Academic literature on the topic 'Italy – Politics and government – 19th century'
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Journal articles on the topic "Italy – Politics and government – 19th century"
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Capotosti, Piero Alberto. "Coalition Agreements in the Italian Political and Institutional System." Israel Law Review 26, no. 4 (1992): 531–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700011171.
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1. In recent years, negotiations between parliamentary factions in Italy have had an increasing impact on the process of government formation. The frequency of such negotiations and resulting coalition agreements necessitates a more thorough examination of this phenomenon in order to understand the interaction between coalition agreements and government policy.The phenomenon of coalition governments is not a new one. A number of European states have witnessed their emergence since the late 19th century. It is, however, in regimes of extreme multi-party politics — as the Italian system must be considered — that this form of government has found full enforcement.
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Gemme, Paola. "Domesticating Foreign Struggles: American Narratives of Italian Revolutions and the Debate on Slavery in the Antebellum Era." Prospects 27 (October 2002): 77–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300001149.
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Reporting on the Roman revolution of 1848 as the foreign correspondent of theNew-York Daily Tribune, Margaret Fuller observed that Americans used the same arguments against the political emancipation of Italy that they employed against the social emancipation of blacks in the United States. “Americans in Italy,” she wrote, “talk about the corrupt and degenerate state of Italy as they do about that of our slaves at home.” “They come ready trained,” she explained, “to that mode of reasoning which affirms that, because men are degraded by bad institutions, they are not fit for better.” This essay builds upon Fuller's comment. It examines American accounts of the Italians' mid-19th-century struggle to free their country from its colonial bond to the Austrian empire and substitute local absolutist monarchies with more enlightened forms of government, and demonstrates that the discourse on revolutionary Italy became the site of a reenactment on foreign grounds of the domestic controversy over slavery. The discussion on whether Italians could become republican subjects was liable to become a mediated debate over emancipation and the future of the African bondsmen in the American republic because of the alleged similarities, both historical and “racial,” between the populations of Italy and blacks in antebellum America. Like the slaves in the United States, Italians had been subjected to brutal despotism for centuries, which, within the 19th-century environmental conception of political virtue, was believed to have negatively affected their aptitude for freedom. Like the black slaves, moreover, Italians were placed by racist ideology outside the pale of the dominant Anglo-Saxon racial category, a political as well as a “biological” class marked by the exclusive capacity for self-government.
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Kazimierczak, Mariola. "Michel Tyszkiewicz (1828-1897) et les fouilles archéologiques en Italie." Światowit 57 (December 17, 2019): 237–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.6819.
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According to Stanisław Lorentz, the collections of Michel Tyszkiewicz, enriched by his excavations in Egypt and Italy, undoubtedly “belonged to the more valuable European collections created in the second half of the 19th century”. After his first journey to Egypt, Tyszkiewicz, enlivened with a passion for excavations, first lived in Naples and then settled permanently in Rome in 1865. As the political situation changed there after 1870 and the new government restrained issuing permits, he started applying for excavation permits in his estate of Birże, in Lithuania (1871). Later, in 1894, he also tried to obtain excavation permits at Olbia, in Southern Russia, but this time unsuccessfully. His unpublished letters to the famous German scholar Wilhelm Froehner (1834–1925), now in the Goethe und Schiller Archiv in Weimar, throw a new light on the discoveries that took place in Boscoreale and in Lake Nemi and on his purchases there, as well as on his great enterprise in relation to the Satricum excavations in 1896, from which he was excluded after discovering the trace of “thousands of different votive objects”.
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Trezubov, Matvey D. "The concept of “Old” and “New” Europe by Roman Dmowski and its role in the discourse of modern Polish foreign policy." Rusin, no. 69 (2022): 213–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/69/12.
