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1
Woźniak, Joanna. "Parliamentary Elections in Italy 2013 Struggle Between Demagogy and Pragmatism." Reality of Politics 4, no. 1 (2013): 336–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201320.
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Parliamentary elections in Italy, which took place on 24 – 25 February 2013 in a very specific political circumstances caused by economical crisis and the internal situation of the Italian State.The fall of the Silvio Berlusconi’s government and replacement it with a technical government did not improve the internal situation of the country, and indeed it has deepened. The withdrawal of support by the Popolo della Libertàto the government of Prime Minister Mario Monti has caused the need for early parliamentary elections. On the political scene appeared new political parties, including Movimento Cinque Stelle (Five Stars Movement), which stood out from the traditionally corrupt politics and proposed a new form of campaign, using such means as the Internet, blogs, and tour around the country. The new group has also set up outgoing Prime Minister Mario Monti called Scelta Civica (Civic Choice) aided by the smaller parties which were in the Parliament and supported of the European Union austerity policies. In addition, in the election participated the Democratic Party, the Northern League and the Popolo della Libertà (People of Freedom). In total, their participation in the elections reported 215 political parties. Elections minimally won leftist Democratic Party with a score of 29.54% (Chamber of Deputies). Surprisingly Popolo dellaLibertà of Silvio Berlusconi received 29.13% (Chamber of Deputies). But the biggest winner was the Five Star Movement, which won 25.55% of the seats, while the biggest loser was the group of Mario Monti, because he received only 10.54% of votes. The result above shows that the creation of the coalition will be very difficult. Political class will have to regain the trust of the society to be able to make the necessary reforms to cure the economical situation of Italy and they should focus on the problems of the country and not the Silvio Berlusconi’s excesses.
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Chiaruttini, Maria Stella. "Woe to the vanquished? State, ‘foreign’ banking and financial development in Southern Italy in the nineteenth century." Financial History Review 27, no. 3 (2020): 340–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565020000220.
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After Southern Italy became part of a new, national state in 1860, its financial sector was radically transformed under Piedmontese influence. This article challenges the conventional wisdom that the aggressive penetration of a Northern credit institution, the future Bank of Italy, into the South following unification harmed the local banking system and highlights instead its transformative role in modernising and deepening regional credit markets. On the basis of new statistics, banking and political records, this contribution shows that the introduction of ‘foreign’ banking from Northern Italy under the auspices of a national, constitutional government resulted in a financial revolution and a democratisation of credit supply to the advantage of the whole South. Public banking under the Bourbons had privileged the needs of an absolute government over those of the private economy and of the capital city over those of the rest of the country, retarding financial development. Credit undersupply and regional fragmentation could only be overcome through the integration of the South within a larger Italian market, in which, however, the lion's share went to a predominantly Northern institution.
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Palma, Marco. "No Dal Molin: The Antibase Movement in Vicenza." South Atlantic Quarterly 111, no. 4 (2012): 839–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-1724219.
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In 2006 the citizens of Vicenza, Italy, discovered that for three years US authorities, the Italian government, and city officials had been negotiating secretly to approve the construction of a new military base on the only large undeveloped area in the northern part of the city and the largest aquifer in northern Italy. Beginning in the adjacent neighborhoods, a mobilization arose against the construction of the military installation. In a few months hundreds of thousands of residents were demonstrating in the city, and various forms of direct action against the base became a daily occurrence. Thus was born an extraordinary experiment in democratic political participation.
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King, R. L. "Regional Government: The Italian Experience." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 5, no. 3 (1987): 327–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c050327.
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This paper is a review of Italy's stuttering progress towards regional autonomy. At the unification of Italy in 1860, a centralised administrative structure was adopted, as prescribed by the Piedmontese Constitution of 1848. Centralisation of political power reached its apogee during the Fascist period. Regionalist sentiment resurfaced strongly after the last war and gained formal expression in the 1948 Republican Constitution, which provided for the creation of five ‘special’ and fourteen (later fifteen) ‘ordinary’ regions. The special regions—regions of special linguistic or political sensitivity (Valle d'Aosta, Trentino-Alto Adige, Friuli-Venezia Giulia, Sicily and Sardinia)—were established between 1948 and 1963, but delays orchestrated by the Christian Democrat-dominated central government, reluctant to relinquish its power, postponed the establishment of the ordinary regions until the 1970s, when pressure from the Socialist Party prevailed. The legislative powers of the regions are of three forms: Exclusive (available only to the special regions), complementary, and integrative, the order representing progressively diminishing elements of decisionmaking autonomy. Several regions in central Italy have elected Communist regional governments. However, hopes that the regional governments would be instrumental in ending corrupt and inept government and eradicating regional disequilibria, have mostly been misplaced, although some progress has been made, especially in the northern regions, in the fields of administrative reform, social service organisation, and regional economic planning. The principal reason for lack of progress is the continuing central government control over regional government funds. In many regions considerable amounts of unspent funds have accumulated owing to a combination of political stalemate at the regional level and central government veto. Special attention is given in this paper to the relationship between regional autonomy and (1) local government, and (2) regional planning. To conclude, the present state of play represents an uneasy compromise between the two contradictory historical forces of centralism and regionalism, present since unification. Although there has been a significant departure from the rigid centralisation of the past, the retention of most of the important powers by the central government frustrates the ambitions of the regions to really organise their own affairs.
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Oikonomou, Giorgio. "Variations in the quality of government within the European Union: A comparative approach of Northern and Southern public bureaucracies." European Integration Studies, no. 13 (October 29, 2019): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.eis.0.13.24033.
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The quality of government represents a critical parameter of modern states for delivering sound public policies for the benefit of citizens. Dimensions such as accountability, impartiality, mechanisms which cope effectively with corruption and government effectiveness stand as core components of the quality of government, whereas at the same time account for much of the variation in the quality of government across European Union (EU) countries. This paper seeks to examine the quality of government by comparing and contrasting countries of the EU with substantially different administrative characteristics and traditions. The research explores two Nordic countries, namely Denmark and Sweden, and, two Mediterranean countries, Italy and Greece.
 Taking stock of theoretical insights from the political and economic literature the core aim of the paper is to identify plausible explanations with regard to the variations in the quality of government across the four selected EU member-states. The research draws on quantitative data based on the World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) and the European Quality of Government index (EQGI). It is argued that certain traits (legacies) of the political-administrative systems of the countries under examination can explain much of the observed, often striking, variations in the quality of government between the North and the South European bureaucracies.
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BRESADOLA, GIANMARCO. "The Legitimising Strategies of the Nazi Administration in Northern Italy: Propaganda in the Adriatisches Küstenland." Contemporary European History 13, no. 4 (2004): 425–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777304001882.
