.45.
Full textAbstract:
The kingdom of al-Sa'ūdiyah actually existed since 1446. However, as a strong dynasty and established the Saudi Arabia state is since the era of Abd. Aziz ibn Abd. Rahman al-Sa'ud (Ibn Saud) with the spirit of Wahhabism and British aid. Officially in 1932 the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia became an Islamic state with a monarchic system under King Ibn Saud. This paper will discuss the history of Islamic development in Saudi Arabia which is now as an Islamic State. Saudi Arabia is now dominated by the kingdom of al-Sa'ūdiyah which is influenced by Wahabiyah religious beliefs. From the beginning of the nineteenth century the Wahabiyah movement received support from Muhammad Ibn Sa'ud. They began expansion which culminated in the conquest of most of the Arabian peninsula and made social, religious and political set agendas in Saudi Arabia. Wahabiyah continues to expand and exist in Saudi Arabia, especially in the mid-19th to the 20th century, and its development pattern is based on top down. Thus, the development of Islam in Saudi Arabia can not be separated from Wahabiyah influence. In the midst of social change, Saudi authorities continue to maintain Wahabiyah as a royal religious ideology. In fact, Wahabiyah ulama also play a role in giving religious approval to the policies of the royal government. However, other factors that also make Islam flourish in Saudi Arabia are the historic impact as the main influence of Muslims since the Prophet era and Saudi Arabia's strategic position for various information reforms in the Islamic world as it controls Mecca and Medina as the sacred city (Haramain). On the other hand, the development of Islam in Saudi Arabia can also be seen in terms of Islamic politics played by the royal government and its foreign political economy which is deemed to be close to the Brtish, US or the West in the Middle East, preferably in the Israel and Palestinian conflict.
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Kotsur, Viktor, and Andrii Boiko-Haharin. "The state policy against counterfeiting in the Russian Empire in the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 2, no. 2 (October 3, 2020): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26190208.
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The purpose of the article is the analysis of the main parts of the state protecting politics over the process of the coins and banknotes counterfeiting in Russian Empire. Research methods: analytical, synthetic, logical, retrospective, mathematical and illustrative. Main results. The article reveals the processes of coins and banknote counterfeiting in the Russian Empire referred to the material from state historical archives, official government laws and pre-Soviet periodicals (newspapers). The authors paid main attention to the question of state policy against money counterfeiting that includes legislative analyses of that time, in particular Conclusion of Criminal Punishment and Penitentiary, issues of 1845s and 1866s, Monetary Statute, issue of 1857 as well as nominal imperial edicts, regulations and manifestos of Senate as to forgery counteractions and coins protection, published in Complete Edition of Collected Laws in the Russian Empire. Practical significance. The material presented in the article will allow a thorough analysis of the aspect of counterfeiting money in Ukraine in the imperial period. Originality. The corpus of analyzed sources allowed us to form conclusions as to efficiency state in fighting politics against money forgery in Russian Empire in the 19th and the beginning of 20th century. The perspective of the further research we see in the widening of sources base that will help us to conduct deeper aspect analyses on money forgery in Ukraine as part of Russian Empire. Scientific novelty. The basic constituents of public policy are considered in relation to a fight against forgery counteractions, which is population informing of imitations appearance with the list of their signs; implementation of investigation features based upon population encouragement to the malefactors’ exposure; state expert assessment implementation of suspicious and forged money extracted during the investigation; legal procedure and punishment for committed crimes in money and banknotes counterfeiting; in investigation cases of State Archives Fund some unknown before facts within state fight against money counterfeiting have been found and a new stamp on physical evidence has been implemented into the scientific circulation, the absence reasons for money and loan-bills forgery in the Fund of State Museums have been estimated. The research is based upon unknown sources, most of which have been implemented into the scientific circulation for the first time. Analyses of legislative system of that time against money forgery, peculiarities of investigation, trial and sentence helped us to find out some misconceptions in factual decisions from those, fixed in laws and layouts. Article type: analytical.
