Academic literature on the topic 'Italy – Politics and government – 1976-1994'
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Journal articles on the topic "Italy – Politics and government – 1976-1994"
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Castaldo, Antonino, and Luca Verzichelli. "Technocratic Populism in Italy after Berlusconi: The Trendsetter and his Disciples." Politics and Governance 8, no. 4 (December 17, 2020): 485–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i4.3348.
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Notwithstanding the speculations from the literature, the empirical analyses still neglect the convergence between populism and technocracy. The Italian case can be of some interest in this perspective, given the rise of technocratic populism since Silvio Berlusconi’s rise to power in 1994. By analyzing the style of leadership and the processes of ministerial appointment and delegation, we argue that Berlusconi has been a trendsetter, more than a coherent example of technocratic populist leader. On the one hand, he played the role of the entrepreneur in politics, promising to run the state as a firm. Moreover, he adopted an anti-establishment appeal, delegitimizing political opponents and stressing the divide between ‘us’ (hardworking ordinary people) and ‘them’ (incompetent politicians). On the other hand, however, his anti-elite approach was mainly directed towards the ‘post-communist elite.’ Extending the analysis to the following two decades, we introduce a diachronic comparison involving three examples of leadership somehow influenced by Berlusconi. Mario Monti represents the paradox of the impossible hero: A pure technocrat unable to take a genuinely populist semblance. Matteo Renzi represents the attempt to mix a populist party leadership with a technocratic chief executive style. Finally, Salvini represents the pure nativist heir of Berlusconi, as the new leader of the right-wing camp. The latest developments of executive leadership in Italy, and the re-emergence of other residual hints of technocratic populism, will be discussed in the final section of the article, also in the light of the evident impact of the 2020 pandemic outbreak on the practices of government.
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Martocchia Diodati, Nicola, Bruno Marino, and Benedetta Carlotti. "Prime Ministers unchained? Explaining Prime Minister Policy Autonomy in coalition governments." European Political Science Review 10, no. 4 (May 21, 2018): 515–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773918000085.
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The personalization of politics has become a central concern in political science. This is also true for parliamentary governments, where the Prime Minister has allegedly acquired an increasing relevance. Nonetheless, a key question remains unanswered: How can we estimate the Prime Minister Policy Autonomy (PMPA) in parliamentary governments? Moreover, what are the determinants of this autonomy? This article aims to answer these questions by proposing a novel and easily replicable index of PMPA, based on data from an analysis of Prime Ministers’ and members of Parliament’s parliamentary speeches, and specifically from cosine similarity analysis. In this article, we explore PMPA by focussing on two most different cases of coalition governments, Italy and Germany between 1994 and 2014. A multilevel regression analysis shows that coalition-related factors strongly influence PMPA, party-related factors are somewhat relevant, and the Prime Minister-related factor (its selectorate) does not have a significant impact on such autonomy.
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Kovaleva, A. Y. "THE PHENOMENON OF SILVIO BERLUSCONI." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(49) (August 28, 2016): 117–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-4-49-117-130.
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Silvio Berlusconi, former Italian Prime Minister, is about to turn 80 this September. He has dominated Italian politics since 1994 and is now Italy's longest-serving PM since Mussolini. He has survived countless forecasts of his imminent departure. Political researchers argue that despite his personal success, he has been a disaster as a national leader. Nevertheless, to call Berlusconi a failure would be absurd, particularly in terms of his political presence. Having provided the country with four governments that lasted for a total of almost ten years, Berlusconi left a profound mark on Italian political history and even defined the era of Berlusconism. This article is based on the assumption that there is considerable political substance to Berlusconism, the substance of Berlusconi's public discourse. In 1994 he launched "Forza, Italia", a political party that within the span of a couple of months would become one of the biggest in Italy. From the outset, the party has evoked both praise and criticism amongst political communications scholars. Most of the discussion was centered on party's antiestablishment rhetoric, its lack of traditional organization, consistent political agenda and controversial nature of the main leader. Interestingly, the celebratory interpretations surrounding the Berlusconi phenomenon have focused on the leaders' ability to create a mass support base primarily through the use of TV; all of this whilst bypassing traditional institutions. This article is about the communicational strategy Berlusconi employed and why it was successful. Berlusconism is a true political phenomenon, which deserves to be analyzed carefully.
