To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Italy, Northern – Politics and government.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Italy, Northern – Politics and government'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Italy, Northern – Politics and government.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Jauch, Linda. "Women, power and political discourse in fifteenth-century northern Italy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252268.
Full text
2
Brunet-Jailly, Emmanuel. "Political culture in Italy." Thesis, This resource online, 1988. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-04122010-083632/.
Full text
3
Martin, Charles 1975. "The politics of Northern Ontario : an analysis of the political divergences at the provincial periphery." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29838.
Full textAbstract:
From the outset, Northern Ontario has existed as an exploited natural resource region, vulnerable to the vicissitudes of a "boom and bust" verity. This has had profound effects on its ensuing political patterns and political processes. This thesis describes how and why the politics of Northern Ontario are different. This thesis demonstrates that the politics of Northern Ontario, unlike Southern Ontario, are distinguished by disaffection, dependency, domination, pragmatism, and parochialism. This thesis also argues that the North's divergent development and natural resource based economy, as well as pernicious provincial government policies and extensive interventions, provoked the differences apparent in its politics. These differences are evinced in the North's disparate political culture, political priorities, and political structure. Furthermore, this thesis confirms that Northern Ontario politics feature a low level of political efficacy which is primarily the result of its "centre-periphery" connection with Southern Ontario.
4
Creber, Alison Madeleine. "Adelaide of Turin (c.1014/24-1091) : imperial politics and regional power in eleventh-century northern Italy." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2017. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/adelaide-of-turin-c1014241091(abd1af3a-8b96-4a06-98d4-37d6a121bcd6).html.
Full textAbstract:
Recent scholarship emphasises that the exercise of political power by royal and aristocratic medieval women was commonplace. Building upon this work, my thesis examines the life of Adelaide of Turin (c.1014/24-1091), who inherited, and ruled, the mark of Turin. Her importance has often been overlooked however, particularly in Anglophone historiography. Older scholarship tends to focus on Adelaide in terms of her connection with the Savoyard dynasty (who later became kings of Italy), or on the rise of regional states. These traditional histories do not take account of the central issues with which I am concerned: gender and cultures of power. In focusing on Adelaide – and gender – my thesis illuminates wider issues, relating to the exercise of power in the eleventh century, as well as to imperial politics, and religious change. Part I of the thesis considers Adelaide’s role in dynastic and imperial politics. Particular attention is paid to Adelaide’s acquisition and maintenance of power, and to the marital alliances forged between Adelaide’s dynasty and the imperial family. Through focusing on Adelaide key political events are reassessed, including two crises in the reign of her son-in-law, Henry IV of Germany (his attempt to repudiate his wife in 1069, and the events at Canossa in 1077). Revising the commonly held view that Adelaide and her dynasty had close ties with Savoy, Part II focuses on Adelaide’s power in Turin. Adelaide’s religious patronage and support of monastic reform are examined, as are her dealings with her officers and administration, her relationship with local elites, and her role in the administration of justice. Adelaide dominated the political landscape of Turin, and played key roles in imperial and papal politics. She was such an important non-royal ruler that (in preference to the more usual term, ‘lordly woman’) she is best described as a ‘princely woman’.
5
Çetin, Elif. "Political debates, policy objectives and outcomes in British and Italian immigration politics, 1997-2010." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708065.
Full text
6
Kachuk, Patricia Mary Catherine. "Irish ethnic consciousness : an anthropological view of its awakening, its maintenance, and its perpetuation in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26848.
Full textAbstract:
Ethnonational movements have proliferated throughout the world since the American and French Revolutions first gave birth to the consciousness that every nation has a right to self-determination. Whether these ethnic-based nationalist movements are a new phenomenon which is rooted in the Industrial Era of Europe, or are just a recent stage in an ethnic struggle that began during the initial cultural contact between two ethnically different groups and has persisted ever since, determines the point at which an analyst will choose to begin his or her investigation. Ultimately, the selection of this starting point determines the conclusions drawn about the cause and nature of ethnonational movements.
In this thesis, the exploration of Irish ethnonationalism begins in the twelfth century when the Anglo-Normans invaded Ireland. The formation and development of the Irish ethnic group is analyzed, and self-identification found to be the key criterion for determining group membership. As social cleavages between the "Irish" and "colonizer" hardened, institutions and structures emerged to maintain and reinforce the ethnic boundary between these two groups. The thesis concludes with a detailed analysis of the operation of one mechanism of self-segregation--separate education—using ethnographic data and autobiographical accounts of the childhood experiences of people who were born and raised in Northern Ireland.
In this thesis, it is argued that Irish ethnic consciousness was brought into awareness when the invading Anglo-Normans threatened to dissolve into chaos the existing Gaelic social order. It is contended that the ethnic struggle in Ireland which began in the twelfth century and still persists today in Northern Ireland, has no single cause, but was and still is fundamentally a cultural conflict which continues to be fuelled by a long history of "remembered" grievances—cultural, political, and economic--most of which predate industrialization and the American and French Revolutions. This past is kept alive by the institutions, structures, and practices which maintain and reinforce the ethnic boundary between Catholics and Protestants in contemporary Northern Ireland, thus ensuring that the Irish nationalist movement will continue to have at its disposal a sharply defined ethnic group which it can mobilize when necessary, and from which it can recruit new members.Arts, Faculty of
Anthropology, Department of
Graduate
7
FERENTE, Serena. "Gli ultimi guelfi : passioni e identità politiche nell'Italia del secondo Quattrocento." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10426.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 7 September 2007Examining Board: Prof. Anthony Molho, (EUI) ; Doctor Humfrey Butters, (University of Warwick) ; Prof. Giulia Calvi, (EUI) ; Prof. Giorgio Chittolini, (Università di Milano)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Questa tesi presenta i risultati della ricerca di un oggetto sfuggente, un’identità politica di parte, nell’Italia del secondo Quattrocento. La ricerca si è estesa su un lasso di tempo piuttosto lungo (cinquant’anni circa), su un’area piuttosto vasta e politicamente frammentata (buona parte della penisola italiana), e su un 'mondo di carta', prodotto tanto negli anni tra il 1450 e il 1499 quanto dagli storici in tempi più recenti. Le ragioni di questa ricerca, e di alcune scelte e definizioni adottate per evitare di perdersi, occuperanno questa introduzione.
8
Hogan, Marina. "The fictional Savonarola and the creation of modern Italy." University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. Italian Studies, 2009. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0035.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis deals with Girolamo Savonarola and with his place in the imagination and collective memory of Italians from the early nineteenth century to the present. It examines the works of a variety of Italian fictional authors who turned to Savonarola in the belief that he could help them pursue objectives which, in their opinion, Italy and Italians should strive to achieve. At first, he was called upon by nationalist writers of the Risorgimento to inspire a people and convince it of the need for a free, united Italy. Later, as the new nation began to consolidate and Italians came to realize that unification had not delivered all that it had promised, Savonarola was employed in a negative way to show that military action and force were necessary to ensure Italy's progress to the status of great power. As Italians became more aware of the grave social issues facing their nation, he was called upon, once again, to help change social policy and to remind the people of its civic responsibility to the less fortunate members of society. The extent of Savonarola's adaptability is also explored through the analysis of his manipulation by the writers of Fascist Italy. Remarkably, he was used to highlight to Italians their duty to stand by Mussolini and the Fascist Regime during their struggle with the Catholic Church and the Pope. At the same time, however, one writer daringly used Savonarola's apostolate to condemn the Regime and the people's blind adherence to its philosophies. As Fascism fell and Italy began to rebuild after the Second World War, there was no longer a need for Savonarola to be used for political or militaristic ends. In recent times, emphasis has been placed on the human side of the Friar and he has been employed solely to guide Italians in a civic, moral and spiritual sense. From the Risorgimento to the present, the various changes in Italian history have been foreshadowed in the treatment of Savonarola by Italian fictional authors who turned to him in difficult times to help define what it is to be Italian.
9
Evans, Peter Christopher. "Transformations of Inuit resistance and identity in northern Labrador, 1771-1959." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648417.
Full text
10
Walcott, Judith Ann. "Discourse and development at the border : state projects and development interventions in Ecuador's northern Andes." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610289.