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Roman Dmowski, a Polish nationalist and a founder of the independent Polish state, occupies an important place in Polish history. After the restoration of Poland on the political map of Europe, there was a need for a certain foreign policy that could give prosperity to a country de facto deprived of its agency for 123 years. Dmowski argues that the national identity can be protected from the Protestant countries of the West only through defining it as a main guardian of the Latin civilization. He formulated this thesis on the basis of Houston Chamberlain's The Foundation of the 19th Century, Oswald Spengler's The Decline of Europe and numerous works of Feliks Koneczny, who had a fundamental influence on Dmowski. His concept aimed at saving the Latin civilization (Italy, Poland, and France, led by Charles Maurras) from the affects of Jewish civilization and Protestantism in particular, representing the Latin civilization largely due to the reinterpretation of the Protestant countries and its further antagonization. This bloc was purely defensive and wasn't implemented in practice. Speaking about the discourse of modern Polish foreign policy, one can find many allusions to Dmowski, although it should be understood that the Polish government are not endecja (Narodowa Demokracja). So, for example, the “German-Pole” dichotomy, which was used Dmowski, is now in many ways one of those associated with the intra-European crisis. Now, in connection with the events of February 24, Poland potentially has every chance of becoming a hegemon in the Eastern European policy of the European Union, since it fully supports Ukraine and close integration with it. Since Ukraine is already a candidate for EU membership, this will allow it to compete with Germany in EU politics and possibly even result in EU reforms, due to its active pro-Ukrainian policy.
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Uvarov, Pavel. "Italian Bankers in France and Italian Wars." ISTORIYA 14, no. 1 (123) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023946-9.
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At the last stage of the Italian Wars (1494—1559), the military, political and, most importantly, financial superiority of the Habsburgs over the Valois became quite obvious. The Spanish king could make use of silver which was already coming quite regularly and in large quantities from the mines of the New World. He controlled the old (Augsburg — Ulm) and new (Besançon — Piacenza) centres of banking capital, as well as the commercial and financial heart of the emerging world economic system — Antwerp. But King Henry II of France (1547—1559) launched a series of daring reforms, sometimes far ahead of his time. The king could rely on a more developed bureaucracy than in other countries, on a state system that had reached an advanced level of centralization, and on the economy that was still on the rise, the ‘heart’ of which were the Lyon fairs that acquired international significance. In order to continue an active foreign policy, an unprecedented step was taken — not a royal official, but a Lyon banker of Italian origin, Albizzi Del Bene (Albisse Delbeyne), was appointed to the post of surintendent des finances. Thus, the government was able to use the experience and capability of the banking world for its own purposes. Under the conditions of the war, which was fought at a great distance from the borders of the kingdom, the circulation of money was greatly simplified and became more predictable. The surintendent, closely associated with the most powerful trading and banking house Gadagni (Gadagne) of Lyon, had great weight among Italian bankers who operated not only in Lyon, but also in Venice, Rome, and Tuscany. The reformers’ plans and the progress of reform can be fully appreciated by studying documents from the Lamoignon Collection (Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts, Moscow). Providing fairly clear guarantees based on the income from the Lyon fairs, the king, with the help of his surintendent and people from his entourage who were responsible for financing French policy in Italy (Constable Anne de Montmorency, royal secretary Jean Duthier), managed to attract huge sums (about 12 million Tours livres) which made it possible to resist a powerful enemy. A flexible combination of bills of exchange, clearing and other mechanisms allowed to transfer this amount of money to Italy. The crowning success of Del Bene was the creation of the Grand Parti de Lyon — a consortium of creditors to the French king. Some researchers claimed that its principles were quite comparable to the achievements of the 19th-century banking system. If there had been peace, the Grand Parti de Lyon could well have contributed to the repayment of the principal amount of borrowings and the dissolution of the accumulated interest debt. But politics had once again interfered with the economy. A new war, in which France was drawn against the will of the royal entourage, a chain of military defeats (the capture of Montmorency, the main patron of Del Bene, in 1557) and, finally, the unexpected death of Henry II shortly after the Peace of Cateau-Cambrésis (1559) put an end to bold economic reforms.
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Firdaus, Yelmi Eri, Elfia Elfia, and Meirison Meirison. "RISE AND FALL OF MAMLUK SULTANATE: The Struggle Against Mongols and Crusaders in Holy War." Al-Adyan: Journal of Religious Studies 1, no. 1 (August 6, 2020): 14–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15548/al-adyan.v1i1.1713.