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Guizzi, Vincenzo. "Craxi’s Italy." Government and Opposition 20, no. 2 (April 1, 1985): 166–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1985.tb01076.x.
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IT IS NOT EASY TO EXPLAIN THE REASONS THAT LED TO THE appointment of Bettino Craxi as Prime Minister. First of all, there was certainly the political fatigue of the Christian Democratic Party which had held the premiership for 35 years. AIdo Moro, a great man and leader, had tried to mediate between the various currents within the party, as well as between the party and other allied parties (the Republicans, the Social Democrats, the Socialists). But what Moro really dreamt of was a possible alliance with the Communist Party to solve at least the most serious issues, such as terrorism and economic decline. He thought of repeating with the Communists the experience the DC had had in the early 1960s with the Socialists: widening the democratic area with the view of transforming the PCI into a social democratic trend. In order to obtain this he even considered letting the PCI take part in the majority at least if not in the government itself. His disappearance had serious repercussions, especially in the Christian Democratic Party where internal friction grew even stronger than in the past. This resulted in a great drop in the party's power and ability to manage the country politically even if, at least in part, it regained in the 1979 and 1983 elections the votes lost in the 1976 elections.
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Orsina, Giovanni. "Party democracy and its enemies: Italy, 1945–1992." Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 2 (March 26, 2019): 220–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419835752.
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The gap between the narratives of democracy and the practices of power has been a significant source of delegitimation for the post-1945 Italian political system. The system was unable to achieve a solid and principled legitimation by meeting the requirements of a widely accepted and historically rooted notion of democracy, and had to resort to a fragile de facto legitimacy based on the absence of more desirable alternatives. This can partly account for the collapse of the Republican political system in 1992/1993 and the political instability of Italy in the last quarter century. The first section of the article presents the three most relevant narratives of democracy of the Republic’s early years: liberal, progressive, and participatory democracy. The second section argues that in the early 1960s, when the political system finally reached a reasonable level of stability, it was as an ‘Italian-style’ party democracy that did not fully meet the criteria of any of the three original narratives, which were in fact used to delegitimise it. By the late 1970s, all could see how dysfunctional party democracy was, and criticising it became a discursive resource that no political force could refrain from exploiting—including those who were in government. The third section considers how those critiques were inspired, yet again, by variations of the three original narratives. The epilogue throws a quick glance at the post-1994 period.
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Partridge, Hilary. "The Italian General Elections: Something New or More of the Same Thing?" Politics 14, no. 3 (December 1994): 117–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1994.tb00010.x.
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Since the Second World War, Italy has been ruled by shifting coalitions dominated by the Christian Democrat Party to the exclusion of the main opposition, the Communist Party. The continuity in power of the government coalitions and inter party/faction negotiations created the conditions for the abuses of state resources which came to light with the investigations of the Milan magistrates. Electoral reforms intended to break the stranglehold of the ‘partyocracy’ by encouraging the formation of two main alternative political blocs have been implemented. However, the 1994 elections have returned a right wing coalition to power, and the opposition remains deeply divided.
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Clementi, Francesco. "El sistema electoral italiano y su reforma: el desafío de la consolidación." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 45 (April 3, 2020): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.45.2020.27110.
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En los veintiséis años que caracterizan a las seis últimas legislaturas italianas (1994-2020) ha habido una intensa actividad político-institucional, acompañada de una fuerte modificación del sistema de los partidos políticos. En este contexto, el sistema electoral y sus continuas modificaciones con nuevas leyes electorales ha influido fuertemente en la forma de gobierno, marcando su dinámica, tanto directa como indirectamente. Sin embargo, el rápido cambio de los diferentes sistemas electorales en los últimos años no ha estado acompañado de reformas parejas en el texto constitucional, produciéndose una asimetría en el funcionamiento de los nuevos sistemas electorales que se iban adoptando gradualmente, que los hacía sustancialmente incompletos, incoherentes y, en definitiva, frágiles. Todo ello ha terminado degradando el sistema a ojos de la ciudadanía. Las presentes notas tienen por objeto poner de relieve las transformaciones que se han producido sobre el sistema electoral, tratando de subrayar las dificultades de su consolidación, en el marco de la llamada Segunda República (1994-2020) y de su nuevo sistema de partidos políticos.In the twenty-six years that characterize the last six Italian legislatures (1994-2020) Italy has seen, from the political-institutional point of view, an intense activity that was accompanied by a very similar vitality of the political party system. In this context, the electoral system and its continuous modifications with new electoral laws has strongly influenced the form of government, marking, by the decisive conditioning factor that represents the party system, its dynamics, both directly and indirectly. However, the rapid change of the different electoral systems in recent years has not been accompanied by an equal change in the constitutional text, so there has been an asymmetry in the functioning of the new electoral systems that were being adopted gradually, making them substantially incomplete, inconsistent and ultimately fragile. Faced with an immutability of the constitutional system, this continuous mutability in the electoral system has not only made the whole political-institutional system very weak, but also degraded it in its function in the eyes of the voters, as it seemed a clearly inefficient tool with respect to the needs of the constitutional system. Therefore, the present contribution aims to highlight the transformations that have taken place on the electoral system, trying to underline the difficulties of its consolidation, within the framework of the so-called Second Republic (1994-2020) and its new system of political parties.