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The Nazi occupation of northern Italy led to the creation of the Adriatisches Küstenland operations zone, a Nazi civil administration led by Gauleiter Friedrich Rainer. Although this was supposedly a temporary measure, the article argues that the intention was to separate the zone from the Italian state and incorporate it into an economic and political sphere directly controlled by the Reich. The article explores the legitimising strategies exploited by the Nazi civil administration and its organs of propaganda, which focused on the political, social and economical failures of the Italian Fascist government. Rainer strove hard to find ways of encouraging each of the zone's diverse ethnic and social groups to look to the Reich – and hence to the local Nazi administration – as the promoter of its national destiny, the guarantor of its socio-political security and the harbinger of its economic prosperity, safeguarding this against the social revolution advocated by the strong local communist Resistance. Rainer's administration, in trying to eradicate the region's Italian roots, established a new ethnic hierarchy, which favoured Slovenes over Italian nationals.
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Baldoli, Claudia. "The ‘Northern Dominator’ and the Mare Nostrum: Fascist Italy's ‘Cultural War’ in Malta." Modern Italy 13, no. 1 (2008): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701765890.
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Within the wider attempt to transform Italian communities abroad into Fascist colonies, the Italian Fasci Abroad sought to build nationalist propaganda in the Mediterranean. The irredentist activities and the propaganda of the Fasci in Malta alarmed the British governors on the island, the British government and MI5. This article analyses the cultural conflict organised in Maltese schools, bookshops and universities by the Italian nationalists against the British protectorate–a conflict the British suspected could be followed by military activity, in particular when Italy began building its empire in Ethiopia. The nationalist offensive was supported in the 1920s and, more vigorously, in the 1930s by the Fasci, the Italian consulate on the island and, ultimately, the Italian government. Not even the Second World War and the bombing of Malta by the Italian air force concluded the conflict between Italian and British imperialism on the island.
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Bakic, Dragan. "Nikola Pasic and the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, 1919-1926." Balcanica, no. 47 (2016): 285–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1647285b.
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This paper looks at Nikola Pasic?s views of and contribution to the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SCS/Yugoslavia after1929) during the latest phase of his political career, a subject that has been neglected by historians. His activities in this field are divided into two periods - during the Paris Peace Conference where he was the head of the SCS Kingdom?s delegation and after 1921 when he became Prime Minister, who also served as his own Foreign Minister. During the peace conference, Pasic held strong views on all the major problems that faced his delegation, particularly the troubled delimitation with Italy in the Adriatic. In early 1920, he alone favoured the acceptance of the so-called Lloyd George-Clemenceau ultimatum, believing that the time was working against the SCS Kingdom. The Rapallo Treaty with Italy late that year proved him right. Upon taking the reins of government, Pasic was energetic in opposing the two restoration attempts of Karl Habsburg in Hungary and persistent in trying to obtain northern parts of the still unsettled Albania. In time, his hold on foreign policy was weakening, as King Alexander asserted his influence, especially through the agency of Momcilo Nincic, Foreign Minister after January 1922. Pasic was tougher that King and Nincic in the negotiations with Mussolini for the final settlement of the status of the Adriatic town of Fiume and the parallel conclusion of the 27 January 1924 friendship treaty (the Pact of Rome). Since domestic politics absorbed much of his time and energy, the old Prime Minister was later even less visible in foreign policy. He was forced to resign in April 1926 on account of his son?s corruption scandal shortly before the final break-down of relations with Italy.
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Coticchia, Fabrizio. "A sovereignist revolution? Italy’s foreign policy under the “Yellow–Green” government." Comparative European Politics 19, no. 6 (2021): 739–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41295-021-00259-0.
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AbstractIn Italy, the Five Star Movement (M5S) and the Northern League (LN) formed a coalition government after the legislative elections of March 2018. What has been the actual impact of the populist executive in the Italian foreign policy? Relying on the (few) existing analyses that have developed specific hypotheses on the expected international repercussions of populist parties-ruled governments, the paper examines Italy’s foreign policy under the Italian “Yellow–Green” cabinet (June 2018–August 2019). The manuscript advances three hypotheses. First, the foreign policy of the Conte’s government has been featured by a personalistic and a centralized decision-making process. Second, the Yellow-Green executive has adopted a vocal confrontational stance on the world stage, especially within multilateral frameworks, to “take back control” over national sovereignty. Third, such sovereignist foreign policy was largely symbolic because of “strategic” populist attitudes toward public opinion and due to domestic and international constraints. The manuscript—which is based on secondary and primary sources, such as interviews with former ministers, MPs, and diplomats—aims at offering a new perspective on populist parties and foreign policy, alimenting the rising debate on foreign policy change.
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McKitterick, Rosamond. "Unity and Diversity in the Carolingian Church." Studies in Church History 32 (1996): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015333.
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With their steady series of conquests during the eighth century, adding Alemannia, Frisia, Aquitaine, the Lombard kingdom in northern Italy, Septimania, Bavaria, Saxony, and Brittany to the Frankish heartlands in Gaul, the Carolingians created what Ganshof regarded as an unwieldy empire. Was the Carolingian Church unwieldy too? Recent work, notably that of Janet Nelson, has underlined not only the political ideologies that helped to hold the Frankish realms together, but also the practical institutions and actions of individuals in government and administration. Can the same be done for the Church? Despite the extraordinary diversity of the Carolingian world and its ecclesiastical traditions, can it be described as a unity? What sense of a ‘Frankish Church’ or of ‘Frankish ecclesiastical institutions’ can be detected in the sources?
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Pola, G. "Recent Development of Central-Local Financial Relations in Italy." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 4, no. 2 (1986): 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c040187.
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Italian local authorities share with those of other European countries a considerable degree of fragmentation. In addition, they suffer from the well-known North-South differential in economic conditions. On top of this, their management has long been split between the left-wing (mainly Communist) and the conservative (mainly Christian Democrat) political philosophy. This has rendered their performances and behaviour quite heterogeneous and has complicated the task of securing an equitable system of central-local financial relationships. For decades most of the southern authorities and the ‘red’ fraction of the centre-northern authorities have taken advantage of the possibility of borrowing for balancing the budget on the current account. This was a major loophole in the system until 1977. Bankruptcy was avoided ony through ‘entente’ between the Christian Democrats and the Communists in early 1978 (at the time of Mr Moro's murder), whereby all outstanding debt of local authorities was cancelled and transferred to the Central Government. In spite of an officially proclaimed ‘restraint’ there followed a period of real ‘Renaissance’ in local budgets, especially on the capital side. Borrowing—this time for capital expenditure—was again at the root of this development. Part of the deal was a revival of the ‘fiscal effort’ on the local side, making use of the few sources of own revenue left to local authorities after the fiscal reform of 1973–1974. Meanwhile, the ‘equalisation issue’ was raised with regard to the distribution of the general grant. Distribution criteria have been constantly changing since 1982. A completely new approach is now under consideration at the Ministry of Interior, based on the notion of ‘equal grant’ for ‘normal’ local authorities. Such an approach will eventually put aside the ‘past expenditure’ criterion which is still at the core of the grant distribution. While waiting for this reform, local authorities will almost certainly get a new local tax (‘tax for the financing of services’) starting in 1986.