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For 300 years, precisely from 1250 to 1517, the Mamluk Dynasty ruled in Egypt and Syria. Their power ended after the conquest of the Ottoman Turks, who later built a new empire. The writer wants to describe how the slave nation could become a ruler who gained legitimacy from Muslims. Mamluk is a soldier who comes from slaves who have converted to Islam. "The mamluk phenomenon," as David Ayalon called it, was an extremely large and long-lived important politic, which lasted from the 9th century to the 19th century AD. Over time, Mamluk became a robust military caste in various Muslim societies. Especially in Egypt, but also the Levant, Iraq, and India, mamluks hold political and military power. In some cases, they gained the position of the Sultan, while in other cases, they held regional power as amir or beys. The historical method starts with collecting literature, sorting, and analyzing and interpreting the writer doing historiography on the dynamics of this mamluk dynasty government. A dynasty filled with phenomenon, which originated from slaves and then turned into the ruler of a vast territory. Not only that, but the slaves were also able to defeat big countries like France, Portugal, and Italy. The Mamluk Sultanate was famous for repelling the Mongols and fighting with the Crusaders. They are descended from various variations, but the most frequent is Kipchak Turks, depending on the period and region in question. When a mamluk is bought, their status is above ordinary slaves, who are not permitted to carry weapons or carry out specific tasks. In places like Egypt, from the Ayyubid dynasty to the era of Muhammad Ali of Egypt, Mamluk is considered as "real rulers" with social status over those born as Muslims.Selama 300 tahun, tepatnya dari tahun 1250 hingga 1517, Dinasti Mamluk memerintah di Mesir dan Suriah. Kekuatan mereka berakhir setelah penaklukan Turki Ottoman, yang kemudian membangun sebuah kerajaan baru. Penulis ingin menggambarkan bagaimana negara budak bisa menjadi penguasa yang mendapatkan legitimasi dari umat Islam. Mamluk adalah seorang prajurit yang berasal dari para budak yang telah memeluk Islam. "Fenomena mamluk," sebagaimana David Ayalon menyebutnya, adalah politik penting yang sangat besar dan berumur panjang, yang berlangsung dari abad ke-9 hingga abad ke-19. Seiring waktu, Mamluk menjadi kasta militer yang kuat di berbagai masyarakat Muslim. Terutama di Mesir, tetapi juga Levant, Irak, dan India, mamluk memegang kekuasaan politik dan militer. Dalam beberapa kasus, mereka mendapatkan posisi Sultan, sementara dalam kasus lain, mereka memegang kekuasaan regional sebagai amir atau lebah. Metode historis dimulai dengan mengumpulkan literatur, menyortir, dan menganalisis dan menafsirkan penulis melakukan historiografi pada dinamika pemerintahan dinasti mamluk ini. Sebuah dinasti penuh dengan fenomena, yang berasal dari budak dan kemudian berubah menjadi penguasa wilayah yang luas. Bukan hanya itu, tetapi para budak juga mampu mengalahkan negara-negara besar seperti Perancis, Portugal, dan Italia. Kesultanan Mamluk terkenal karena memukul mundur bangsa Mongol dan bertarung dengan Tentara Salib. Mereka diturunkan dari berbagai variasi, tetapi yang paling sering adalah Kipchak Turki, tergantung pada periode dan wilayah yang dimaksud. Ketika mamluk dibeli, status mereka di atas budak biasa, yang tidak diizinkan membawa senjata atau melakukan tugas tertentu. Di tempat-tempat seperti Mesir, dari dinasti Ayyubiyah ke era Muhammad Ali dari Mesir, Mamluk dianggap sebagai "penguasa nyata" dengan status sosial atas mereka yang terlahir sebagai Muslim.
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Mullenix, Elizabeth Reitz. "Private Women/Public Acts: Petticoat Government and the Performance of Resistance." TDR/The Drama Review 46, no. 1 (March 2002): 104–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/105420402753555886.
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Feminists in 19th-century America performed their politics by storming taverns, holding mock elections at polling sites, and lecturing in public. These performances exacerbated fears concerning the “Woman Question” as antebellum feminists exposed gender as ritualized acts and employed performativity as a way to enact their resistance.
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Nesterova, T. P. "‘Tunisian Question’ in Franco-Italian Relations (1922—1928)." Nauchnyi dialog 11, no. 8 (October 30, 2022): 386–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2022-11-8-386-402.