Full text
11
Norred, Patricia A. "Girolamo Savonarola and the Problem of Humanist Reform in Florence." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1988. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500716/.
Full textAbstract:
Girolamo Savonarola lived at the apex of the Renaissance, but most of his biographers regard him as an anachronism or a precursor of the Reformation. Savonarola, however, was influenced by the entire milieu of Renaissance Florence, including its humanism. Savonarola's major work, Triumph of the Cross, is a synthesis of humanism, neo-Thomism and mysticism. His political reforms were routed in both the millennialist dreams of Florence and the goals of civic humanism. Hoping to translate the abstract humanist life of virtue into the concrete, he ultimately failed, not because the Renaissance was rejecting the Middle Ages, but because the former was reacting against itself. Florence, for all its claims of being the center of the Renaissance, was not willing to make humanist reform a reality.
12
Heaney, James Francis. "Northern Ireland and the Anglo-Irish agreement: peace in our time?" Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/80078.
Full textAbstract:
The Anglo-Irish Agreement in November 1985 represented a watershed in Anglo-Irish relations. Its specific aim has been the removal of the unionist veto which has frustrated attempts to settle the Irish Question since the partition of Northern Ireland from the rest of the island in 1921. Heralded initially by many as the "solution" to the "troubles", the Agreement had much to live up to. To an extent initial accolades were functions of wishful thinking and condemnation that of knee-jerk reaction based upon instinctive fear. One can only hope that a path to resolution had been created despite such misgivings and high expectations. One thing has been evident, there has been a general confusion among nationalists and unionists as to what the Agreement allows for.
This paper attempts to analyze where the Anglo-Irish Agreement fits into the scheme of things in the political context of Northern Ireland. In the third year since its passing there seems to be little external sign of resolution to the conflict, certainly nothing that might justify the grand expectations of those who would have seen it realize the ultimate withdrawal of Britain from Ireland. The Agreement remains as contentious now after three years as it was in the days after its passing. This raises the necessity of a re-appraisal of the situation and forces the question, can there ever be a peaceful solution if there continues to be such a fundamental disagreement as to what is at stake? One of the few certainties about Northern Ireland is that if the parties involved continue to approach the problem from opposite and intransigent perspectives, no agreement reached between Britain and Ireland on the future of Northern Ireland which "threatens" to succeed will be allowed to do so peacefully.Master of Arts
13
Jones, Scott Lee. "Servants of the Republic : patrician lawyers in Quattrocento Venice." Thesis, Swansea University, 2010. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42517.
Full textAbstract:
Lawyers have widely been recognized as playing a role in the transition from the medieval to the modem state. Their presence in Renaissance Venetian politics, however, remains largely unexplored. Relying primarily on a prosopographical analysis, the thesis explores the various roles played by lawyers, dividing those roles into three main categories: diplomats, territorial governors, and domestic legislators. What emerges is a clear pattern of significant involvement by legally trained patricians in the Venetian political system. Noble lawyers were most often ambassadors, serving in many of the principal courts inside and outside of Italy as Venice was extending her influence on the Italian peninsula. They also served as administrators of Venetian rule throughout the Venetian terraferma (mainland) state. Lastly, their domestic political officeholding further confirms their continuing participation, as they held many of the most important domestic offices throughout the Quattrocento. The thesis ends with short biographies of each of the nearly three-dozen lawyers who make up this study, as well as chronologies of the offices they held. These chronologies include archival references for each office.
14
Cimino, Roberta. "Italian queens in the ninth and tenth centuries." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/5359.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis investigates the role of queens in ninth and tenth century Italy. During the Carolingian period the Italian kingdom saw significant involvement of royal women in political affairs. This trend continued after the Carolingian empire collapsed in 888, as Italy became the theatre of struggles for the royal and imperial title, which resulted in a quick succession of local rulers. By investigating Italian queens, my work aims at reassessing some aspects of Italian royal politics. Furthermore, it contributes to the study of medieval queenship, exploring a context which has been overlooked with regard to female authority. The work which has been done on queens over the last decades has attempted to build a coherent model of early medieval queenship; scholars have often privileged the analysis of continuities and similarities in the study of queens' prerogatives and resources. This thesis challenges this model and underlines the peculiarities of individual queens. My analysis demonstrates that, by deconstructing the coherent model established by historiography, it is possible to underline the individual experiences, resources and strengths of each royal woman, and therefore create a new way to look at the history of queens and queenship. The thesis is divided into four main thematic sections. After having introduced the subject and the relevant historiography on the topic in the introduction, in Chapter 2 I consider ideas about queenship as expressed by narrative and normative sources. Chapter 3 deals with royal diplomas, which are a valuable resource for the understanding of queens' reigns. Chapter 4 analyses queens' dowers and monastic patronage. Chapter 5 examines the experience of Italian royal widows. Finally, the conclusive chapter outlines the significance of this thesis for the broader understanding of medieval queenship.
15
Stone, Aaron H. ""Never forget" and "Never unite" : commemorating the Battle of the Somme in Northern Ireland, 1985-1997." Virtual Press, 2005. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1318905.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines Protestant unionist commemorations of the Battle of the Somme in Northern Ireland during a phase in which they exhibited marked popularity and politicization. Filling a gap in the scholarship and building upon it, this thesis pays closer attention to the historical context and development of these commemorations and takes into account a broader swath of forms and locations of commemoration. It argues that, in the face of the perceived threat of Irish unification posed by the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985, unionists employed the memory of the Somme as a political tool on two different but overlapping fronts. On one front, they used it against their collective opponents, who supported or supposedly supported Irish unification. On a second front, conflicting groups within the unionist community, namely unionist politicians, Orangemen, Protestant youths, and loyalist paramilitaries, interpreted the Somme differently to satisfy their partisan agendas. Analyzing Somme commemoration at the Belfast cenotaph, in parades, and in murals, this thesis provides explanations for why the Somme was remembered differently in various mediums and locales of commemoration, with particular attention to the differing degrees and manners in which Protestant commemorators recognized the Catholic contribution in the Somme campaign.Department of History
16
Richards, Anthony. "Political fronts of terrorist groups : a comparative study of Northern Ireland political fronts, their evolution, roles and potential for attaining political change." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14395.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis outlines the evolution and roles of the political fronts in Northern Ireland and their potential for attaining political change. It will assess the impact of a number of selected 'variables', both 'internal' and 'external', on the utility (or lack of utility) of these fronts. The variables that have been selected for consideration are: 1) Ideology, structure and leadership, 2) The notion of violence as a habit, 3) Popular support, 4) State response and 5) Other factors and events in the External Environment. Alexander George's 'structured, focused, comparison' methodology will be employed and the selected cases are the Irish Republican Army, the Ulster Defence Association and the Ulster Volunteer Force. Although all of the 'variables' have had a significant impact the thesis argues that the greatest motivation behind the use of Simi Fein has been the desire to mobilise or tap perceived existing support. In the case of the loyalist political fronts the domestic external environment, specifically the perception that the loyalist working classes had been manipulated by 'respectable' unionist politicians, was the most important factor behind their greater use. Paradoxically, it is unionist culture (such as its 'law abiding' nature and division of labour ethos) that has presented the most significant obstacle to their utility. The thesis will then assess whether or not political fronts represent moderation towards the use of violence on the part of the groups. It will suggest that they have in the loyalist cases. Although the following argues that political fronts are very much part of the 'terrorist machinery' as the political voices and propaganda outlets for terrorist groups, and that it is a misconception to view them as the 'moderate half of a movement, the thesis will contend that Sinn Fein has also ultimately come to represent moderation towards the use of violence. The conclusion will then suggest that the selected variables be tested in other examples and, assuming that Sinn Fein has come to represent moderation towards the use of violence, will then attempt to draw some lessons from the case of the IRA and its political front that might be considered when studying other cases.
17
Leruth, Benjamin. "Differentiated integration in the European Union : a comparative study of party and government preferences in Finland, Sweden and Norway." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/16175.