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Poggiolo-Kaftan, Giordana. "Italian unification’s blind spot: Verga’s “Libertà” and Vancini’s Bronte: Cronaca di un massacro che i libri di storia non hanno mai raccontato." Forum Italicum: A Journal of Italian Studies 53, no. 1 (2018): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014585818813982.
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In this article, I analyze the short story “ Libertà” by Giovanni Verga and the film Bronte: Cronaca di un massacro che i libri di storia non hanno mai raccontato by Florestano Vancini. I also bring into my discussion Benedetto Radice’s essay Nino Bixio a Bronte to weave a critique of general Nino Bixio’s bloody repression of the Bronte peasants’ revolt. Contemporary scholars, like Leonardo Sciascia and Salvatore Lupo, criticized Verga’s story because of its omissions of historical facts, accusing him of not taking a political stance. In contrast, I contend that Verga’s omissions are due to his subaltern position, as a Sicilian writer working for northern readers and publishers. Then, I turn to Vancini’s film that foregrounds Garibaldi’s broken promise and the Risorgimento’s shortcomings. Vancini’s film addresses also the North and South’s cultural divide, and the ensuing deep incomprehension between the two political and geographical regions. This cultural divide has been the site of a race discourse, which is still active in Italy today, and, at the same time, the locus of an agrarian elite that was able to manipulate a weak central government for its own gains to the detriment of the rural masses.
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Ha, Sha. "Recent Personnel Reforms of Public Universities in China and in Italy: A Comparison." International Journal of Higher Education 7, no. 1 (2018): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/ijhe.v7n1p87.
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Purpose of the present research is an investigation of the most recent personnel reforms of higher education institutions in China and in Italy. A one-to-one comparison between the two realities would have been unrealistic, given the enormous differences between the two Countries in size and historical development. We focused our analysis on some basic issues common to both higher education institutions, such as the degree of the academic autonomy from the political power in the academic governance and the quality of the knowledge production and transfer to the society. The Sun Yat-Sen and the Guangzhou Universities in the Guangdong Province of China, and the Universities of Padua and Ca’ Foscari in Venetian Region of Italy, have been chosen as case studies.In China the personnel reforms introduced by the central government in the period 1995-2014, were accompanied by a relevant financial support by the central and regional authorities, thus helping the national universities to attain high standards of excellence in the technological domain. Those remarkable financial investments by the central and regional authorities are paying off, contributing to the technological advancement of the Country.As for the Italian public universities, a very innovative reform law was introduced by the ‘Ministry of Education, University and Research’ in December 2010, which granted a high level of governance autonomy to those institutions. Unfortunately, the great financial crisis that hit the Country in the same period of time caused a strong reduction of the public funds to universities and a consequent brain drain of young post graduates toward Northern Europe and North America.In spite of this temporary shortage of funds, Italian public universities have maintained their high level of excellence in science, technology and humanities, as evidenced by the increasing number of their bilateral cooperation agreements, concerning student mobility and joint research activities, with foreign universities all over the world, China included.
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Pichler, Rupert. "Economic policy and development in Austrian Lombardy, 1815–1859." Modern Italy 6, no. 1 (2001): 35–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940120045551.
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SummaryThe question of economic integration is not new in Europe. Historically, the birth and construction of nation-states was important in stimulating interest in the systematic relationships between political and economic integration. In the case of the multinational structure of the Habsburg monarchy in the nineteenth century, the result was an economic policy that, for political reasons, aimed to unite the material interests of a state that was completely heterogeneous in other respects. Lombardy was a case in point. Traditionally the region had been in the economic vanguard in central Europe. When it again became part of Austria in 1815 it also became subject to the imperial policy of political integration. As a result its economic priorities were partially reformulated. On the one hand, Austria had a protectionist system aimed at autarky which made incentives to industrial production a priority. Lombardy's purely mercantilist outlook, on the other hand, was based around the production of a few highly specialized goods, most notably silk, for export. Conflict between economic interests in Lombardy was the inevitable result. Nevertheless, the imperial government had to take account of the fact that it was impossible to restrict Lombardy's international trade relations exclusively to the Austrian market. And the problems that beset any effort to tie the Lombard economy into a denser network of relationships with the Austrian market were not due to the political formation of the Italian nation because Northern Italy, and Lombardy in particular, continued to occupy an anomalous position within the context of the Italian economy.
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Perrino. "Narrating Migration Politics in Veneto, Northern Italy." Narrative Culture 6, no. 1 (2019): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.13110/narrcult.6.1.0044.
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Biow, Douglas. "The Politics of Cleanliness in Northern Renaissance Italy." Symposium: A Quarterly Journal in Modern Literatures 50, no. 2 (1996): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00397709.1996.10113514.
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Yastrebov, A. O. "Peter the Great's Venetian Policy and the Prut Campaign." MGIMO Review of International Relations 14, no. 6 (2021): 172–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2021-6-81-172-190.
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Russia's regular contacts with the Republic of Venice on the eve of the RussianTurkish war 1710-1713 resumed after almost a ten-year break. Before Sultan Ahmed III declared war, the Tsar sent two letters to the doge. They can be interpreted as a call to Venice to recognize the intermediate results of the Northern War and as an appeal to the republic's orthodox subjects to join Russia in the impending conflict. This episode is scarcely covered in Russian and international historiography. The connection of the envoys with the Prut campaign is also not covered in the literature. Therefore, it seems necessary to establish a connection between the two events, especially in changes in Russian foreign policy towards Venice.In March 1711, a Russian consul was sent to Venice to build support and attract volunteers for the opening theater of military operations in the Balkans. It is no coincidence that Dmitry Bozis became the first Russian consul in Italy. Being a prominent representative of the Greek community of the capital, he successfully extended his influence not only to the local Greeks but also to the Slavs of Dalmatia, who wanted to serve the Russian Tsar and fight the Turks. The outcome of the Prut campaign did not affect the consulate's work and the trade mission. Agents of the Russian government, who had commercial orders, were sent to Venice, and successfully fulfilled their mission. One of them was Count Savva Raguzinsky, an outstanding diplomat and successful commercial agent. His activities were relatively peaceful, although they still included political monitoring and legal intelligence.The resumption of bilateral relations caused by the Prut operation positively affected Russian-Venetian relations. Since the departure of the consul Bozis and the diplomatic agent Caretta, who had the authority to create a second Balkan "front" in the rear of the Sultan, after July 12, 1711, the Russian mission transformed into a commercial agency with broad diplomatic powers. These changes open a new, fruitful period in the history of bilateral relations between Russia and Venice.