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The article is devoted to the development of relations between France and Italy in the context of the status of the Italian population of Tunisia issue. Thanks to the agreements reached by the Italian states and the government of Tunisia, in the first half of the 19th century mass emigration of Italians began to Tunisia, as a result, by the end of the 19th century, a significant Italian diaspora had formed in Tunisia. The establishment of a French protectorate over Tunisia led to the question of the status of the Italian population of Tunisia, which was eventually settled by the Franco-Italian convention of 1896. After the First World War, France refused to comply with the decisions of 1896. The French government set itself the goal of naturalizing Italians in Tunisia. The Italian government strongly opposed such a policy. The negotiations did not lead to a settlement of the conflict. The place of the ‘Tunisian question’ in relations between Italy and France in the 1920s is analyzed, the numerous discussions of the problem of the status of Italians in Tunisia and Italy’s attempts at least to maintain the situation, that existed in accordance with the 1896 convention, are considered in the article. It is proved that Tunisia, with its large Italian diaspora, occupied a significant place in the African policy of Italy during the period of fascism. It is substantiated that the period of the 1920s was essentially the preparatory work for a more serious discussion of the colonial problems that arose between France and Italy, which resulted in the Laval-Mussolini agreement of 1935.
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Ircha, M. C. "The Chignecto ship railway: a 19th century engineering innovation." Canadian Journal of Civil Engineering 19, no. 1 (February 1, 1992): 164–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/l92-016.
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Just over a century ago, work commenced on the Chignecto Marine Transport Railway across the Isthmus of Chignecto. The ship railway involved the use of a hydraulic lift to raise large ships on a wheeled cradle. The cradle and the ship were to be towed across the Isthmus by two locomotives and then hydraulically lowered into the receiving waters. The project would transfer ships quicker and be less expensive than building a canal. A private company built the ship railway with the promise of an operating subsidy from the federal government. Financial problems brought the work to a standstill in August 1891. Despite what appeared to be a temporary setback, international economic and national political events prevented completion of the project. Today, the remains of the railbed, an arch culvert, and the foundations of the pump house are all that are left of this 19th century engineering innovation.The contemporary technical literature detailed many of the engineering feats at Chignecto. In 1891, Henry Ketchum, the New Brunswick engineer responsible for the concept and design, presented two concurrent papers on the ship railway to the Canadian Society of Civil Engineers. This paper documents the development of Chignecto Marine Transport Railway. Key words: history, civil engineering, Canadian, shipping, canals, marine railway, and politics.
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Shahmuhametova, Elena, Malika Yusupova, Natali Solovyova, and Olga Borisova. "Governor in the system of state administration at the beginning of the 19th century." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, no. 02 (February 1, 2021): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202102statyi07.
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Provincial politics in the Russian Empire depended on the personality of the emperor, his views and worldview. During the years of Paul’s Government an extreme form of centralization has been established in the activities of the State apparatus. With the arrival of Emperor Alexander I, there was, in our opinion, a symbolic removal of the distance between the supreme power and its military support, which, in fact, removed obstacles to the spontaneous inclusion of the military in political activity in the next fluctuations of this monarch’s line.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Italy – Politics and government – 19th century"
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Finn, Sarah. "'Padre della nazione italiana' : Dante Alighieri and the construction of the Italian nation, 1800-1945." University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. Italian Studies, 2010. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0085.
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Dante Alighieri is, undoubtedly, an enduring feature of the cultural memory of generations of Italians. His influence is such that the mere mention of a dark wood or lifes journey recalls the poet and his most celebrated work, the Divina Commedia. This study, however, seeks to examine the construction of the medieval Florentine poet, exemplified by the above assertion, as a potent symbol of the Italian nation. From the creation of the idea of the Italian nation during the Risorgimento, to the Liberal ruling elites efforts after 1861 to legitimise the new Italian nation state, and more importantly to make Italians, to the rise of a more imperialist conception of nationalism in the early twentieth century and its most extreme expression under the Fascist regime, Dante was made to play a significant role in defining, justifying and glorifying the Italian nation. Such an exploration of the utilisation of Dante in the construction of Italian national identity during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries aids considerably in an understanding of the conceptualisation of the Italian nation, of the issues engendered by the establishment of the Italian nation state, and the evolution of these processes throughout the period in question. The various images of Dante revealed by this investigation of his instrumentalisation in the Italian process of nation-building bear only a fleeting resemblance to what is known of the poet in his medieval reality. Dante was born in 1265 to a family of modest means and standing in Florence, at that time the economic centre of Europe, and one of the most important cities of the Italian peninsula. His writings disclosed, however, that he was little impressed by his citys prestige and wealth, being instead greatly disturbed by its political discord and instability, of which he became an unfortunate victim. The violent partisan conflict in Florence and the turbulent political condition of the Italian peninsula in the late thirteenth century had a decisive influence on Dantes life and literary endeavours.
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Middleton, Alexander James. "British politics and the rethinking of empire, c. 1830-1855." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610256.