Full textAbstract:
In the field of European studies, the notion of ‘differentiated integration’ (Stubb 1996) was developed in the late 1990s as an alternative to the crude membership/non-membership dichotomy. While the theoretical benefits of this approach are broadly discussed in the existing literature, further empirical studies have been deemed necessary (Holzinger and Schimmelfennig 2012). The Nordic states constitute a particularly interesting laboratory in order to study this phenomenon. Indeed, while these states share several socio-economic and political characteristics, they also differ in terms of their relationship with the European Union. Several studies on these relationships emphasise the relevance of certain contextual variables as key explanatory factors for the variation in attitudes between the Nordic states. However, there is also lack of analysis that looks into the domestic political features that these countries share. Furthermore, most studies in the field tend to ignore the respective government’s positions on European integration, and mostly adopt a top-down approach when focusing on the nation-state as a whole. Adopting a most similar systems design, this thesis aims to answer the following question: have Nordic government preferences on European integration been influenced by domestic political factors? In order to answer this question, four domestic variables are introduced and analysed: relative strength of parties in parliament; composition of government; type of government; and government ideology. Within this comparative framework, three Nordic countries have been selected: the first one belonging to the ‘inner core’ of the European Union (Finland);; while the second is located at its ‘outer core’ (Sweden);; and the third one serves as a control case as an ‘EU-outsider’ which is still located in the Union’s ‘inner periphery’ (Norway). For each state, the analysis starts in the early 1990s, when ‘Europe’ developed into a politically salient issue in domestic politics. The focus is furthermore set on their respective government’s positions regarding five distinct policy areas: participation in the European Economic Area; application for European Union membership; participation in the Schengen Area; participation in the Economic and Monetary Union; and participation in European Battle Groups. The main findings of the thesis suggest that when analysing governments’ positions on (differentiated) European integration, the domestic political features should not be downplayed. For instance, the Swedish government’s opposition to participation in the EMU in 1997 is mostly explained by a lack of party consensus over this issue, unlike in Finland where a broad inter-party agreement was secured for this policy area. The analysis further suggests that studies on party and government preferences on Europe should focus on policy areas rather than on the issue of integration as a whole. Such a focus provides for better understanding of the nature of ‘Euroscepticism’ in the Nordic region and, to a broader extent, in Europe.
18
Elder, Peter. "Charles Lydiard Aubrey Abbott : countryman or colonial governor?" Phd thesis, Northern Territory University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/272368.
Full text
19
Finn, Sarah. "'Padre della nazione italiana' : Dante Alighieri and the construction of the Italian nation, 1800-1945." University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. Italian Studies, 2010. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0085.
Full textAbstract:
Dante Alighieri is, undoubtedly, an enduring feature of the cultural memory of generations of Italians. His influence is such that the mere mention of a dark wood or lifes journey recalls the poet and his most celebrated work, the Divina Commedia. This study, however, seeks to examine the construction of the medieval Florentine poet, exemplified by the above assertion, as a potent symbol of the Italian nation. From the creation of the idea of the Italian nation during the Risorgimento, to the Liberal ruling elites efforts after 1861 to legitimise the new Italian nation state, and more importantly to make Italians, to the rise of a more imperialist conception of nationalism in the early twentieth century and its most extreme expression under the Fascist regime, Dante was made to play a significant role in defining, justifying and glorifying the Italian nation. Such an exploration of the utilisation of Dante in the construction of Italian national identity during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries aids considerably in an understanding of the conceptualisation of the Italian nation, of the issues engendered by the establishment of the Italian nation state, and the evolution of these processes throughout the period in question. The various images of Dante revealed by this investigation of his instrumentalisation in the Italian process of nation-building bear only a fleeting resemblance to what is known of the poet in his medieval reality. Dante was born in 1265 to a family of modest means and standing in Florence, at that time the economic centre of Europe, and one of the most important cities of the Italian peninsula. His writings disclosed, however, that he was little impressed by his citys prestige and wealth, being instead greatly disturbed by its political discord and instability, of which he became an unfortunate victim. The violent partisan conflict in Florence and the turbulent political condition of the Italian peninsula in the late thirteenth century had a decisive influence on Dantes life and literary endeavours.
20
Macoun, Alissa. "Aboriginality and the Northern Territory intervention." Thesis, University of Queensland, 2012. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/65357/1/Macoun_phd_finalthesis.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the construction of Aboriginality in recent public policy reasoning through identifying representations deployed by architects and supporters of the Commonwealth’s 2007 Northern Territory Emergency Response (the intervention).
Debate about the Northern Territory intervention was explicitly situated in relation to a range of ideas about appropriate Government policy towards Indigenous people, and particularly about the nature, role, status, value and future of Aboriginality and of Aboriginal people and Torres Strait Islanders. This project involves analysis of constructions of Aboriginality deployed in texts created and circulated to explain and justify the policy program. The aim of the project is to identify the ideas about Aboriginality deployed by the intervention’s architects and supporters, and to examine the effects and implications of these discourses for political relationships between Indigenous people and settlers in Australia.
This thesis will argue that advocates of the Northern Territory intervention construct Aboriginality in a range of important ways that reassert and reinforce the legitimacy of the settler colonial order and the project of Australian nationhood, and operate to limit Aboriginal claims.
Specifically, it is argued that in linking Aboriginality to the abuse of Aboriginal children, the intervention’s advocates and supporters establish a political debate about the nature and future of Aboriginality within a discursive terrain in which the authority and perspectives of Indigenous people are problematised. Aboriginality is constructed in this process as both temporally and spatially separated from settler society, and in need of coercive integration into mainstream economic and political arrangements.
Aboriginality is depicted by settler advocates of intervention as an anachronism, with Aboriginal people and cultures understood as primitive and/or savage precursors to settlers who are represented as modern and civilised. As such, the communities seen as the authentic home or location of Aboriginality represent a threat to Aboriginal children as well as to settlers. These constructions function to obscure the violence of the settler order, provide justification or moral rehabilitation for the colonising project, and reassert the sovereignty of the settler state. The resolution offered by the intervention’s advocates is a performance or enactment of settler sovereignty, representing a claim over and through both the territory of Aboriginal people and the discursive terrain of nationhood.
21
Hartwell, Marcia Byrom. "Perceptions of justice, identity, and political processes of forgiveness and revenge in early post-conflict transitions : case studies, Northern Ireland, Serbia, South Africa." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:64cd9d6e-c557-4eb5-ac2e-cfaca04d7bf6.
Full text
22
Biaggi, Cecilia. "Catholics in Northern Ireland : political participation and cross-border relations, 1920-1932." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:eeb511c0-ff08-4843-9d8b-bad91046351d.
Full text
23
Abdullahi, Abdirashid. "Colonial policies and the failure of Somali secessionism in the Northern frontier district of Kenya colony, c.1890-1968." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002384.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the events that took plac,e. in the Northern Frontier District I North Eastern Province of Kenya hetween the late nineteenth century and 1968. After 1900 the imposition of colonial policies impacted on the socio-economic and political structures of the Somali people. This thesis also examines the nature of Somali resistance l\P- to the late 1920s when Somali society was finally pacified. It further examines colonial policies such as the creation of the Somali-Galla line in 1919, the separation of the J uhaland region from the Kenya Colony in 1926 and the Special District Ordinance of 1934. Between 1946 and 1948 the British Government through its Foreign Minister, Ernest Bevin, attempted to unify Somali territories in the Horn of Africa and this raised Somali hopes of uni fication. The Bevin Plan collapsed because of the opposition of the United States, the Soviet Union, the French and Ethiopian leaders. Similar hopes of NFD Somali unification were raised hetween 1958 and 1963 because of the unification of the former British Somali land and Italian Somaliland. Due to the imminent end of British colonial rule in Kenya, the NFD Somali leaders demanded secession from Kenya to join up with the nascent Somali republic. But the NFDSomali hopes of unification with the Somali Repuhlic were dashed by 1964 because of the same opposition provided by the United States, the French and the Ethiopians. The British Government were all along half-hearted towards Somali unification attempts even though the field administrators adopted a pro-Somali attitude to the issue. In the early 1960s, however, the NFD Somali leaders were faced with the additional opposition of the new KANU government in Kenya. In 1964 the failure of the NFD Somalis to secede from Kenya led to the guerrilla war, what the Kenyan government called the 'shifta movement', that engulfed the North Eastern Region until 1968 when the Arusha Memorandum of Understanding was signed between the Kenyan and the Somali Governments. The signing of the Arusha Memorandum of Understanding by the Kenyan and Somali Governments did not satisfy· the NFD Somalis hopes of joining the Somali Republic. The main conclusion of this thesis is that the N FD Somalis, except for few collahorators, did at no time, whether in the colonial or post-colonial eras, accept heing in Kenya. By the late 1960s the prospects of NFD Somalis unifying with the Somali Republic were, in view of the forces arrayed against the Somali secessionist movement, slim; and they have remained slim since then.