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Araújo, Paulo Coelho, and Ana Rosa Jaqueira. "Social history of Capoeira through images. The Raul Pederneiras’ "silhouettes"." Revista de Artes Marciales Asiáticas 12, no. 2 (December 19, 2017): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/rama.v12i2.4417.
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The study of Capoeira through the interpretation of images is characterized by being practically non-existent, and contains superficial and scarcely informed interpretations of its presence in Brazil. This study is based on the historical method and also is supported by the principles of the Historical Archaeology (Orser Jr., 1992) and those developed by Panofsky (1986) on the interpretation of images. For this study, we selected an <em>iconography</em>- "Silhouette" - by Pederneiras (1926). From this artist’s work and the accompanying text it is highlighted the apology of Brazilian's fight and its supremacy over other self-defense expressions known at the time in Brazil, the recognition of the potential of Capoeira as a physical exercise, and Pederneira’s comments on some contextual facts, highlighting the interference of its practitioners in Brazilian politics and their role as bodyguards recruited by politicians. He also referred its most famous practitioners, the gangs of Capoeira and their typical language and costumes in the Carioca society of the late 19th and early 20th century. This information, and specially the strokes depicted in the image, allows us to reconstruct the history of Capoeira movements, given the scarcity of historical sources in this field. Through this silhouette, Pederneiras sought to raise awareness among government authorities to adopt the Brazilian fight as a national identity element and recognize it as the National Gymnastics.<p> </p>
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Goncharenko, A. V., and T. O. Safonova. "Great Britain and the tvolution of the colonial system (end 19th – beginning 20th centuries)." SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no. 35 (2020): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2020.i35.p.60.
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The article investigates the impact of Great Britain on the evolution of colonialism in the late ХІХ and early ХХ centuries. It is analyzed the sources and scientific literature on the policy of the United Kingdom in the colonial question in the late ХІХ – early ХХ century. The reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of British policy in the colonial problem are described. The process of formation and implementation of London’s initiatives in the colonial question during the period under study is studied. It is considered the position of Great Britain on the transformation of the colonial system in the late XIX – early XX centuries. The resettlement activity of the British and the peculiarities of their mentality, based on the idea of racial superiority and the new national messianism, led to the formation of developed resettlement colonies. The war for the independence of the North American colonies led to the formation of a new state on their territory, and the rest of the “white” colonies of Great Britain had at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries had to build a new policy of relations, taking into account the influence of the United States on them, and the general decline of economic and military-strategic influence of Britain in the world, and the militarization of other leading countries. As a result, a commonwealth is formed instead of an empire. With regard to other dependent territories, there is also a change in policy towards the liberalization of colonial rule and concessions to local elites. In the late ХІХ – early ХІХ centuries the newly industrialized powers (Germany, Italy, and Japan) sought to seize the colonies to reaffirm their new status in the world, the great colonial powers of the past (Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands) sought to retain what remained to preserve their international prestige, and Russia sought to expand. The largest colonial empires, Great Britain and France, were interested in maintaining the status quo. In the colonial policy of the United Kingdom, it is possible to trace a certain line related to attempts to preserve the situation in their remote possessions and not to get involved in conflicts and costly measures where this can be avoided. In this sense, the British government showed some flexibility and foresight – the relative weakening of the military and economic power of the empire due to the emergence of new states, as well as the achievement of certain self-sufficiency, made it necessary to reconsider traditional foreign policy. Colonies are increasingly no longer seen as personal acquisitions of states, and policy toward these territories is increasingly seen as a common deal of the international community and even its moral duty. The key role here was to be played by Great Britain, which was one of the first to form the foundations of a “neocolonial” system that presupposes a solidarity policy of Western countries towards the rest of the world under the auspices of London. Colonial system in the late ХІХ – early ХІХ century underwent a major transformation, which was associated with a set of factors, the main of which were – the emergence of new industrial powers on the world stage, the internal evolution of the British Empire, changes in world trade, the emergence of new weapons, general growth of national and religious identity and related with this contradiction. The fact that the First World War did not solve many problems, such as Japanese expansionism or British marinism, and caused new ones, primarily such as the Bolshevik coup in Russia and the coming to power of the National Socialists in Germany, the implementation of the above trends stretched to later moments.