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Rogachevsky, Neil Simon. "The French army and the plebiscite of 1870." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708409.
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Jauch, Linda. "Women, power and political discourse in fifteenth-century northern Italy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252268.
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Thompson, Stephen John. "Census-taking, political economy and state formation in Britain, c. 1790-1840." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265510.
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Since 1801 the British government has counted the population once every ten years. Only the Second World War has interrupted this practice, making the census one of the most enduring administrative institutions of the modern British state. This dissertation is about why legislators and political economists first sought to quantify demographic change in the early nineteenth century. The first chapter explains the administrative organisation of census-taking under John Rickman, who directed the first four censuses. The second chapter examines the legislative origins of census-taking in eighteenth-century Britain. It compares the efforts of two backbenchers, Thomas Potter and Charles Abbot, to establish a national census in 1753 and 1800. The third chapter analyses the pre-census empirical basis of fiscal policy during the 1790s, paying patticular attention to William Pitt the Younger's use of political arithmetic to estimate the yield of Britain's first income tax. The fou1th chapter examines the function and limitations of the population data used by four national accountants - Benjamin Bell, Henry Beeke, J. J. Grellier and Patrick Colquhoun - in their responses to Pitt's new tax. The fifth chapter re-assesses the economic and social thought of Robet1 Southey, whose opposition to T. R. Malthus's Essay on the pr;ndple of populahon, and especially its commitment to poor law abolition, arose from a fundamental disagreement about the state's role in welfare provision. The sixth and seventh chapters consider the relationship between information gathering and state formation. Chapter six quantifies the number and range of printed accounts and papers produced by the House of Commons in the early nineteenth century. It challenges previous analyses which have used public expenditure and statute-making as measures of state formation. The final chapter explores how census data was used to determine the redistribution of parliamentary representation that took place as a result of the 1832 Reform Act. Employing a diverse range of methodologies and sources, this study contributes to histories of economic thought and state formation by revealing the extent to which political arithmetic converged with Smithian political economy during the French revolutionary and Napoleonic wars. This convergence proved sho1t-lived, however, and early nineteenthcentury political arithmetic was consigned to historical oblivion by the world 's first professional economist, John Ramsay McCulloch. Nonetheless, reasoning by 'number, weight, or measure', paiticularly in respect of population, challenged and transformed the conduct of parliamentary business in this period, leading to the legislative dissolution of the existing electoral system in 1832.
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Shoemaker, Fred C. "Mark Hanna and the Transformation of the Republican Party." Connect to resource, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1220461619.
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Jones, Scott Lee. "Servants of the Republic : patrician lawyers in Quattrocento Venice." Thesis, Swansea University, 2010. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42517.
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Lawyers have widely been recognized as playing a role in the transition from the medieval to the modem state. Their presence in Renaissance Venetian politics, however, remains largely unexplored. Relying primarily on a prosopographical analysis, the thesis explores the various roles played by lawyers, dividing those roles into three main categories: diplomats, territorial governors, and domestic legislators. What emerges is a clear pattern of significant involvement by legally trained patricians in the Venetian political system. Noble lawyers were most often ambassadors, serving in many of the principal courts inside and outside of Italy as Venice was extending her influence on the Italian peninsula. They also served as administrators of Venetian rule throughout the Venetian terraferma (mainland) state. Lastly, their domestic political officeholding further confirms their continuing participation, as they held many of the most important domestic offices throughout the Quattrocento. The thesis ends with short biographies of each of the nearly three-dozen lawyers who make up this study, as well as chronologies of the offices they held. These chronologies include archival references for each office.
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Smith, Bruce H., and n/a. "Without motion there cannot be any life : the rise & fall of the 1889 Railway Commissioners : railway management & colonial politics in nineteenth century New Zealand." University of Otago. Department of History, 2007. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070619.154352.
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In the nineteenth century, the steam railway became, for many people, the superior conduit for the inland translocation of people and freight. Once devised, steam railways offered such a huge improvement on previous modes and made such a dramatic change to the unity, organisation and commerce of most countries that almost everyone wanted one. New Zealand proved no different, but was faced with not only the twin problems of low population and often rugged geography, but also serious economic problems from difficult world trading conditions and a debt greatly increased by railway construction costs. In the later 1880s, a conservative government decided to vest the Government Railways in independent Commissioners to try to improve productivity and cut out political influence, corruption and jobbery in the huge commercial presence the colony�s railways represented. While this move was successful, a change to one-man-one-vote, together with the pivotal 1890 Maritime Strike, saw the country move left in the elections of 1890, bringing to power a Liberal Government. This new Ministry then set out to reduce the autonomy of the Railway Commissioners, taking four years to return the management of Railways to the direct control of the Government.