24
SIMON, MICHAEL PAUL PATRICK. "INDIGENOUS PEOPLES IN DEVELOPED FRAGMENT SOCIETIES: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF INTERNAL COLONIALISM IN THE UNITED STATES, CANADA AND NORTHERN IRELAND." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/183996.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this dissertation was to compare British policy towards Ireland/Northern Ireland and United States and Canadian Indian policies. Despite apparent differences, it was hypothesized that closer examination would reveal significant similarities. A conceptual framework was provided by the utilization of Hartzian fragment theory and the theory of internal colonialism. Eighteen research questions and a series of questions concerned with the applicability of the theoretical constructs were tested using largely historical data and statistical indices of social and economic development. The research demonstrated that Gaelic-Irish and North American Indian societies came under pressure from, and were ultimately subjugated by colonizing fragments marked by their high level of ideological cohesiveness. In the Irish case the decisive moment was the Ulster fragmentation of the seventeenth century which set in juxtaposition a defiant, uncompromising, zealously Protestant, "Planter" community and an equally defiant, recalcitrant, native Gaelic-Catholic population. In the United States traditional Indian society was confronted by a largely British-derived, single-fragment regime which was characterized by a profound sense of mission and an Indian policy rooted in its liberal ideology. In Canada the clash between two competing settler fragments led to the victory of the British over the French, and the pursuit of Indian policies based on many of the same premises that underlay United States policies. The indigenous populations in each of the cases under consideration suffered enormous loss of land, physical and cultural destruction, racial discrimination, economic exploitation and were stripped of their political independence. They responded through collective violence, by the formation of cultural revitalization movements, and by intense domestic and international lobbying. They continue to exist today as internal colonies of the developed fragment states within which they are subsumed.
25
Lantschner, Patrick. "The logic of political conflict in the late Middle Ages : a comparative study of urban political conflicts in Italy and the southern Low Countries, c. 1370-1440." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:88345337-bad5-4eb6-b626-ec6ae003cfef.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines urban political conflict in the late Middle Ages (c. 1370-1440) in Europe’s most heavily urbanised regions, Italy and the Southern Low Countries. Conflicts have frequently been viewed in the context of an emerging state-controlled political order, and have been interpreted either as forms of disruptive disorder, or as affirmations of political processes shaped by states. This thesis suggests that urban conflict should be studied not in the context of a state-controlled political order, but within the political framework provided by the numerous semi-autonomous jurisdictional institutions inside and outside cities (such as guilds, parishes or contending outside powers). This pluralistic order of politics gave rise to a form of political order sui generis which expressed itself in two ways. According to a general logic of conflict (Part One), particular rationales for justifying conflict (Chapter One) and specific political practices ranging from concealed protest to urban warfare (Chapter Two) were embedded in this multi-faceted and shifting political framework. Action groups could be negotiated and renegotiated around the resources provided by the city’s multiple legitimating institutions (Chapter Three). At the same time, such political institutions were configured differently in different cities, and this also generated a particular logic which lay at the basis of different systems of conflict (Part Two). Levels of conflict could, in fact, vary greatly between Bologna and Liège (Chapter Four), Florence and Tournai (Chapter Five), and Lille and Verona (Chapter Six), where, on the basis of different underlying political institutions, diverse practices of conflict and forms of association prevailed. The pluralistic order of politics itself was, therefore, a form of political organisation which crystallised around conflict. It gave rise to a logic which put conflict at the centre of the political order of late medieval cities.
26
Zivan, Noga. "Working the border : contact and cooperation in the border region, Ireland 1949-1972." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670144.
Full text
27
Kirby, Shane Christian. "Selling the Good Friday Agreement : developments in party political public relations and the media in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/3184.
Full textAbstract:
This study documents the rise of party political public relations in Northern Ireland and explores its impact on the media and the peace/political process more generally. While this research primarily charts and describes the chronological development of public relations pertaining to Northern Ireland's four main political parties (the SDLP, Sinn Fein, the DUP and the UUP), it also explores the media-source relations or interactions between journalists and public relations personnel. Significantly, political public relations has expanded considerably in Northern Ireland since the mid-90s, and political parties are increasingly utilising PR to enhance their media relations capabilities and improve their image (or `brand') with the public. What was once mainly the remit of the British government and its agencies in Northern Ireland (that is, political public relations) has now become an area in which the four main political parties (to varying degrees of success) have become increasingly more professional and well-resourced. The result of this expansion of party political public relations has seen the regional media in Northern Ireland become increasingly more vulnerable to the promotional efforts of `spin doctors' or media relations personnel from all four parties. This research, while acknowledging that there are undoubtedly multiple factors involved in how people decide to vote, argues that the 71.12% Yes vote in favour of the Good Friday Agreement can be partly explained by the significant impact of public relations strategies and techniques employed by a number of key behind-the-scenes players and conducted publicly by influential, high-profile figures. Essentially, it challenges the argument prevalent in the vast majority of literature on elections that public relations campaigns have very little `effect' on voting behaviour or that those changes of voting behaviour are due either to other factors or to long-term media campaigns and influences. This research also argues, on the one hand, that the electoral success of both Sinn Fein and the DUP in recent years (the two parties `hungry' for political power, who became the leading political parties in nationalism and unionism respectively) can be partly explained by their `courting' of the media and their development of strong and efficient communications structures. On the other hand, the recent electoral failure of both the SDLP and the UUP can be partly explained by their laissez-faire or complacent approach to both public relations and the media, and their weak and inefficient communications structures in comparison to both Sinn Fein and the DUP.
28
Linge, John. "British forces and Irish freedom : Anglo-Irish defence relations 1922-1931." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/1689.