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Knox, Colin. "The Politics of Local Government Reform in Northern Ireland." Local Government Studies 35, no. 4 (2009): 435–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03003930902992691.
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Perrino, Sabina. "Intimate identities and language revitalization in Veneto, Northern Italy." Multilingua 38, no. 1 (2019): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/multi-2017-0128.
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Abstract In this article, I explore how language revitalization initiatives are rescaled as part of a local, historical and sociocultural revitalization project in which ethnonationalist aspirations emerge in Northeastern Italy’s Veneto region. Through an analysis of political emblems, textual artifacts, and speech participants’ stories, I examine how the promotion of the local language is related to a developing sense of collective and intimate identity, especially vis-à-vis the many migrants and refugees that have landed in Italy, and Europe, in recent years. In the last decade, these new flows of migrants have triggered strong reactions by Italians, such as recent discourses about national identity and the aggressive anti-immigration politics promoted by the Lega Nord (‘Northern League’). I show how politics, history, and language become part of a complex spatiotemporal configuration in which chronotopic stances and intimate identities are enacted in speech participants’ everyday lives.
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Cavanaugh, Jillian R. "Entering into politics: Interdiscursivity, register, stance, and vernacular in northern Italy." Language in Society 41, no. 1 (2012): 73–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404511000911.
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AbstractThis article focuses on how specific types of language use connect socially, geographically, and temporally distant speakers and span face-to-face and mediated language contexts. It examines one variety of political language (the Northern League register in Italy) in order to analyze how the interdiscursive potentials of register and stance-taking enable such connections. It also presents the metapragmatic effects of engaging in types of talk such as political language, which are less about individual expression or political participation, but are rather part of a complex of stance-taking and alignment of self within local and national political debates. Based on long-term ethnographic and linguistic research in Bergamo, Italy, this article introduces the concept of the interdiscursive trap, showing how the Northern League register functions in this capacity, forging indexical links to particular ideas and stances that some speakers find undesirable. (Political language, interdiscursivity, register, stance, Italy, Europe, Northern League, media)*
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Stacul, Jaro. "Understanding neoliberalism: reflections on the ‘end of politics’ in northern Italy." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 12, no. 4 (2007): 450–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545710701640814.
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Massetti, Emanuele, and Simon Toubeau. "Sailing with Northern Winds: Party Politics and Federal Reforms in Italy." West European Politics 36, no. 2 (2013): 359–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2013.749661.
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Arnaboldi, Michela, Irvine Lapsley, and Martina Dal Molin. "Modernizing public services: subtle interplays of politics and management." Journal of Accounting & Organizational Change 12, no. 4 (2016): 547–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jaoc-07-2014-0041.
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Purpose This paper aims to examine the trajectory of public management reforms in Italy. This experience indicates the complexity of managerialism in countries with a legalistic system and where public administration cultures have been, and continue to be, embedded in politics. Design/methodology/approach The analysis of managerial reforms in Italy was carried out with a documentary analysis. In addition to official reports and acts of parliament, the analysis was based on monitoring the government websites and innovative channels (e.g. Facebook) which communicated the progress of the later reforms. Findings The paper shows how modernization of public services has been a continuous priority in the agenda of the Italian Government across four phases: an early attempt in the late 1970s; a lively, phase for Italian managerial reforms in the 1990s; a later advocacy in the 2000s of a specific new public management (NPM) element – performance management; an after-crises reform aimed at reducing public expenditure. Originality/value The paper takes a historical and long-term perspective to analyse the success and failure of NPM reforms implementation in Italy. Differently from previous studies, this papers analyses NPM reforms in a longitudinal perspective, to show how the legalistic culture of Italy continues to affect the implementation of NPM reforms.
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Grasseni, Cristina. "Crafting Futures through Cheese-Making in Val Taleggio (Northern Italy)." Gastronomica 23, no. 1 (2023): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2023.23.1.51.
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The politics of scale is the main issue within and around debates on whether geographical indications are the best strategy to support local economies. Two PDO cheeses are made in Val Taleggio. While Taleggio PDO has outscaled the valley and its interests, Strachìtunt PDO was reinvented to be at scale for the valley’s producers. I explain the two-step transition in the producers’ communicative strategy, from a language of heritage cheese and its “prestige” to a multispecies language that stresses the importance of a “working landscape” as a value in itself, focusing in particular on the producers’ post-COVID-19 manifesto as “keepers of molds.” Guardianship emerges from it as a new form of authenticity that does not run in the strictures of terroir-discourse. The article thus spells out which role authenticity plays in the politics of scale and how it contributes to the small-scale producers’ dilemma of how to craft a future for themselves and their communities. I contextualize this vis-a-vis secondary sources that also stress the conceptual and political creativity of cheese-makers’ strategies to revitalize regional (dairy) economies. Food producers are experimenting with new ways of mobilizing heritage to claim guardianship of their trade, craft, and territory. A transnational producer discourse emerges through a redesign of food heritage, front-staging the ecological meaning of craft.
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Donovan, Mark. "A Second Republic for Italy?" Political Studies Review 1, no. 1 (2003): 18–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9299.00003.
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Radical change in the representative dimension of Italy's political system was expected to bring a transition to a ‘Second Republic’ in Italy. That has not happened. Nevertheless, after three consultations using the new parliamentary electoral system, studies focusing on the ‘input’ side of Italian politics are beginning to agree that substantial change has occurred. It is, however, too early to identify the extent of change in public administration and centre–local government relations, whilst even in parliament it is argued that consensual decision-making continued at least into the late 1990s. The impact of party system change on policy-making has thus been shown to be less direct than many expected, providing rich material for research into the relationship between institutional and policy change. Nevertheless, institutional change continues, particularly with regard to the decentralisation of government, and some studies suggest that this is the key to Italy's political transformation, rather than electoral reform or even change in the form of government. Still, the election of Italy's first right-wing majority government in 2001 may yet bring change in parliamentary practice and policy-making more generally.
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Rullo, Luigi. "The COVID-19 pandemic crisis and the personalization of the government in Italy." International Journal of Public Leadership 17, no. 2 (2021): 196–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpl-08-2020-0083.
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PurposeThe article investigates how the COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated and deepened the presidentialization of politics in Italy. It examines how a series of innovative rules and procedures adopted by the Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte to face the extraordinary event are part of a permanent presidentialization dynamic.Design/methodology/approachThis study analyzes the role of prime minister in coping with the pandemic in Italy within the analytical framework of the personalization of politics. Section 1 investigates how the prime minister has resorted to autonomous normative power through intensive use of the Decree of the President of the Council of Ministers (DPCM). Section 2 observes the establishment of a more direct relationship with citizens through extensive use of digital communication and high engagement. Section 3 analyzes the “personal task force” appointed by the prime minister and highlights a new balance between technocratic/private roles and politics undermining democratic accountability.FindingsBy examining three main aspects of the personalization of politics, the article observes that the COVID-19 pandemic has facilitated the movement to presidentialization of power in Italy. It argues that the COVID-19 pandemic has strengthened political and institutional trends already in place before the crisis.Originality/valueThe article expands the comparative research on the presidentialization of politics. The Italian case clearly underlines how the pandemic crisis represented a further step of progressive dominance of the “executive” over the other branches of government. The article suggests an agenda for future cross-institutional and cross-national analysis.