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Kara-Murza, A. A. "“Chieftain” Subculture in Russia in Search of Historical Alternatives (V.V. Shulgin)." Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 62, no. 4 (July 6, 2019): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2019-62-4-7-24.
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The article examines the views of the prominent Russian politician and publicist Vasily Vitalyevich Shulgin (1878–1976), whom the author considers to be the largest ideologist of the “chieftain” political subculture in Russian political culture. Following Shulgin, the author distinguishes two fundamentally different models of power: “monarchical” (traditional) type of power and “chieftain” (or “charismatic”) type of power. V.V. Shulgin was one of the first Russian thinkers who, after Alexander Pushkin and Sergei Solovyov, considered the “golden age” of the Russian society to be under the rule of “leaders-heroes” (for example, Peter the Great). Shulgin explained many of the problems of Russian statehood revealed in the early 20th century by the degradation of the Russian ruling class and specifically the Romanov dynasty. Under these conditions, the national leader P.A. Stolypin (similar to Bismarck in Germany or Mussolini in Italy), able to bring the country out of crisis by evolution, had appeared “next to the monarch,” but he has not been appreciated by Russian society and it has caused a national catastrophe. The First World War has accelerated the degradation of the Russian government. The “democratic forces” that came to power in Russia for a short time could not nominate a new “leader” from their ranks (Shulgin treats Alexander Kerensky rather ironically). Shulgin foresaw that “intermediate figures” like the White generals or the Red diarchy of Lenin and Trotsky would eventually give way to the autocratic rule of an all-Russian “Chief,” who would combine the ideology of the Whites and the will of the Reds.
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Pasquino, Gianfranco. "Governments and parties in Italy: Parliamentary debates, investiture votes and policy positions (1994–2006), by Giuseppe Ieraci, Leicester, Troubador Publishing, 2008, 133 pp., £17.95 (paperback), ISBN 978-1906221-720." Modern Italy 14, no. 3 (August 2009): 371–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940902999967.
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McGlynn, Sean, R. A. W. Rhodes, Geoffrey K. Roberts, Christopher Johnson, Brigitte Boyce, Mark Donovan, Deiniol Jones, Susan Mendus, Krishan Kumar, and Robert McKeever. "Book Reviews: The McFarlane Legacy: Studies in Late Medieval Politics and Society (The Fifteenth Century Series No. 1), Crown, Government and People in the Fifteenth Century (The Fifteenth Century Series No. 2), Courts, Counties and the Capital in the Later Middle Ages (The Fifteenth Century Series No. 4), The Treasury and Whitehall: The Planning and Control of Public Expenditure, 1976–1993, Das Wiedervereinigte Deutschland: Zwischenbilanz und Perspektiven, Unifyng Germany 1989–1990, Uniting Germany: Actions and Reactions, behind the Wall: The Inner Life of Communist Germany, The Russians in Germany: A History of the Soviet Zone of Occupation, 1945–1949, Origins of a Spontaneous Revolution: East Germany, 1989, Intellectuals, Socialism and Dissent. The East German Opposition and its Legacy, The Rotten Heart of Europe: The Dirty War for Europe's Money, Muslim Politics, Muslim Communities Re-Emerge: Historical Perspectives on Nationality, Politics, and Opposition in the Former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, The Politics of Pan-Islam: Ideology and Organization, The Crisis of the Italian State: From the Origins of the Cold War to the Fall of Berlusconi, The End of Post-War Politics in Italy: The Landmark 1992 Elections, beyond Confrontation: Learning Conflict Resolution in the Post-Cold War Era, Care, Gender, and Justice, Nationalisms: The Nation-State and Nationalism in the Twentieth Century, Nationalism and Postcommunism: A Collection of Essays, Notions of Nationalism, on the Limits of the Law: The Ironic Legacy of Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act." Political Studies 45, no. 4 (September 1997): 790–804. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00113.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Italy – Politics and government – 1976-1994"
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Desrosiers, Eric K. "Nationalisme et racisme : analyse de dix ans de discours du Parti Québécois à l'égard des communautés minoritaires du Québec (1981- 1990)." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61289.