Full textAbstract:
Anglo-Free State relations between the wars still awaits a comprehensive study ... This is in par a reflection of the larger failure of British historians to work on Anglo-Irish history '" the Right has been ill at ease dealing with Britan's greatest failure, whilst the Left has found tropical climes more suited for the cultivation of its moral superiority. When R.F.Holland made this apposite comment, just over a decade ago, he may have been adding to the very problems he identified. Writing within the context of the 'Commonweath Alliance', he was joining a distinguished list of British and Irish historians who have sought to fiter inter-war Anglo-Free State relations through the mesh of Empire-Commonweath development. Beginning with A. Berredale Keith in the 1920s, this usage continued in either direct or indirect form (by way of particular institutions of Commonweath) from the 1930s to the 1970s through the works of W.K. Hancock, Nicholas Mansergh and D.W. Harkness, and was still finding favour with Brendan Sexton's study of the Irish Governor-Generalship system in the late 1980s.2 But herein a contradiction has developed: cumulative study of the unnatural origins and performance of the Free State as a Dominion has moved beyond questions of function to ask whether the Free State was in fact ever a Dominion at alL. 3 As such, there seems ever more need to step back from inter-Commonwealth study and refocus on the precise nature of the Free State's central relationship with Britan in this period. It is of course acknowledged that outwith the established zones of internal Irish and Empire-Imperial study there is no home or forum for one of the most enduring quandares of modern Europea history. Even if it is accepted that 'pure' Anglo-Irish history did not end in 1922, the weight of research based on the ten yeas prior, as against the ten yeas subsequent, suggests an easy acceptance, on both sides of the Irish Sea, and Atlantic, of the absolute value changes in that relationship. Studies covering the transition to independence, such as those of Joseph M. CUITan and Sheila Lawlot, have taen only tentative steps beyond 1922, and may indeed have epitomised an approach that subsequent Irish studies have done little to dispel; in the 1980s, major overviews by RF. Foster and J.J. Le have been notably reluctant to evaluate the quality of that new found freedom with continuing reference to Ireland's giant neighbour. Though Foster, and others, have noted that the main aim of the Free State in the 1920s was 'self-definition against Britan', the point is the extent to which Britan was wiling to allow the same. There has then been little impetus for direct Anglo-Free State inter-war study, and although the tide has begun to turn since the mid-1980's, notably through the achievements of Paul Canning, Deidre McMahon and, shortly before his death, Nicholas Mansergh6, it is probable that we are stil a long way short of being able to produce a comprehensive and coherent review of the period. Apar from the crucial Anglo/Irish-Anglo/Commonwealth dichotomy,there remains the political chasm dividing the Cosgrave years of the 1920s from those of de Valera's 1930s; indeed the overwhelming preoccupation with post-1931 confrontations has often, as in the case of McMahon's fine study, taen as its contrasting staing point the supposedly compliant 'pro-Treaty' years of 1922-31. It is hard to bridge this gulf when the little direct work on these earlier years, mostly concentrating on the two fundamenta issues of Boundar and financial settlement, has tended not to question this divide. Although Irish historians have turned an increasingly sympathetic eye on the internal politics and problems of these early yeas, the apathetic external image, in contrast to the later period, has been persistent. Nowhere has this negativity been more apparent than on the, also vita, topic of defence relations. For a subject that has been given more than adequate attention in terms of the 1921 Treaty negotiations and the Treaty Ports issue of the 1930s, the period in between has had little intensive coverage. In this regard the negative response of W.K.Hancock in 1937, stating that Cosgrave did not bother to question British defence imperatives, was stil being held some fifty yeas later by Paul Canning.7 Thus an enduring and importt image has emerged of defence relations re-enforcing the above divide, an image that has had to stand for the lack of new reseach. This does not mea that the image is necessarly an entirely false one, but it does mean that many of the supposed novelties of the de Valera yeas have been built on largely unknown foundations. The Treaty Ports issue is also vita to this thesis, but then so are other defence related matters which had an impact specific to the 1920s. In other words, the human and political context of how both countries, but the Irish government in paricular, coped with the immediate legacy of centuries of armed occupation, with the recent 1916-21 conflct, and with the smaller scale continuity of British occupation, was bound to cast old shadows over a new relationship. But how big were these shadows? It was on the basis of placing some detaled flesh on the skeleton of known (and unknown) policies and events that this thesis took shape. Frustrations and resentments could tae necessarily quieter forms than those which characterised the 1930s, and in the end be no less significant. If the first objective is then to make solid the continuity of defence affairs, it is appropriate to begin with a brief evaluation of the Treaty defence negotiations before tang a close look at British operations in the South in 1922 - the year when a reluctant Cosgrave was to inherit a situation where British forces were close to the development of civil war. Despite our growing knowledge of Britan's part in the progress of that war, there is stil a general perception that its forces became peripheral to events after the Truce of July 1921, and that its Army was, and had been, the only British Service involved in the struggle against armed republicanism.This is simply not the case, and it is to be wondered whether the proper absorption of Irish historians with the internal dynamics of the period, together with the authoritative quality of Charles Townshend's history of the 1919-21 British campaign, have not produced inhibitions to wider inquiry. 8 In any event, as the Admiralty was to play a central par in later defence relations it seems right to introduce, for the first time, the Royal Navy's importt role in the events of 1922. The point here is to establish that the actions and perceptions of both Services were to have repercussions for later attitudes. After these chapters, the following two aim to look at the cumulative legacy of British involvement and how both countries adjusted to the many unresolved questions thrown up by the Treaty and the unplanned contingencies of 1922. Retaining the theme that neither country could escape the past, nor trust to the future, chapter six returns to the physical and political impact made by the continuing presence of British forces in and around the three Treaty Ports, and along and across the Border. The final two chapters explore how all these factors helped determine the conditions for, and consequences of, one of the most damaging episodes of the later 1920s - the complete failure of the joint coasta defence review scheduled for December 1926.In all, the cumulative emphasis on the politics of defence may ilustrate what it was to be a small aspiring country that had little choice but to accept Britan's version of what was an inevitably close relationship, and to endure what Britan claimed as the benign strategic necessity of continued occupation.
29
Nielsen, Magnus Rynning. "Transcending the "peace vs. justice" debate: a multidisciplinary approach to transitional justice (sustainable peace) in Northern Uganda after the International Criminal Court’s involvement in 2004." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4364.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Based on the work of leading theorists within peace and conflict studies, this thesis develops a theoretical framework in order to analyse the seemingly deadlocked ‘peace vs. justice’ debate to explore the possibility of expanding the perspectives in a combined approach. It finds that the debate is based on a narrow perception of both concepts, where they are perceived as negotiations and punishment respectively. Only through applying such a combined approach is it thereby possible to move beyond this current situation. This theoretical framework is then applied on the case of the ongoing conflict in Northern Uganda, where the empirical aspects of this debate have lasted for the longest period of time since the International Criminal Court’s involvement in 2004. With basis in the Juba peace agreement from 2008 that would have balanced retributive and restorative forms of justice, this study finds that the only way to create sustainable peace is by striking a balance between the transitional justice mechanisms of the ICC, conditional amnesties and more traditional forms of justice in the affected communities in Northern Uganda.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Op grond van die werk van voorste teoretici op die gebied van vrede- en konflikstudie, ontwikkel hierdie tesis teoretiese raamwerk vir die ontleding van die oënskynlik vasgevalle debat tussen vrede en geregtigheid, ten einde die moontlike verbreding van perspektiewe met behulp van 'n gekombineerde benadering te ondersoek. Die studie bevind dat die debat tussen vrede en geregtigheid op 'n baie eng opvatting van dié twee konsepte berus, naamlik dié van onderhandeling en straf onderskeidelik. Slegs deur 'n gekombineerde benadering toe te pas, is dit dus moontlik om die huidige toedrag van sake te bowe te kom. Die teoretiese raamwerk van die studie is vervolgens op die voortslepende konflik in Noord-Uganda toegepas, waar die empiriese aspekte van dié debat steeds sedert die betrokkenheid van die Internasionale Strafhof in 2004 voorkom. Met die Juba-vredesooreenkoms van 2008 as uitgangspunt, wat veronderstel was om 'n balans te vind tussen vergeldende en herstellende vorme van geregtigheid, bevind dié studie dat volhoubare vrede slegs bereik kan word deur 'n gebalanseerde kombinasie van die Internasionale Strafhof se oorgangsgeregtigheidsmeganisme, voorwaardelike amnestie, en meer tradisionele vorme van geregtigheid in die geaffekteerde Noord-Ugandese gemeenskappe.
30
Valligny, Anne-Claire. "Le discours politique et ses sources doctrinales dans les chroniques florentines du XIVe siècle." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO30012.