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MARSDEN, MAGNUS. "Women, Politics and Islamism in Northern Pakistan." Modern Asian Studies 42, no. 2-3 (2008): 405–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07003174.
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AbstractThis paper explores the responses of women living in a small town in the Chitral region of northern Pakistan to the Islamizing policies of the Muttahida Majlis-e Amal, a coalition of Islamist parties elected to provincial government in the North West Frontier Province in October 2002. Its focus is on women in the region who vocally and publicly criticize Chitral's politically activemadrasa-educated ‘men of piety’. Documenting the ways in which these women and the region's ‘men of piety’ debate with one another on matters concerning personal morality, comportment and self-presentation illuminates dimensions of small-town Muslim life that are rarely considered important in Pakistan's North West Frontier Province. In particular, by exploring these complex and multi-dimensional debates, I seek to emphasize the inherently unfinished nature of Chitralis’ responses to ongoing Islamizing processes, a growing and pervasive sense of disenchantment amongst many of the region's Muslims with the authenticity of public expressions of personal piety, and, in this context, the continuing emergence of new ways of being Muslim, modes of self-presentation and categories of Islamic public opinion forming figures.
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Carpini, Michael X. Delli, Scott Keeter, and J. David Kennamer. "Effects of the News Media Environment on Citizen Knowledge of State Politics and Government." Journalism Quarterly 71, no. 2 (1994): 443–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909407100217.
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This multivariate analysis shows that residents in and near Richmond, Virginia, where the state capital is located, are significantly more knowledgeable about state politics than are residents living elsewhere in the state, especially in the northern Virginia – Washington, D.C. metro area. A newspaper content analysis demonstrates that Richmond-area residents are exposed to far more news of state politics and government than are residents of northern Virginia. The study suggests that the media environment is highly important in providing the opportunity for citizens to learn about politics.
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Abramyan, A. S. "POPULIST POLITICS DURING THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC." EurasianUnionScientists 6, no. 4(73) (2020): 29–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31618/esu.2413-9335.2020.6.73.691.
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The purpose of the article is to identify the main measures of populists to combat the removal of COVID 19 on the example of the United States of America and Italy. The study analyzes populist leaders across the political spectrum coped with the COVID-19 outbreak. The observation shows how, in the example of the United States, Italy such as their optimistic bias and complacency, ambiguity and ignorance of science. The study analyzes the measures taken by the Italian government and the US President. The results of the research allow us to use its materials and theoretical results primarily in political science. They can also be used in the development of specialized courses on modern globalization processes, political leadership, party development, and multiculturalism policy.
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Bull, Martin J., and James L. Newell. "Still the Anomalous Democracy? Politics and Institutions in Italy." Government and Opposition 44, no. 1 (2009): 42–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2008.01275.x.
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AbstractUntil the early 1990s, the Italian political system was regarded as anomalous among advanced democracies because of its failure to achieve alternation in government. Since then, that problem has been overcome, but Italy has been popularly viewed as continuing to be different to other democracies because it is ‘in transition’ between regimes. However, this position itself is becoming increasingly difficult to sustain because of the length of time of this so-called transition. Rather than focus on what is rather an abstract debate, it may be more fruitful to analyse what, in substance, is distinctive about Italian politics in this period: the manner in which a debate over fundamental institutional (including electoral) reform has become entangled in day-to-day politics. This can best be exemplified through an analysis of two key electoral consultations held in 2006: the national elections and the referendum on radically revising the Italian Constitution.
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Rosa, Ewerton Mendes, and Áquilas Nogueira Mendes. "Economia política da saúde e o pensamento crítico de Paul Singer." JMPHC | Journal of Management & Primary Health Care | ISSN 2179-6750 14, spec (2022): e024. http://dx.doi.org/10.14295/jmphc.v14.1247.
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Os sistemas universais de saúde são suscetíveis às crises estruturais do capitalismo e têm tido problemas de se adaptar às mudanças sociais bruscas no cenário neoliberal. No Brasil, o quadro econômico e social que se seguiu à criação do Sistema Único de Saúde é significativamente diferente a dos países capitalistas avançados, quando construíram seus sistemas, caracterizado pela magnitude de recursos e pelo ambiente político e social favorável à construção da cidadania social. No entanto, não difere do quadro geral de embates que os sistemas vêm experimentando, com mercantilização, cortes drásticos de recursos e modificações nos esquemas de financiamento. Os recursos e o ambiente político e social são disputados no movimento do capital contemporâneo, sob a predominância do capital portador de juros, na sua forma mais perversa, o capital fictício, cujo interesse é reduzir os esquemas de financiamento desses sistemas, em favor, por exemplo, à ampliação do pagamento dos juros da dívida pública e à concessão de apoio ao setor privado, utilizando-se de mecanismos que impõem riscos à saúde universal. Neste contexto, discute-se a sustentabilidade dos sistemas universais e os desafios que vêm exigindo que o instrumental da economia passe a ser cada vez mais considerado para entender as novas características e os limites dos esquemas de financiamento. Essa perspectiva exige a utilização do referencial teórico da economia política, na qual o econômico e o político não são autônomos. O financiamento não pode estar restrito à predominante discussão especializada da economia neoclássica, desconexa do quadro político e social e reservada ao desempenho, à eficiência e aos custos. Sem uma crítica contumaz à narrativa predominante do pensamento econômico-social na saúde, a compreensão desta como direito passa a estar ameaçada. É necessário, portanto, lançar luzes sobre a relação existente entre o financiamento dos sistemas e os elementos próprios do modo de produção capitalista, discutidos por autores da economia política, e em especial do campo da saúde, dentre os quais destacamos a contribuição de Paul Singer, em cuja obra daremos destaque à sua reflexão em “Prevenir e Curar: o Controle Social Através dos Serviços de Saúde”, de 1978, fundamental para as discussões contemporâneas acerca da sustentabilidade dos sistemas universais. O objetivo desta pesquisa é caracterizar a produção nacional e internacional, desde 1980, sobre o tema do financiamento de sistemas universais de saúde, com a finalidade de identificar