While interesting in itself, this is part of the story of the process of the democratic development of New Zealand. This was a community struggling with the often conflicting demands of using railways to not only service the railway debt but also fulfil public transit requirements, including encouraging settlement and economic growth. The organisation�s monopolistic nature and great economic presence, however, offered multiple, including corrupt, opportunities to support the political aspirations of those in power, while offering a less than wonderful service to its customers. Taking place against a backdrop of agitation for railway reform, particularly orchestrated by railway activist Samuel Vaile, the outcome can be seen to have been less than completely desirable for the economic development of the country or its people. This was despite huge support for the principal activist against the Railway Commissioners, Liberal Premier Richard Seddon.
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Sorensen-Gilmour, Caroline. "Badagry 1784-1863 : the political and commercial history of a pre-colonial lagoonside community in south west Nigeria." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2641.
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By tracing the history of Badagry, from its reconstruction after 1784 until its annexation in 1863, it is possible to trace a number of themes which have implications for the history of the whole 'Slave Coast' and beyond. The enormous impact of the environment in shaping this community and indeed its relations with other communities, plays a vital part in any understanding of the Badagry story. As a place of refuge, Badagry's foundation and subsequent history was shaped by a series of immigrant groups and individuals from Africa and Europe. Its position as an Atlantic and lagoonside port enabled this community to emerge as an important commercial and political force in coastal affairs. However, its very attractions also made it a desirable prize for African and European groups. Badagry's internal situation was equally paradoxical. The fragmented, competitive nature of its population resulted in a weakness of political authority, but also a remarkable flexibility which enabled the town to function politically and commercially in the face of intense internal and external pressures. It was ultimately the erosion of this tenuous balance which caused Badagry to fall into civil war. Conversely, a study of Badagry is vital for any understanding of these influential groups and states. The town's role as host to political refugees such as Adele, an exiled King of Lagos, and commercial refugees, such as the Dutch trader Hendrik Hertogh, had enormous repercussions for the whole area. Badagry's role as an initial point of contact for both the Sierra Leone community and Christianity in Nigeria has, until now, been almost wholly neglected. Furthermore, the port's relations with its latterly more famous neighbours, Lagos, Porto-Novo, Oyo, Dahomey and Abeokuta, sheds further light on the nature of these powers, notably the interdependence of these communities both politically and economically. Badagry's long-standing relationship with Europe and ultimate annexation by Britain is also an area which has been submerged within the Lagos story. But it is evident that the, annexation of Badagry in 1863 was a separate development, which provides further evidence on the nature of nineteenth century British imperialism on the West Coast of Africa.
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Jones, Thomas Chewning. "French republican exiles in Britain, 1848-1870." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609095.
Full textBooks on the topic "Italy – Politics and government – 19th century"
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The civic foundations of fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania, 1870-1945. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010.
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Ziblatt, Daniel. Structuring the state: The formation of Italy and Germany and the puzzle of federalism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004.
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Evans, David. Years of liberalism and fascism: Italy 1870-1945. London: Hodder & Stoughton Educational, 2003.
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Die Politik der Staatsbürgerschaft: Italien und Deutschland im Vergleich 1800-1914. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2010.
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Ziblatt, Daniel. Structuring the state: The formation of Italy and Germany and the puzzle of federalism. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 2006.
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Darkest Italy: The nation and stereotypes of the Mezzogiorno, 1860-1900. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1999.
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John, Dickie. Darkest Italy: The nation and stereotypes of the Mezzogiorno, 1860-1900. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999.
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Ideological profile of twentieth-century Italy. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1995.
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The Risorgimento revisited: Nationalism and culture in nineteenth century Italy. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.
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Governors and government in early sixteenth-century Florence, 1502-1519. Oxford [Oxfordshire]: Clarendon Press, 1985.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Italy – Politics and government – 19th century"
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Trampus, Antonio. "Francesco Saverio Salfi and the Eulogy for Antonio Serra: Politics, Freemasonry, and the Consumption of Culture in the Early 19th Century." In Antonio Serra and the Economics of Good Government, 263–80. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137539960_13.