Full textAbstract:
Cette étude porte sur un corpus de chroniques du XIVe siècle qui comprend les trois principaux textes historiographiques florentins en langue vulgaire de cette période – Cronica delle cose occorrenti ne’ tempi suoi de Dino Compagni, Nuova Cronica de Giovanni Villani et Cronaca fiorentina de Marchionne di Coppo Stefani – et se fixe pour objet l’analyse des principaux concepts employés pour décrire le fonctionnement de la cité et ses enjeux, ainsi que l’identification des sources présentes dans les chroniques. L’analyse prend en compte à la fois l’écriture du fait politique et la valeur de celui-ci dans l’élaboration du discours de la cité.Pour mettre en évidence ce qui transparaît des principaux rouages politiques de la cité, les textes du corpus sont abordés selon les trois axes suivants : les rapports entre cité et citoyens dans le contexte de l’affirmation de la souveraineté du Comune et en regard des notions d’unité et de division ; la question de la liberté à Florence, ses principes fondamentaux, ses formes et ses représentations, par opposition à la tyrannie ; les liens entre cité céleste et cité des hommes à partir de l’analyse de la réception des signes célestes et des notions de providence, fortune et libre arbitre. L’approche retenue s’arrête sur les enjeux et les représentations propres à chacun de ces axes.De cette analyse conceptuelle il ressort que les trois sources principales du discours de la cité sont les auteurs de l’Antiquité gréco-romaine, la théologie chrétienne et le droit. On trouve également des sources contemporaines des chroniqueurs : textes officiels et documents produits par la cité, auteurs de référence pour la période comme Dante AlighieriThis study focuses on a corpus of chronicles of the Fourteenth century consisting in three main historiographical Florentine texts written in vernacular in this period, namely Cronica delle cose occorrenti ne’ tempi suoi by Dino Compagni, Nuova Cronica by Giovanni Villani and Cronaca fiorentina by Marchionne di Coppo Stefani. It aims at analyzing the principal concepts describing the running of the city and its stakes, as well as identifying the sources present in these chronicles. The analysis takes in account both the operation of writing the political experience and its value in elaborating the discourse on the city.To highlight what can be seen from the main aspects of political machinery in the city, the approach to the texts is threefold : the connections between city and citizens both in the context of the Comune’s increasing sovereignty and in the light of the concepts of unity and division ; the question of freedom in Florence, its fundamental principles, its forms and representations, in opposition to tyranny ; the links between the celestial city and the city of men based on the analysis of the reading of celestial omens and the concepts of Providence, Fortune and Free Will. The approach chosen concentrates on the stakes and representations peculiar to each of those subjects.From this conceptual analysis it emerges that the three main sources to the discourse on the city are the authors of Classical Antiquity, Christian Theology and Law. Contemporary sources of the chroniclers also can be found : official texts and documents produced by the city, noted authors in the period as, for instance, Dante Alighieri
31
Kusman, Pierre-David. "Financiers du Prince ou "usuriers publics" ?le rôle des financiers piemontais dans les villes du duché de Brabant, XIIIe-XIVe siècle." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210556.
Full textAbstract:
Etude du rôle des banquiers piémontais au service des ducs de Brabant et de leurs rapports avec les différents pouvoirs: Prince, noblesse et villes.Estimation de leur fonction économique et sociale au sein de la société urbaine brabançonne.
Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
32
McGuigan, Neil. "Neither Scotland nor England : Middle Britain, c.850-1150." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/7829.
Full textAbstract:
In and around the 870s, Britain was transformed dramatically by the campaigns and settlements of the Great Army and its allies. Some pre-existing political communities suffered less than others, and in hindsight the process helped Scotland and England achieve their later positions. By the twelfth century, the rulers of these countries had partitioned the former kingdom of Northumbria. This thesis is about what happened in the intervening period, the fate of Northumbria's political structures, and how the settlement that defined Britain for the remainder of the Middle Ages came about. Modern reconstructions of the era have tended to be limited in scope and based on unreliable post-1100 sources. The aim is to use contemporary material to overcome such limitations, and reach positive conclusions that will make more sense of the evidence and make the region easier to understand for a wider audience, particularly in regard to its shadowy polities and ecclesiastical structures. After an overview of the most important evidence, two chapters will review Northumbria's alleged dissolution, testing existing historiographic beliefs (based largely on Anglo-Norman-era evidence) about the fate of the monarchy, political community, and episcopate. The impact and nature of ‘Southenglish' hegemony on the region's political communities will be the focus of the fourth chapter, while the fifth will look at evidence for the expansion of Scottish political power. The sixth chapter will try to draw positive conclusions about the episcopate, leaving the final chapter to look in more detail at the institutions that produced the final settlement.
33
TAMBINI, Damian Angelo. "Convenient cultures : nationalism as political action in Ireland (1890-1920) and Northern Italy (1980-1994)." Doctoral thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5400.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 11 March 1996Examining board: Prof. Mario Diani (University of Stratchlyde) ; Prof. Klaus Eder (EUI, supervisor) ; Prof. Bernd Giesen (Justus-Liebig-Universität Gießen) ; Prof. Christian Joppke (EUI) ; Prof. Steven Lukes (EUI, co-supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
34
WILSON, Alex. "Multi-level Party Politics in Italy and Spain." Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12882.
Full textAbstract:
Defense Date: 05/06/2009Examining Board: Sergio Fabbrini (University of Trento), Jonathan Hopkin (LSE), Michael Keating (EUI) (Supervisor), Peter Mair (EUI)
This thesis undertakes an empirical exploration of multi-level party politics in Italy and Spain since the 1990s, with a particular focus on the regional level of party organisation and electoral competition. It finds that statewide parties have adopted different territorial strategies to confront the common challenge of multi-level coordination in a decentralised political system. Regional branches of statewide parties increasingly respond to the competitive pressures emerging from sub-national party systems, rather than the preferences of the national leadership, although the interests of national and regional elites may often coincide. Regional party systems in both countries are diverging in their structures of competition, not only from the national level but also from each other. This is closely related to the different types of electoral challenge posed by the main non-statewide parties in these regions. The methodological design consists of two national frameworks and four regional case studies, two in Italy (Campania, Lombardia) and two in Spain (Andalusia, Galicia). These are linked through the use of comparable empirical indicators over a similar timeframe. The national frameworks required the compilation of a new data-set on regional elections in Italy and Spain, a detailed analysis of party statutes and their evolution, and a full exploration of the secondary literature in different languages. The regional case studies required extensive archival analysis of the main national newspapers and their regional editions, reinforced by a series of in-depth interviews with political actors in all four regions. The case studies found strong empirical evidence concerning the distinctive character of presidentialism at regional level; the continued importance of clientelism in shaping political relations at subnational levels; the pursuit of autonomist strategies by regional branches of statewide parties; the variety of competitive strategies adopted by non-statewide parties; the role of regional arenas as battlegrounds for national factional disputes; and the importance of local coalition testing for subsequent coalitional choices at regional level. The comparative conclusions serve to consolidate these findings, as well as to reflect on further avenues for research in this rapidly developing field.
35
ABOUT, Ilsen. "La police des identités : histoire comparée d'une administration d'État en France et en Italie, 1880-1915." Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10416.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 10 October 2008Examining Board: Prof. Peter Becker (EUI-Johannes Universität Linz)-supervisor ; Prof. Gérard Noiriel (Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Science Sociales)-supervisor ; Prof. Victoria de Grazia (EUI-Columbia University) ; Prof. Jean-Marc Barlière (Université de Bourgogne)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Ce propos sur la police glissé par Hannah Arendt dans le portrait qu’elle consacra à Walter Benjamin, lorsqu’elle évoque le Paris des années 1910 qu’il visite avant la guerre, peut constituer le point de départ de cette recherche. Arendt suggère l’existence de deux éléments distincts qui représentaient des obstacles à l’idée de cosmopolitisme mais qui ne pouvaient cependant s’opposer à cet idéal européen qui prenait corps en particulier à Paris : d’un côté, une xénophobie enracinée dans les mentalités collectives, d’un autre côté des pratiques policières spécifiques développées par la police et les policiers, auxquels s’attache ici l’adjectif “national”, à l’égard des étrangers. L’intérêt de ce propos est aussi de distinguer nettement un dispositif culturel, qui joue, certes, un rôle dans l’accueil, ou le rejet, des migrants, et un dispositif policier, dont l’histoire, condensée ici dans l’adjectif “raffiné”, est celle d’un développement spécifique de structures, de pratiques, de décisions institutionnelles mais aussi individuelles, d’actions isolées ou coordonnées.
36
STINGA, Laurentiu. "Still elected dictators? A study of executive accountability to the legislature in multi-party democracies across time: Italy (1947-2006), Argentina (1982-2006) and Romania (1992-2007)." Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13284.