como os estudos abordam a questão da sua sustentabilidade e qual a relação estabelecida com o campo da economia política, tomando-se como base a contribuição de autores-chave críticos, dentre os quais Paul Singer. O estudo proposto é realizado através de revisão sistematizada da literatura a partir da pergunta: “O quanto que o arcabouço teórico da economia política, à luz da perspectiva de Paul Singer, está presente nos estudos da economia da saúde que abordam o tema do financiamento da saúde em sistemas universais na fase contemporânea do capitalismo? ”. Tomou-se como fenômeno ‘financiamento da saúde’ e como população ‘sistemas universais de saúde’. O contexto se refere à economia da saúde. Para a formulação das sintaxes, foram considerados países que possuem sistemas públicos de saúde dos tipos bismarkiano, beveridgiano e de monopólio estatal. Foram pesquisados quatro repositórios de estudos científicos: BVS, MEDLINE, Scopus e Web Of Science. A sintaxe utilizada para cada um desses repositórios refere-se à: na BVS (((mh:(("financiamento dos sistemas de saude" OR "financiamento da assistencia a saude" OR "financiamento governamental" OR "recursos em saude" OR "recursos financeiros em saude" OR "gastos em saude"))) AND (mh:(("sistemas de saude" OR "sistemas nacionais de saude" OR "medicina estatal" OR "politica de saude" OR "servicos de saude" OR "sistemas publicos de saude"))))) AND ("inglaterra" OR "escocia" OR "pais de gales" OR “irlanda do norte” OR "portugal" OR "espanha" OR "franca" OR "italia" OR "alemanha" OR "suecia" OR "brasil" OR "cuba" OR "costa rica" OR "canada"), na MEDLINE (((((((Healthcare Financing[MeSH Terms])) OR ((Financing, Organized[MeSH Terms]))) OR ((Financing, Government[MeSH Terms]))) OR ((Health Planning Support[MeSH Terms]))) AND ((((((Universal Health Care[MeSH Terms])) OR ((Delivery of Health Care[MeSH Terms]))) OR ((Delivery of Health Care, Integrated[MeSH Terms]))) OR (State Medicine[MeSH Terms])) OR (Patient Acceptance of Health Care[MeSH Terms]))) AND ("england" OR "scotland" OR "wales" OR “northern ireland” OR "portugal" OR "spain" OR "france" OR "italy" OR "germany" OR "sweden" OR "brazil" OR "cuba" OR "costa rica" OR "canada")) AND ("health system$"), na Scopus (TITLE-ABS-KEY ( financing ) AND TITLE-ABS-KEY ( "Universal Health Care" ) OR TITLE-ABS-KEY ( "health system*" ) AND TITLE-ABS-KEY ( england ) OR TITLE-ABS-KEY ( scotland ) OR TITLE-ABS-KEY ( wales ) OR TITLE-ABS-KEY ( northern AND ireland ) OR TITLE-ABS-KEY ( portugal ) OR TITLE-ABS-KEY ( spain ) OR TITLE-ABS-KEY ( france ) OR TITLE-ABS-KEY ( italy ) OR TITLE-ABS-KEY ( germany ) OR TITLE-ABS-KEY ( sweden ) OR TITLE-ABS-KEY ( brazil ) OR TITLE-ABS-KEY ( cuba ) OR TITLE-ABS-KEY ( costa AND rica ) OR TITLE-ABS-KEY ( canada ) e na Web of Science ((TS=(financing)) AND TS=("universal health care" OR "state medicine" OR "Delivery of Health Care" OR "health system*")) AND TS=(england OR scotland OR wales OR ‘northern ireland’ OR portugal OR spain OR france OR italy OR germany OR sweden OR brazil OR cuba OR 'costa rica' OR canada). Ao se somarem os estudos encontrados em cada repositório – BVS (1772), MEDLINE (605), SCOPUS (653) e Web of Science (382) – identificou-se o total de 3412 estudos. Foram excluídos estudos por duplicação (561), por ano de publicação (122), por idioma (196), por tipo de documento (443) e por duplicação em relação ao idioma (56). O número de estudos que sobraram após os critérios foi 2.034. Na continuidade desta pesquisa, será realizada a leitura de títulos para verificação da pertinência à temática do financiamento, utilizando-se como critério de inclusão a menção a financiamento, alocação ou sustentabilidade. Na leitura dos resumos, serão excluídos resultados não relacionados ao tema. Na leitura dos artigos completos disponíveis, serão excluídos resultados que não apresentam referencial teórico voltado à economia política. Os artigos selecionados serão discutidos à luz da economia política da saúde e, em especial, das dimensões apresentadas por Singer, analisando-se criticamente convergências e divergências.
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Walsh, James. "Politics and Exchange Rates: Britain, France, Italy, and the Negotiation of the European Monetary System." Journal of Public Policy 14, no. 3 (1994): 345–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00007315.
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ABSTRACTWhen the European Monetary System was negotiated in 1978, governments in France, Britain, and Italy took very different approaches to this new international institution for coordinating exchange rate policies. The French government actively supported the creation of the European Monetary System, the Italian government entered the system but on weaker terms than the French, and the British government refused to enter the system, preferring to allow the pound to float. To explain these different policy choices, I analyze the impact of domestic politics and institutions on exchange rate policy, paying particular attention to how the organization of bank-industry relations and government instability shape policymakers' policy preferences and their abilities to implement these preferences.
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Heringa, Aalt Willem. "Book Reviews: Government and Politics in Western Europe – Britain, France, Italy, West Germany." Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law 1, no. 2 (1994): 221–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1023263x9400100206.
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Saint-Blancat, Chantal, and Ottavia Schmidt di Friedberg. "Why are Mosques a Problem? Local Politics and Fear of Islam in Northern Italy." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 31, no. 6 (2005): 1083–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13691830500282881.
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O’Campo, Patricia, Alix Freiler, Carles Muntaner, et al. "Resisting austerity measures to social policies: multiple explanatory case studies." Health Promotion International 34, no. 6 (2018): 1130–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/heapro/day073.
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Abstract Since Margaret Thatcher reached power in the United Kingdom, European governments have increasingly turned to neoliberal forms of policy-making, focusing, especially after the 2008 Great Recession on ‘austerity policies’ rather than investing in social protection policies. We applied a multiple explanatory case studies methodology to examine how and why challenges and resistance to these austerity measures are successful or not in four settings for three different social policy issues: using a gender lens in state budgeting in Andalusia (Spain), maintaining unemployment benefits in Italy and cuts to fuel poverty reduction programs in Northern Ireland and England. In particular, we intended to learn about whether resistance strategies are shared across disparate cases or whether there are unique activities that lead to successful resistance to austerity policies. As our approach drew from realist philosophy of science, we started with initial theories concerning collective action, political ideology and political power of affected populations. Our findings suggest that there are similarities between the cases we studied despite differences in political and policy contexts. We found that joint action between advocacy groups was effective in resisting cuts to social spending. Evidence also indicates that the social construction of target populations is important in resisting changes to social programmes. This was observed in both England and Northern Ireland where pensioners held significant political clout.