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How well founded are accusations of racism against Quebec nationalist? No research has been done on this question regarding contemporary Quebec. Authors who have examined the link between nationalism and racism in other contexts have disagreed about its relevance. To provide an answer, a broad and flexible definition of the concept of racism is required. This thesis analyses the content of the Parti Quebecois' political discourse concerning minority communities as reported in newspapers between 1981 to 1990. An original aspect of this research is the fact is submits its results to representatives of the Parti Quebecois and minority communities to shed different lights on the author's interpretation of his results. The research supports the conclusion that the Parti Quebecois' discourse from 1981 to 1990 was not racist. As a result, a direct link between nationalism and racism cannot be established.
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TAMBINI, Damian Angelo. "Convenient cultures : nationalism as political action in Ireland (1890-1920) and Northern Italy (1980-1994)." Doctoral thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5400.
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Defence date: 11 March 1996Examining board: Prof. Mario Diani (University of Stratchlyde) ; Prof. Klaus Eder (EUI, supervisor) ; Prof. Bernd Giesen (Justus-Liebig-Universität Gießen) ; Prof. Christian Joppke (EUI) ; Prof. Steven Lukes (EUI, co-supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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STINGA, Laurentiu. "Still elected dictators? A study of executive accountability to the legislature in multi-party democracies across time: Italy (1947-2006), Argentina (1982-2006) and Romania (1992-2007)." Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13284.
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Defense date: 24 September 2009Examining Board: László Bruszt (EUI, Supervisor), Peter Mair (EUI), Leonardo Morlino (SUM, Firenze), Wolfgang C. Müller (University of Mannheim)
First made available online on 6 November 2018
This thesis explores the capacity of the Argentine, Italian and Romanian Legislatures to hold the Executive branch of government accountable for its policy initiatives issued by emergency Executive decree, rather than by normal procedure legislative initiatives (NPL). The major questions the thesis attempts to answer are: what makes Executives prefer to promote their policy views extensively by Decree, rather than NPL, even when the situation is not of emergency and necessity? What explains the capacity of Legislatures to hold the Executive to account by amending or rejecting the Executive decrees that infringe their primary legislative function? I argue that the issuing of Executive decrees is a rational policy promotion strategy when the Executive faces bargaining problems in the Legislature, while the level of Executive accountability to the Legislature in terms of amending and rejecting Decrees is determined by the constitutional definition of these acts in favour of either one of the two branches of government. Furthermore, when the Decree is constitutionally defined to enable to the Executive to prevail over the Legislature, the former will issue them excessively, namely at a rate that is higher than that required by the bargaining problems that it confronts in the Legislature. The thesis offers an alternative explanation to the assumption that new democracies are ruled by Executive decree as an outcome of a specific 'dictatorial' culture which perpetuates after the collapse of their authoritarian regime. The disciplined comparison of three study cases with three different political systems and radically different experiences with democracy explores the role of institutional and partisan structures in generating a peculiar style of governance and the Legislatures’ capacity to keep it under control. The thesis provides a novel methodological model for understanding the governance through emergency Executive decrees across political systems (presidential, parliamentary and semi-parliamentary), while offering a thorough exploration of the theoretical relevance of this particular style of governance from the perspective of quality of democracy.
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SCHMIDTKE, Oliver. "Politics of identity : the mobilizing dynamics of territorial politics in modern Italian society." Doctoral thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5378.
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Defence date: 14 January 1995Examining board: Prof. Klaus Eder (supervisor, EUI and Humboldt Universität, Berlin) ; Prof. B. Giesen (Universität Gießen and EUI) ; Prof. M.Th. Greven (Technische Hochschule Darmstadt) ; Prof. A. Melucci (Università di Milano) ; Prof. A. Pizzorno (EUI)
First made available online 26 May 2015.