Full textAbstract:
Defense date: 24 September 2009Examining Board: László Bruszt (EUI, Supervisor), Peter Mair (EUI), Leonardo Morlino (SUM, Firenze), Wolfgang C. Müller (University of Mannheim)
First made available online on 6 November 2018
This thesis explores the capacity of the Argentine, Italian and Romanian Legislatures to hold the Executive branch of government accountable for its policy initiatives issued by emergency Executive decree, rather than by normal procedure legislative initiatives (NPL). The major questions the thesis attempts to answer are: what makes Executives prefer to promote their policy views extensively by Decree, rather than NPL, even when the situation is not of emergency and necessity? What explains the capacity of Legislatures to hold the Executive to account by amending or rejecting the Executive decrees that infringe their primary legislative function? I argue that the issuing of Executive decrees is a rational policy promotion strategy when the Executive faces bargaining problems in the Legislature, while the level of Executive accountability to the Legislature in terms of amending and rejecting Decrees is determined by the constitutional definition of these acts in favour of either one of the two branches of government. Furthermore, when the Decree is constitutionally defined to enable to the Executive to prevail over the Legislature, the former will issue them excessively, namely at a rate that is higher than that required by the bargaining problems that it confronts in the Legislature. The thesis offers an alternative explanation to the assumption that new democracies are ruled by Executive decree as an outcome of a specific 'dictatorial' culture which perpetuates after the collapse of their authoritarian regime. The disciplined comparison of three study cases with three different political systems and radically different experiences with democracy explores the role of institutional and partisan structures in generating a peculiar style of governance and the Legislatures’ capacity to keep it under control. The thesis provides a novel methodological model for understanding the governance through emergency Executive decrees across political systems (presidential, parliamentary and semi-parliamentary), while offering a thorough exploration of the theoretical relevance of this particular style of governance from the perspective of quality of democracy.
37
SCHMIDTKE, Oliver. "Politics of identity : the mobilizing dynamics of territorial politics in modern Italian society." Doctoral thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5378.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 14 January 1995Examining board: Prof. Klaus Eder (supervisor, EUI and Humboldt Universität, Berlin) ; Prof. B. Giesen (Universität Gießen and EUI) ; Prof. M.Th. Greven (Technische Hochschule Darmstadt) ; Prof. A. Melucci (Università di Milano) ; Prof. A. Pizzorno (EUI)
First made available online 26 May 2015.
38
KUCK, Gerhard. "Italienische Wege zum Sozialismus : Sozialismus- und Kommunismuskonzepte im Risorgimento (1765-1857)." Doctoral thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5865.
Full text
39
NOIRET, Serge. "Biographie de Nicola Bombacci : du réformisme au révolutionnarisme (1879-1924)." Doctoral thesis, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5916.
Full text
40
RANDERAAD, Nico. "Authority in search of liberty : the prefects in liberal Italy (1861-1895)." Doctoral thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5951.
Full textAbstract:
Examining board: Prof. Sabino Cassese, Università "La Sapienza" di Roma ; Prof. Henk van Dijk, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam ; Prof. Guido Melis (co-supervisor), Università di Siena ; Prof. Raffaele Romanelli, Università di Pisa ; Prof. Stuart Woolf (supervisor), European University InstituteDefence date: 8 May 1992
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
41
CATASTINI, Francesco. "Antifascismo, resistenza e scelta in due comunità toscane : Roccastrada e Calenzano, 1922-1944." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14696.
Full textAbstract:
Defence Date: 20 September 2010Examining Board: Prof. Heinz Gerhard Haupt (EUI) – Supervisor; Prof. Donatella Della Porta (EUI); Prof. Philippe Buton (Université de Reims); Prof. Simone Neri Serneri (Università di Siena)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
42
Blake, Jonathan Samuel. "Ritual Contention in Divided Societies: Participation in Loyalist Parades in Northern Ireland." Thesis, 2015. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8125RKN.
Full textAbstract:
Each year, Protestant organizations in Northern Ireland perform over 2,500 ritual parades to celebrate and commemorate their culture. Many Catholics, however, see parades as triumphalist and hateful. As a result, parades undermine the political peace process and grassroots peace-building by raising interethnic tension and precipitating riots, including significant violence in recent years. This dissertation asks: Why do people participate in these parades?
To answer this question, I consider loyalist parading as an example of contentious ritual--symbolic action that makes contested political claims. To understand these parades as ritual actions, I build on two central insights from religious studies, sociology, and anthropology. First, as meaningful and shared practices, rituals provide participants with benefits that are intrinsic to participating in the act itself and do not depend on the achievement of some external outcome. Second, rituals are multi-vocal, meaning that interpretations of the action can vary across actors. Participants need not share the interpretation of their actions held by organizers, rivals, or outside observers. Participants, therefore, may not see the ritual as provocative, aggressive, or even contentious. These arguments stand in contrast to traditional explanations for collective action and ethnic conflict that theorize participation in ethnically polarizing events in terms of the achievement of concrete outcomes, such as selective material benefits, provoking the out-group into overreacting, or intimidating them into quiescence.
To test my argument, I conducted fieldwork in Belfast, Northern Ireland. I developed and implemented a household survey to measure mass-level opinion, designed and ran an online survey of all Protestant clergy and elected officials in Northern Ireland to measure elite-level opinion, conducted over 80 semi-structured interviews with parade participants and nonparticipants, and observed dozens of hours of parades and related events. I demonstrate that, as expected by my argument, people approach participation in ritual parades as an end in and of itself. The evidence demonstrates that participants do not view parades instrumentally. This means that people make decisions to participate in contentious behavior without consideration of their actions' profoundly political consequences. The ritual nature of parades severs the expected connection between means (participation) and ends (political consequences), thus creating the environment for sustained conflict. Furthermore, the predictions of influential theories of ethnic conflict--extreme in-group identification or out-group antipathy--and collective action--selective material benefits or sanctions--are not supported by the data.
43
STAMATI, Furio. "The politics of a broken promise : risk shifting reforms in Bismarckian pension policies." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/34817.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 21 January 2015Examining Board: Professor Sven Steinmo, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Alexander H. Trechsel, EUI; Professor David Natali, University of Bologna; Professor Kent Weaver, Georgetown University.
This thesis deals with a broken promise: namely, a broken pension promise. Looking at Italy and Germany in particular, it tells a story that is fairly common to retirement systems across the OECD. Over the last forty years, pension institutions have been facing major economic and demographic challenges. This 'affordability crisis' has slowly eroded the confidence of large segments of the population in the old pension contract, while paving the way for the anti-welfare rhetoric and initiatives of more than a conservative policy entrepreneur. Cost containment reforms took root and clamped down on pension spending and, what is more, on public responsibility for individual welfare after quiescence. As a result, pension income is lower and riskier now than was expected when today's pensioners entered the labour market. Most notably, it will be even more meagre and uncertain for tomorrow's retirees. By comparing the Italian and German reform patterns, this thesis suggests that answering the puzzle requires focusing on two sets of interrelated transformations: the prominence of so-called 'systemic risks' and the changing ways of political representation. Risks hereby defined as 'systemic'first emerged in Western political economies in the 1970s, only to turn into a recurring malaise during the following decades (Streeck 2011). Unlike the risks central to the post-war welfare state model, they far outreach the individual level, being borne by the community or by society as a whole. Furthermore, those risks proved somehow resilient to traditional means of public intervention and management. Systemic risks, in sum, have originated a distinctive combination of functional and political effects, ultimately providing a functional as well as a political rationale to risk shifting reforms. Again, since the 1970s political representation has also changed. On the one side, the traditional mass party model has been replaced by new organisational forms, while new parties and party families have emerged, activating novel issues and cleavages. On the other side, industrial representation in the corporate arena changed as well, becoming less organised all over the industrialised world. Systemic risks, then, have further influenced transformations in both the electoral and the corporate arenas, further eroding the political consensus for expanding social responsibility and socialising risks. It was, in other words, the co-evolution of problems and politics (to put it in Kingdon's terms) to lead popular and strongly institutionalised pension systems to challenge the basic tenets of their pension promises, although this common story played out very differently across different countries as a result of the action of national institutional filters (policy legacies and the functioning of the electoral and corporate arenas).