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Rose, Colin. "Plague and Violence in Early Modern Italy." Renaissance Quarterly 71, no. 3 (2018): 1000–1035. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/699602.
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AbstractFollowing the plague of 1630, which struck Northern Italy particularly hard, the erosion of social norms and hierarchies led to an outbreak of homicidal violence in the city and province of Bologna. In particular, urban nobility resumed practices of vendetta and revenge as politics that had lain dormant for some decades; while in the countryside, the heightened stresses of endemic rural poverty led to homicides over resources such as land, food, and employment. This article examines that outbreak of violence in the context of natural disaster, employing a selection of seventy-seven homicide trials prosecuted by the Tribunale del Torrone, the criminal court of Bologna, in 1632.
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Reynolds, Jonathan T. "The Politics of History." Journal of Asian and African Studies 32, no. 1-2 (1997): 50–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685217-90007281.
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The influence of religion in Nigerian politics can be traced in particular to the Islamic/political legacy of the nineteenth-century Sokoto Caliphate. The legacy of this Islamic state has dramatically influenced Nigerian politics, which became particularly evident during the period of political activity in the 1950s and the subsequent events that stemmed from this activity. The Sokoto Caliphate as a model of government in northern Nigeria was in fact problematic because it only represented part of an historical tradition that was strongly affected by violence and resistance to Islamic expansion. Hence the Caliphate has been a source of tension rather than integration at the national level.
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Fisher, Daniel T. "An Urban Frontier: Respatializing Government in Remote Northern Australia." Cultural Anthropology 30, no. 1 (2015): 139–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.14506/ca30.1.08.
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This essay draws on ethnographic research with Aboriginal Australians living in the parks and bush spaces of a Northern Australian city to analyze some new governmental measures by which remoteness comes to irrupt within urban space and to adhere to particular categories of people who live in and move through this space. To address this question in contemporary Northern Australia is also to address the changing character of the Australian government of Aboriginal people as it moves away from issues of redress and justice toward a state of emergency ostensibly built on settler Australian compassion and humanitarian concern. It also means engaging with the mediatization of politics and its relation to the broader, discursive shaping of such spatial categories as remote and urban. I suggest that remoteness forms part of the armory of recent political efforts to reshape Aboriginal policy in Northern Australia. These efforts leverage remoteness to diagnose the ills of contemporary Aboriginal society, while producing remoteness itself as a constitutive feature of urban space.
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Maslova, Elena, and Ekaterina Shebalina. "Party-Political System Transformation in Italy." Contemporary Europe 102, no. 2 (2021): 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope22021111123.
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Throughout the years of the existence of the Italian Republic, the country's political system has been characterized by both periods of stability and turbulence. The article presents a comprehensive analysis of the transformation of the Italian party-political system and political landscape, macrotendencies of Italian politics from the First Republic (1948) to the present. The research highlights the main features of each period. The authors reflect on the possible emergence of the Third Republic in Italy. The study is relevant in view of the growing government crisis in the Italian Republic, aggravated by the epidemiological situation. Among the main trends that characterize the modern political system, the authors underline increasing heterogeneity, the emergence of coalitions that are formed not in accordance with political programs and political values, but with the political situation based on the principle “here and now”; tendency towards personification of parties, and increasing fragmentation of political spectrum. This gives a ground to deliberate on a possible existence in Italy of “liquid politics” (politica liquida) as a state of continuous political system “melting and overflowing” in the absence of a clear ideological delimitation ‒ one of the stages at which a new political reality is being constructed.
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Rice, Charis, and Ian Somerville. "Political Contest and Oppositional Voices in Postconflict Democracy." International Journal of Press/Politics 22, no. 1 (2016): 92–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161216677830.
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This article investigates how political institutions affect government–media relationships. Most studies of media-politics focus on majoritarian parliamentary or presidential systems and on how party systems affect journalism. This tends to neglect important issues that pertain in more constitutionally complex democracies, such as the consociational institutions in postconflict societies. Taking the Northern Irish context as a strategic case study, we analyze data from thirty-three semistructured interviews with the actors responsible for communicating political issues in Northern Ireland: political journalists and the two groups of government communicators, civil service Government Information Officers (GIOs) and Ministerial Special Advisers (SpAds). By examining their roles and relationships in this context, we demonstrate the importance of considering the institutional design of the democratic system itself when attempting to develop a more comprehensive and nuanced theory of media-politics. In Northern Ireland, the absence of an official political opposition in the legislature, together with the mandatory nature of the multiparty coalition, means that the media have come to be perceived by many political and media actors as the opposition. This in turn influences the interpersonal interactions between government and media, the way political actors try to “manage” the media, and the media’s approach to reporting government.
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Abenavoli, Ludovico, Pietro Cinaglia, Anna Caterina Procopio, et al. "SARS-CoV-2 Spread Dynamics in Italy: The Calabria Experience." Reviews on Recent Clinical Trials 16, no. 3 (2021): 309–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/1574887116666210401124945.
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Introduction: The first case of infection by SARS-CoV-2 (i.e., COVID-19) has been officially recorded by the Italian National Health Service on February 21st, 2020. Lombardy was the first Italian region to be affected by the pandemic. Subsequently, the entire Northern part of Italy recorded a high number of cases, while the South was hit following the migratory waves. On March 8th, the Italian Government has issued a decree that imposed a total lockdown, defining it as a state of isolation and restricting access in Lombardy and the other 14 provinces of Northern Italy. Methods: We analyzed the virus trend in the period between February 24th and September 8th, 2020, focusing on Calabria, with regards to the following items: new positives, change of total positives, and total cases. Furthermore, we included other information, such as the incubation period, symptom resolution period, quarantine period. Results: On March 27th, the epidemic curve spiked with 101 new positive cases validating the hypothesis that this abnormal event was related to the displacement of non-residents people, living in the Northern part of Italy, to the home regions in the South. The epidemic curve showed a decreasing trend in the period after lockdown, proving the effectiveness of this measure. From the end of the lockdown May 04th to September 8th, the registered trend was -94.51%. A negative growth rate indicates that the number of new positive cases is lower than the number of healed patients. Conclusion: This study describes the effectiveness of the Italian Government policy, particularly the role of lockdown, for the containment of SARS-CoV-2 contagion in Calabria, a region with a low SARS-CoV-2 infection rate within the registered period.
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Odermatt, Peter. "Built heritage and the politics of (re) presentation." Archaeological Dialogues 3, no. 2 (1996): 95–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203800000660.
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In August 1992, the American multinational Coca Cola launched a n ew advertising campaign in Italy. The advertisement used, showed the Greek Parthenon. The commercial artist had replaced the temple's original fluted baseless columns with columns resembling the world's most famous bottle. Whereas it took the Greeks almost 180 years to launch a protest against the theft of the sculptures of the Parthenon by Lord Elgin, their reaction was now of another order. The tasteless representation infuriated the national archaeological authorities. As these were preparing to sue, Coca Cola offered its excuses to the Greek government.