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MATTONI, Alice. "Multiple media practices in Italian mobilizations against precarity of work." Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13290.
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Defence Date: 16/10/2009Examining Board: Bianca Beccalli (University of Milan); Nick Couldry (University of London); Donatella Della Porta (EUI) (Supervisor); Peter Wagner (University of Trento, formerly EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The dissertation addresses the general question of how social movements interact with the media in contemporary, media-saturated societies. The basic assumption is that visibility in the media is crucial to become recognized and thus valuable social and political subjects. This is especially true for resource-poor groups of activists at the margins of the political field who aim to introduce new social problems into the public arena. Compared to past decades, however, visibility today holds a different meaning, and passes through different channels due to the emergence of information and communication technologies which have transformed mainstream-dominated media systems into more nuanced and complex media environments. The dissertation is based on an interdisciplinary analysis about how social and political actors involved ingrassroots mobilizations against insecure employment in Italy and Europe seek visibility at the public level by acting in complex, multilayered media environments. In doing so, the dissertation presents three relevant novelties in two strands of literature: social movements studies and communication/media studies. At first, the analysis revolves around the concept of activist media practices and three important dimensions that emerged from the investigation: media representation of activists and mobilizations; activists’ perceptions of the media environment; and interactions between social movements and the media. The former and the latter have been addressed in the literature, but separately and without comparing how they develop with regard to different types of media outlets. Scholars in the field, moreover, do not usually consider activists’ perceptions of the media environment, despite the relevance this dimension has for understanding activist media practices. Second, the analysis is based on a comparative research design which takes into consideration three territorial levels (transnational, national and local), three types of media outlets (mainstream, sympathetic and alternative, with the second never having been empirically explored in studies about social movements and the media), and a number of media technologies (from the press to the Internet). The dissertation compares a broad range of (activist) media practices which the existing literature in the field considers separately, while in reality they develop in parallel and often intertwine. Third, the empirical research on which the dissertation is based deals with a critical area of investigation, the realm of insecure and precarious jobs. Despite the fact that this issue has already been addressed by several disciplines, including the sociology of work and industrial relations, there is only a sporadic and fragmented body of literature about mobilizations of precarious workers in Italy and Europe. After a theoretical and methodological introduction, the dissertation empirically explores the three above-mentioned dimensions of activist media practices in complex media environments. Conclusions recompose the three dimensions of activist media practices (representation, perception and recognition) in complex media environments, taking into consideration the literature on the sociology of practices and insights from two relevant theoretical approaches: field theory and actor network theory. Additionally, the conclusions discuss the empirical and theoretical validity of three relevant concepts in the field of media and social movements: 'sympathetic media', the 'discursive opportunity structure' and the 'communication repertoire'.
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Maingard, Jacqueline Marie. "Strategies of representation in South African anti-apartheid documentary film and video from 1976 to 1995." Thesis, 2014.
Find full textAbstract:
This thesis focuses on strategies of representation in South African anti-apartheid
documentary film and video from the late 1970s to 1995. It identifies and analyses
two broad trends within this movement: the first developed by the organisation called
Video News Services; the second developed in the Mail and Guardian Television
series called Ordinary People. Two history series are analysed against the backdrop
of transformations in the television broadcasting sector in the early 1990s. South
African documentary film and video is located within a theoretical framework that
interweaves documentary film theory, theories of Third cinema and of identity, rid
working class cinema of the 1920s and 1930s.
The concepts of ‘voice’ and the ‘speaking subject’ are the two key concepts that focus
the discussion of strategies of representation in detailed textual analyses of selected
documentaries. The analysis of three documentaries that typify the output of Video
News Services reveals how these documentary texts establish a symbiosis between
representations of the working class as black, male, and allied to COSATU, and the
liberation struggle. The analysis of selected documentaries from the Ordinary People
series highlights those strategies of representation that facilitate perceptions of the
multiplicities of identities in South Africa. This focus on representations of identity is
extended in analysing and comparing two television series. The strategies of
representation evident in the Video News Services documentaries and the meanings
they produce about identify are repeated in the series called Ulibambe Lingashoni:
Hold Up the Sun. In Soweto: A History, strategies of representation that follow the
trend towards representing identity as multiple are used to present history as if from
the perspective of ‘ordinary’ people.