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"Diplomacy and government in the Italian city-states of the fifteenth century (Florence and Venice)." In Politics and Diplomacy in Early Modern Italy, 25–48. Cambridge University Press, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511523298.002.
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Cove, Patricia. "Spying in the British Post Office: Letter-Opening, Italy and Wilkie Collins’s The Woman in White." In Italian Politics and Nineteenth-Century British Literature and Culture, 95–124. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474447249.003.0004.
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This chapter discusses Wilkie Collins’s sensation novel The Woman in White (1859–60) in relation to the 1844 Post Office Espionage Scandal, which revealed British government spying against Italian patriot Giuseppe Mazzini. Representations of the Post Office Scandal in Parliament and print predict the revision of the Gothic into sensation fiction, helping to create the imaginative space through which the sensation genre could begin to interrogate Gothic national stereotypes and relocate the Gothic plot within modern Britain’s private homes and institutions. The letter-opening scandal and The Woman in White share a central place in a mid-Victorian moment of evolution in the mutually constitutive relationship between Italian and British national identities, generating and reflecting a crisis in Britishness focused on the secret tyrannies concealed beneath the surface of Victorian liberalism that emerged from the collision of British and Italian politics and print culture.
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Taylor, Ian. "2. Pre-colonial political systems and colonialism." In African Politics: A Very Short Introduction, 11–24. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198806578.003.0002.
Full textAbstract:
Pre-colonial Africa had a wide diversity of politics and government, all related to the type of economic systems practised. Hunter-gatherers practised a form of primitive communism, while elsewhere three broad systems may be identified: large centralized kingdoms and empires; centralized mid-sized kingdoms; and widely scattered chiefdoms. ‘Pre-colonial political systems and colonialism’ explains that political and social identities were generally more related to affiliations, such as sharing a common language, than to being an inhabitant of a particular territory. It also outlines the impact of the slave trade, which began in the 15th century, and the different types of late-19th-century colonial rule on the African people and their politics.
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Levy, Daniel S. "Firemen and Politics." In Manhattan Phoenix, 192–204. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195382372.003.0013.
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This chapter examines politics in New York. Nationally, the early 19th century witnessed a series of major shifts in political control. All the jostling for power resonated in New York, where Tammany Hall developed into the most powerful political organization. But while it had become an important presence in the governing of the city, Tammany was far from monolithic. There was constant infighting, and the group struggled to keep its disparate factions in check. One obvious place of Tammany strength was the firehouse. That was where so many had their first taste of power and took their hesitant initial steps up the social and political rungs of society and politics. The chapter follows William Tweed's departure from the firehouse and into the world of New York politics with his election as an alderman in the early 1850s. It also considers the reign of the “Forty Thieves,” a nickname given to Tweed and many of the other Common Council members who abused their position in government to profit from their offices. While not everyone in Tweed's class of 1852 qualified as a grifter, the group ushered in the most corrupt council the city had ever seen.
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Bartolini, Giulio. "Italy between the Two World Wars." In A History of International Law in Italy, 359–89. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842934.003.0015.
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This chapter addresses the difficult relationship of the Italian doctrine with regard to the dramatic historical and political events occurring during the early decades of the twentieth century. In particular an examination of the legal implications of World War I, its main output of the League of Nations, and the impact on international law of activities carried out by the fascist government have been the focus of interest in this chapter. Such largely unexplored topics permit us to assess the role of Italian scholars during those challenging decades. Their active involvement in debates occurring at the time permit to identify nationalistic biases, open endorsement of external politics carried out by Italian governments, cases of self-censorships and their professional involvement as legal advisers for the government in complex situations. This analysis emphasises difficulties to maintain their self-proclaimed adherence to the positive law dogma aimed to build up a scholarship deprived of any political influence.
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Saccà, Flaminia. "Changes in the Political Culture of Italian Younger Politicians." In Civic Engagement and Politics, 1222–36. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-7669-3.ch061.