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Chiruţă, Ciprian, Emilian Bulgariu, Jurij Avsec, Brigita Ferčec, and Matej Mencinger. "Comparison of the Evolution of the COVID-19 Disease between Romania and Italy." Applied System Innovation 3, no. 4 (2020): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/asi3040044.
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After the outbreak of COVID-19 in Italy, thousands of Romanian citizens who worked in Northern Italy, Spain or Germany returned to Romania. Based on the time-dependent susceptible–infected–recovered—SIR model, this paper compares the evolution of the COVID-19 disease between Romania and Italy, assuming that the parameter value of R0 in the time-dependent SIR model decreases to R1 < R0 after publicly announced restrictions by the government, and increases to a value of R2 < R1 when the restrictions are lifted. Among other things, we answer the questions about the date and extent of the second peak in Italy and Romania with respect to different values of R2 and the duration of the restrictions.
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Ambler, Charles. "Alcohol, Racial Segregation and Popular Politics in Northern Rhodesia." Journal of African History 31, no. 2 (1990): 295–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025056.
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Historians who have studied the rise of African opposition to colonialism in Northern Rhodesia have concentrated largely on the development of political parties and their campaigns for political rights. This paper explores some of the social and cultural elements of the popular movement against British rule through an examination of challenges to restrictions on the production and consumption of alcoholic beverages. In Northern Rhodesia as in much of British-ruled east, central and southern Africa, the colonial government banned the consumption by Africans of all European-type alcoholic drinks and placed tight restrictions on the brewing and sale of grain beers. In the immediate postwar period racially discriminatory alcohol regulations emerged as a highly emotional issue and remained so despite liberalization of the restrictions on beer and wine. But the focus of popular anger was the municipal grain beer monopolies and attempts on the part of the authorities to stamp out an illegal beer trade conducted by women brewers. Beginning in the mid-1950s this anger erupted in a series of protests and boycotts directed against municipal beerhalls. The protesters, many of whom were women, opposed the exclusion of Africans from a potentially lucrative sector of trade as well as the supposedly immoral and degrading characteristics of the beerhalls. Examination of the struggle over the beerhalls illuminates some of the diverse and contradictory sources and objectives of popular political expression during this period and in particular sheds light on the interplay among issues of race, class and gender in the nationalist movement.
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Regan, Aidan. "Rethinking social pacts in Europe: Prime ministerial power in Ireland and Italy." European Journal of Industrial Relations 23, no. 2 (2016): 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680116669032.
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In Ireland and Southern European countries, social pacts were widely seen as a mechanism to mobilize broad support for weak governments to legitimate difficult reforms in the context of monetary integration. I retrace the politics of these pacts in Ireland and Italy to argue that it was less the condition of ‘weak government’ that enabled the negotiation of tripartite pacts, than the intervention of a ‘strong executive’: the prime minister’s office. Social pacts were pursued as a political strategy to enhance prime ministerial executive autonomy. In the aftermath of the euro crisis, this means of enhancing executive autonomy has been replaced by the negotiation of grand coalition governments, with the exclusion of unions; but this continues the trend towards the prime ministerialization of politics.
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Petrov, Kirill. "Brexit and Its Political Implications: the Cases of Scotland and Northern Ireland." Journal of International Analytics, no. 4 (December 28, 2018): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2018-0-4-17-25.
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The article describes the political process in the UK after the referendum on leaving the EU. Unsuccessful at least until February 2019 negotiations between the Conservative government and the EU are at the center of the process. Considerable attention is paid to the results of the general parliamentary elections of 2017, which brought the decline of multi-party politics. The article points to Brexit’s obvious connection with disruptions in the process of devolution and the emergence of new problems in the central government relations with the regions: Scotland and Northern Ireland.
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Rebessi, Elisa, and Francesco Zucchini. "Courts as extra-cabinet control mechanisms for secondary legislation: evidence from Italy." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 50, no. 2 (2019): 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2019.31.
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AbstractMinisters can have an incentive to adopt policies through secondary legislation that deviates from the general compromise reached via the primary legislation. We suggest that when secondary legislation is at stake, in some countries coalition partners can rely upon the ex-ante legal scrutiny of courts as an extra-cabinet control mechanism. We focus on the interaction between governments and the Council of State, the highest administrative court and the most important consultative body of the government in Italy. Our findings support the general hypothesis that the Council's activism as an advisor is generated by the demand for control mechanisms on the secondary legislation. Such a demand is affected by specific political conditions, i.e. the level of government heterogeneity and government alternation. The findings on the Italian case can be a starting point for research on the different levels of involvement of administrative courts in the executive politics that characterize European Democracies.
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Mancosu, Moreno. "Geographical context, interest in politics and voting behaviour: the case of the Northern League in Italy." Contemporary Italian Politics 6, no. 2 (2014): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2014.927193.
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Fava, Terenzio. "Le elezioni comunali del 2016." Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale. QOE - IJES 77, no. 1 (2017): 21–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-8540.
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Local elections held on June 2016 in Italy asked voters to appoint more than 1,300 among mayors and municipal councilors, some of them in big cities like Rome, Milan, Turin. This article aims at assessing who is the real winner of this election. At first sight, the Five Stars Movement won this election. Nevertheless, some doubts arise because of its limited coverage of the territories, internal conflicts and the lack of homogeneity of its electoral results at the local level. Among the losers, Forza Italia and minor parties like NCD and extreme-left parties are to be counted, while the Northern League secured its previous elections' percentage. The Democratic Party reported huge losses but remained the leading party in half of the voting municipalities. A more in-depth analysis shows however that local lists (civic lists) strongly improved their results and voters' support. From this perspective it is the territory that won 2016 local election. The article claims that this may negatively affect the national political system and political establishment. Civic lists bring in fact together different political actors (such as notabilities, patrons and relevant clienteles) with populist local movements, and often show weak political capabilities in local government.l
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Mangione, Gabriella. "Some Brief Remarks on the Controversial Relationship Between the Judiciary and Politics in Italy." Comparative Law Review 27 (December 22, 2021): 79–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/clr.2021.003.
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The relationship between the judiciary and the political sphere and the dilemma over whether the judiciary has been a victim of politics, or whether politics has been a victim of the judiciary, have been hot topics for some time in Italy. Since a major scandal engulfed the High Council of the Judiciary, the courts have become the principal focus of the reform efforts of the Draghi Government, which took office in February 2021. The contribution briefly illustrates the figure of the Judicial Power within the Division of Powers and the evolution of the judge’s role within this system. Following a brief premise on the evolution of the role of judges during the last two centuries, the principle of the independence of the judiciary in the Italian Constitution will be outlined before final comments on the controversial relationship between the judiciary and politics.