The thesis creates an argument for South African documentary film and video to
move towards strategies of representation that break down the fixed categories of
identity developed under apartheid. With policy moves for creating more ‘local
content’ films and television productions there is opportunity to re-shape the
documentary film and video movement in South Africa using representational
strategies that blur the boundaries between documentary and fiction, and between
individualised, discrete categories of identity.
Books on the topic "Italy – Politics and government – 1976-1994"
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Bartolini, Stefano. Plurality competition and party realignment in Italy: The 1994 parliamentary elections. Badia Fiesolana, Firenze: European University Institute, 1995.
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Gervaso, Roberto. Si salvi chi può. Milano: Sperling & Kupfer, 1999.
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Si salvi chi può: [dalla seconda alla prima Repubblica]. Milano: Sperling & Kupfer, 1999.
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Governments and parties in Italy: Parliamentary debates, investiture votes and policy positions (1994-2006). Leicester: Troubador, 2008.
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J, Bull Martin, and Rhodes, Martin, 1956 Feb. 23-, eds. Crisis and transition in Italian politics. London: Frank Cass, 1997.
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Italy and its discontents: 1980-2001. London: Penguin, 2003.
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Italy and its discontents: Family, civil society, state, 1980-2001. London ; New York, N.Y: Allen Lane The Penguin Press, 2001.
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Italy and its discontents: Family, civil society, state, 1980-2001. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.
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Italy and its discontents: Family, civil society, state, 1980-2001. New York: Palgrave Macmillan., 2003.
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The Italian revolution: The end of politics, Italian style? Boulder: Westview Press, 1995.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Italy – Politics and government – 1976-1994"
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Zucchini, Francesco, and Andrea Pedrazzani. "Italy: Continuous Change and Continuity in Change." In Coalition Governance in Western Europe, 396–447. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198868484.003.0012.
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Few democracies in the world have experienced so many transformations in the electoral and party systems as has Italy since the early 1990s. Therefore the study of the Italian case is an excellent opportunity to investigate if and how these changes impact on the government’s role in the decision-making process, on government formation and termination, and on the governance stage. Although the formal rules concerning executive–legislative relations have remained almost unaltered, since the 1990s Italian governments have increased de facto their agenda-setting power. Since 1994, the party competition dynamics and the electoral rules induced the political parties to build electoral alliances and pre-electoral coalitions. However, the persisting high level of internal fragmentation made Italian governments also very unstable compared to the governments in many other European democracies. The instruments of intra-coalitional conflict resolution used in Italy have been for long time quite informal and mostly based upon decision-making bodies partially external to the executive. The above cited changes at the beginning of the 1990s, by increasing the overlapping between government leadership and party leadership, made these mechanisms more internal to the government arena. Recent political and institutional developments—especially after the 2013 and 2018 general elections and the new electoral rules—leave very open and uncertain the prospects of consolidation of all these changes.
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Marrone, Gaetana. "Disorder and Chaos." In The Cinema of Francesco Rosi, 89–120. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190885632.003.0003.
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Le mani sulla città (Hands over the City, 1963), Rosi’s indictment of local civic corruption, maps the labyrinthine spaces and power hierarchies of Naples, the city that exemplified for him scandalous urban developments in postwar Italy. The film, which exposes the rapacity of land speculators operating in collusion with local government, features spectacular collapse and eviction scenes that reflect Rosi’s rapport with Neapolitan theater and his aesthetic ties to Cartier-Bresson. Cadaveri eccellenti (Illustrious Corpses, 1976), adapted from Leonardo Sciascia’s Il contesto, is Rosi’s noir on the Mafia’s ascendancy to a de facto partner in national government. The film, which unfolds around a series of unsolved murders of distinguished jurists, reflects Rosi’s political unease with the “historic compromise.” To capture these political maneuverings, Rosi breaks with “documented” realism and devises a neobaroque view of the South as an iconic site of corruption, doubt, conspiracy, suspicion, and visual theatricality.
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Ellis, Stephen, Solofo Randrianja, and Jean-François Bayart. "Africa and International Corruption." In Charlatans, Spirits and Rebels in Africa, edited by Tim Kelsall, 411–44. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197661611.003.0016.