Full textAbstract:
In the last decade, Italy has gone through some deep changes in the political sphere. The fall of the Berlin Wall had forced political parties from opposite sides to re-organize themselves: their targets, ideologies and projects. At the same time, these historical events have been shortly followed by a major national bribe scandal that invested the main political leaders who had governed the Country for half a century. As a result, the last turn of the past Millennium has left a strongly politicized Country with no acknowledged leaders, no clear ideologies, no traditional, recognizable parties. It is in those years that Berlusconi's new venture gained votes and success. The fracture between political organizations, leaders and citizens though, became unhealable. The younger generations seemed to be the ones who suffered the most from political apathy or, worse, distrust. So we wanted to investigate who were the young politicians who, in these times of crises, had chosen politics as an important part of their lives. We have carried out two different surveys in different years and we found that political parties were changing deeply and radically. That their role in the political socialization of young political actors had become very thin. That candidates began to be chosen amongst the affluent few or, at least, amongst those whose personal fame and social/professional/family network would guarantee their party at least a dowry of votes that could make the difference in times of elections. But this method would not guarantee cohesion nor government stability.
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Ruehl, Martin A. "‘A Centaur at the Edge of the Forest’: Jacob Burckhardt as Cultural Historian." In A Renaissance Reclaimed, 46–74. British Academy, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197267325.003.0003.
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Jacob Burckhardt ranks as a founding father of modern cultural history. The almost anthropological focus on everyday practices, popular attitudes, and collective beliefs in The Civilisation of the Renaissance in Italy is generally considered as methodologically ground-breaking and profoundly at odds with the customary emphasis on ‘high politics’ and ‘great men’ in the works of his teachers and contemporaries, such as Leopold von Ranke. This chapter revises this view of Burckhardt’s cultural historical approach. It shows that he was not as unorthodox or pioneering in the context of 19th-century German-speaking historiography as it has been made out to be. The ideological factors that shaped Burckhardt’s concept of cultural history are also considered; it is argued that its markedly ‘synchronic’ or static orientation—much criticised—were determined by Burckhardt’s deep anxieties about the social and political corollaries of modernisation. These anxieties, paradoxically, account for both the conservative and the innovative aspects of his approach.
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Urbanitsch, Peter. "Verfassung und Verwaltung. Landesfürst und Stände, Politiker und Beamte." In Niederösterreich im 19. Jahrhundert, Band 1: Herrschaft und Wirtschaft. Eine Regionalgeschichte sozialer Macht, 139–74. NÖ Institut für Landeskunde, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52035/noil.2021.19jh01.08.
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Constitution and Administration. The Territorial Prince and Estates, Politicians and Officials. This chapter focuses on the bipolar political life in Lower Austria in the course of the long 19th century. Beginning with the constitutional realities before the revolution of 1848, it examines the constitutional developments after 1848 and 1861, and also offers a brief description of the various administrative organizational structures and their efforts and achievements. Prior to 1848, the aulic offices sought to minimize the political role of the estates and thus the participation of sections of the populace. Yet according to the constitutional settlement of 1861, some elements of the population hitherto not involved in politics were given the opportunity for self-determined activities. The “autonomous” administration of the land became a substantial part of public administration, being quite successful in supplying all kinds of services. Owing to a blurred assignment of remits between the “autonomous” administration of the land and that run by the central state government, this “dual-track” public administration diminished the effectiveness of its activities and became a nuisance for the public at large
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Saccà, Flaminia. "Changes in the Political Culture of Italian Younger Politicians." In Handbook of Research on Policies and Practices for Sustainable Economic Growth and Regional Development, 142–56. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-2458-8.ch013.
Full textAbstract:
In the last decade, Italy has gone through some deep changes in the political sphere. The fall of the Berlin Wall had forced political parties from opposite sides to re-organize themselves: their targets, ideologies and projects. At the same time, these historical events have been shortly followed by a major national bribe scandal that invested the main political leaders who had governed the Country for half a century. As a result, the last turn of the past Millennium has left a strongly politicized Country with no acknowledged leaders, no clear ideologies, no traditional, recognizable parties. It is in those years that Berlusconi's new venture gained votes and success. The fracture between political organizations, leaders and citizens though, became unhealable. The younger generations seemed to be the ones who suffered the most from political apathy or, worse, distrust. So we wanted to investigate who were the young politicians who, in these times of crises, had chosen politics as an important part of their lives. We have carried out two different surveys in different years and we found that political parties were changing deeply and radically. That their role in the political socialization of young political actors had become very thin. That candidates began to be chosen amongst the affluent few or, at least, amongst those whose personal fame and social/professional/family network would guarantee their party at least a dowry of votes that could make the difference in times of elections. But this method would not guarantee cohesion nor government stability.
Conference papers on the topic "Italy – Politics and government – 19th century"
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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.
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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.