44
RAGGIO, Osvaldo. "La politica nella parentela : Forme sociali e pratiche politiche in una comunita della Repubblica di Genova (secoli XVI-XVII)." Doctoral thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5950.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 25 November 1988Examining board: Maurice Aymard (supervisor) ; John Davis ; Giovanni Levi ; Carlo Poni ; Stuart Woolf
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
45
BARBULESCU, Roxana. "The politics of immigrant integration in post-enlargement Europe migrants : co-ethnics and European citizens in Italy and Spain." Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/28027.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 11 June 2013Examining Board: Professor Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute (EUI Supervisor) Professor Kitty C. Calavita, University of California, Irvine Professor Andrew Geddes, University of Sheffield Professor Claire Kilpatrick, European University Institute.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
In migration studies, it is taken for granted that states do not only attempt to control overall numbers of immigrants, but also establish different regulatory regimes for refugees, labour migrants, family reunification, co-ethnics and many other categories of migrants. In studies of immigrant integration, however, most analyses have assumed that each state pursues a single and coherent national approach. The aim of this dissertation is to challenge this assumption by examining how states pursue integration differently for different categories of migrants in post-enlargement Europe. In addition to third country nationals I consider also migrants who have a special cultural and historical bond with their host countries, such as emigrants and descendants of emigrants or migrants from the former colonies (co-ethnics), as well as European Union citizens from old and new member states. The dissertation builds on empirical evidence collected from 1985 to 2012 at national, regional and city levels in two new countries of immigration in Western Europe: Italy and Spain. The first main finding is that both Italy and Spain chose to distance themselves from the integration policies of the more traditional countries of immigration in Europe, which they classify as failures. Instead, the new immigration countries searched for their "own" integration strategy, which they consider a token of sovereignty just as much as immigration control. Secondly, both states have introduced different integration policies and integration requirements for different categories of migrants. Rather than pursuing only one integration strategy, the states examined use their resources and abilities to simultaneously pursue different integration strategies for European citizens, co-ethnics and third country nationals. These strategies range from less to more restrictive (from laissez-faire to mandatory, sanction-based policies, such as the Italian integration agreement and language test). European Union citizens enjoy many rights in when residing in other member states without being included in their integration programmes, while third country nationals enjoy far fewer rights which they risk to lose if they do not comply with demanding integration programmes. Co-ethnics in turn are included in integration programmes but have more rights than other third country nationals and, in some areas such as access to citizenship and enrolment in the army, they have even more rights than European citizens. Finally, this dissertation finds a negative correlation between immigrants' social class in the host society and their rights and integration requirements: the lower the socio-economic position of the immigrant group, the fewer its rights and the more demanding the integration requirements it faces.
46
POLESE, REMAGGI Luca. "La nazione perduta : Ferruccio Parri dall'interventismo all'esperienza di governo." Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5945.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 17 October 2002Examining board: Richard Bellamy (Trinity Hall, Cambridge) ; Yves Mény (European University Institute) ; Gaetano Quagliarello (Centro di Metodologia delle Scienze Sociali della Luiss Guido Carli) ; Raffaele Romanelli (European University Institute)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
47
MATTONI, Alice. "Multiple media practices in Italian mobilizations against precarity of work." Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13290.
Full textAbstract:
Defence Date: 16/10/2009Examining Board: Bianca Beccalli (University of Milan); Nick Couldry (University of London); Donatella Della Porta (EUI) (Supervisor); Peter Wagner (University of Trento, formerly EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The dissertation addresses the general question of how social movements interact with the media in contemporary, media-saturated societies. The basic assumption is that visibility in the media is crucial to become recognized and thus valuable social and political subjects. This is especially true for resource-poor groups of activists at the margins of the political field who aim to introduce new social problems into the public arena. Compared to past decades, however, visibility today holds a different meaning, and passes through different channels due to the emergence of information and communication technologies which have transformed mainstream-dominated media systems into more nuanced and complex media environments. The dissertation is based on an interdisciplinary analysis about how social and political actors involved ingrassroots mobilizations against insecure employment in Italy and Europe seek visibility at the public level by acting in complex, multilayered media environments. In doing so, the dissertation presents three relevant novelties in two strands of literature: social movements studies and communication/media studies. At first, the analysis revolves around the concept of activist media practices and three important dimensions that emerged from the investigation: media representation of activists and mobilizations; activists’ perceptions of the media environment; and interactions between social movements and the media. The former and the latter have been addressed in the literature, but separately and without comparing how they develop with regard to different types of media outlets. Scholars in the field, moreover, do not usually consider activists’ perceptions of the media environment, despite the relevance this dimension has for understanding activist media practices. Second, the analysis is based on a comparative research design which takes into consideration three territorial levels (transnational, national and local), three types of media outlets (mainstream, sympathetic and alternative, with the second never having been empirically explored in studies about social movements and the media), and a number of media technologies (from the press to the Internet). The dissertation compares a broad range of (activist) media practices which the existing literature in the field considers separately, while in reality they develop in parallel and often intertwine. Third, the empirical research on which the dissertation is based deals with a critical area of investigation, the realm of insecure and precarious jobs. Despite the fact that this issue has already been addressed by several disciplines, including the sociology of work and industrial relations, there is only a sporadic and fragmented body of literature about mobilizations of precarious workers in Italy and Europe. After a theoretical and methodological introduction, the dissertation empirically explores the three above-mentioned dimensions of activist media practices in complex media environments. Conclusions recompose the three dimensions of activist media practices (representation, perception and recognition) in complex media environments, taking into consideration the literature on the sociology of practices and insights from two relevant theoretical approaches: field theory and actor network theory. Additionally, the conclusions discuss the empirical and theoretical validity of three relevant concepts in the field of media and social movements: 'sympathetic media', the 'discursive opportunity structure' and the 'communication repertoire'.
48
BIGARAN, Mariapia. "Il governo municipale a Trento tra '800 e '900 :ordinamenti, gruppi sociali, politiche." Doctoral thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5722.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 1 March 1996Examining board: Prof. Christof Dipper (Technische Hochschule Darmstadt) ; Prof. Peter Hertner, supervisor (Universitaet Halle-Wittenberg) ; Prof. Brigitte Mazchl-Walling (Universitaet Innsbruck) ; Prof. Raffaele Romanelli, co-supervisor (IUE, Firenze) ; Prof. Fabio Rugge (Università di Pavia)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
49
VAMPA, Davide. "The regional politics of welfare in Italy, Spain, and Great Britain : assessing the impact of territorial and left-wing mobilisations on the development of 'sub-state' social systems." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/37642.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 30 September 2015Examining Board: Professor Stefano Bartolini, EUI (Supervisor); Professor László Bruszt, EUI; Professor Maurizio Ferrera, Università degli Studi di Milano; Professor Jonathan Hopkin, London School of Economics and Political Science.
In recent years, a number of European countries have undergone important processes of territorial reconfiguration in the administration and delivery of social services. This has produced substantial divergences in the levels and types of welfare development across regions belonging to the same country. As a result, it has become increasingly difficult to talk about 'national welfare systems' or 'national social models' – although most of the mainstream welfare literature continues to do so. The aim of this study is to explore the political factors that explain cross-regional variation in the development of health care and social assistance policies in three countries that have witnessed the gradual strengthening of regions as arenas of social policy making: Italy, Spain and Great Britain. The research focus is on the effects of two political cleavages, centre-periphery and left-right, on sub-national social policy. The findings of the quantitative and qualitative analyses presented throughout this research suggest that the main driving force in the construction of sub-state welfare systems is the political mobilisation of territorial identities through the creation and electoral consolidation of regionalist parties. Indeed, such parties may use regional social policy to reinforce the sense of distinctiveness and territorial solidarity that exists in the communities they represent, thus further strengthening and legitimising their political role. Additionally, the centre-periphery cleavage may also affect relations across different organisational levels of 'statewide' parties and further increase the relevance of territoriality in welfare politics at the regional level. On the other hand, traditional left-right politics does not seem to play the central role that welfare theories focusing on 'nation-states' might lead us to expect. For left-wing parties, the regionalisation of social governance may present either an opportunity or a challenge depending on the role they play in national politics and on the characteristics of sub-national electoral competitors. Generally, mainstream centre-left parties are torn by the dilemma of maintaining uniformity and cohesion in social protection across the national territory and addressing the demands for more extensive and distinctive social services coming from specific regional communities.
50
D'AMORE, Ciro. "Parlamento e politica di difesa in Italia: 1948-1992." Doctoral thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5161.
Full text