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Abstract This article traces the development of corruption in one part of Africa--Seychelles--in a global context. It demonstrates how the ease with which capital can be transferred and commodities bought and sold, and the speed of modern communication in general, have been given considerable impetus to the linking of corrupt practices across borders, and that this process of transnational corruption was considerably encouraged by the Cold War. After independence in 1976, Seychelles was subject to intense international diplomatic and military activity, often of a covert nature, due largely to the islands' strategic location, which made them an asset both in US-Soviet rivalry in the Indian Ocean and in the more localized patterns of conflict stemming from South Africa's drive to assert its hegemony in southern Africa. This led to attempts to subvert or influence the islands' government by bribery and by force, while more powerful governments and business interests associated with political parties as far afield as Italy manipulated Seychelles' status as a sovereign State in order to perform various transactions of dubious legality. There is some evidence also that the islands were used for financial transactions by arms dealers and as a staging post for drug trafficking.
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i Martinez, Agustí Cerrill. "Accessing Administration's Information via Internet in Spain." In Global Information Technologies, 2558–73. IGI Global, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-59904-939-7.ch186.
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Information in the hands of public administrations plays a fundamental role in developing democracies and carrying out daily tasks—not only the public administrations’ tasks, but also those of the general public and companies (European Commission, 1998). New information and communications technologies (ICT) are vastly increasing the range of information in the hands of the general public and considerably diversifying both quantitatively and, above all, qualitatively the tools for conveying this, with the Internet being the means chosen by Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) Member States to provide the general public with access to the information held by the administration (OECD, 2003). Nowadays, public administrations create, collect, develop and disseminate large amounts of information: business and economic information, environmental information, agricultural information, social information, legal information, scientific information, political information and social information. Access to information is the first step towards developing e-governments and is something that has grown most in recent years, not only from the viewpoint of supply but also of demand. At present, most people using e-government do so to obtain information from public administrations. Throughout history, information has not always had the same relevance or legal acknowledgement in the West. Bureaucratic public administrations had no need to listen to the general public nor notify citizens of their actions. Hence, one of the bureaucratic administration’s features was withholding the secret that it had legitimized, since this was considered the way to maintain the traditional system of privileges within the bureaucratic institution—by making control and responsibility for information difficult, and also by allowing the public administration to free itself of exogenous obstacles (Arteche, 1984; Gentot, 1994). In most European countries, except the Nordic countries (Sweden, Norway, Finland), secrets were the dominant principle. For instance, it was not until 1978 that France passed a law concerning access to public sector information; in 1990, Italy did likewise. Crises in the bureaucratic model of public administration have brought with them the existence of new models. Receptivity, focusing on the client and quality management, have been some responses to the crisis of this model in the 1980s and 1990s, since the advent of the post-bureaucratic paradigm ( Mendieta, 1996; Behn, 1995). The process of modernizing Public administrations has meant that those governed have come to be considered clients of these administrative services (Brugué, Amorós, & Gomà, 1994). Citizens, considered as clients, now enjoy a revitalized status as seen from public administrations, which provides citizens with a wide range of rights and powers in order to carry out their needs, including obtaining information from the administration (Chevalier, 1988). This process has coincided over the years with the rules regulating access to public-sector information being extended in countries of the West. But the evolution does not stop here. Societies that are pluralist, complex and interdependent require new models of public administration that allow the possibility of responding and solving present challenges and risks (Kooiman, 1993; OECD, 2001b). Internet administration represents a model of public administration based on collaboration between the administration and the general public. It has brought about a model of administration that was once hierarchical to become one based on a network in which many links have been built between the different nodes or main active participants, all of whom represent interests that must be included in the scope of general interest due to the interdependence existing between them (Arena, 1996). The way the administration is governed online requires, first and foremost, information to be transparent, with the aim of guaranteeing and facilitating the participation of all those involved (European Commission, 2001). It is essential that all those involved in the online process are able to participate with as much information as possible available. Information is an indispensable resource for decision-making processes. The strategic participants taking part in these will consider the information as an element upon which they may base their participation online. Information becomes a resource of power that each participant may establish, based on other resources he or she has available, and this will influence their strategies in the Internet. This allows us to see that the networks distributing information may be asymmetrical, which leads to proposing a need to adopt a means to confront this asymmetrical information. In this task, ICT can be of great help with the necessary intervention of law. Public-sector information has an important role in relation with citizens’ rights and business. Public administration also needs information to achieve its goals.