Relevant bibliographies by topics / Italy, Northern – Politics and government

Academic literature on the topic 'Italy, Northern – Politics and government'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Italy, Northern – Politics and government"

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Woźniak, Joanna. "Parliamentary Elections in Italy 2013 Struggle Between Demagogy and Pragmatism." Reality of Politics 4, no. 1 (January 31, 2013): 336–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201320.

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Parliamentary elections in Italy, which took place on 24 – 25 February 2013 in a very specific political circumstances caused by economical crisis and the internal situation of the Italian State.The fall of the Silvio Berlusconi’s government and replacement it with a technical government did not improve the internal situation of the country, and indeed it has deepened. The withdrawal of support by the Popolo della Libertàto the government of Prime Minister Mario Monti has caused the need for early parliamentary elections. On the political scene appeared new political parties, including Movimento Cinque Stelle (Five Stars Movement), which stood out from the traditionally corrupt politics and proposed a new form of campaign, using such means as the Internet, blogs, and tour around the country. The new group has also set up outgoing Prime Minister Mario Monti called Scelta Civica (Civic Choice) aided by the smaller parties which were in the Parliament and supported of the European Union austerity policies. In addition, in the election participated the Democratic Party, the Northern League and the Popolo della Libertà (People of Freedom). In total, their participation in the elections reported 215 political parties. Elections minimally won leftist Democratic Party with a score of 29.54% (Chamber of Deputies). Surprisingly Popolo dellaLibertà of Silvio Berlusconi received 29.13% (Chamber of Deputies). But the biggest winner was the Five Star Movement, which won 25.55% of the seats, while the biggest loser was the group of Mario Monti, because he received only 10.54% of votes. The result above shows that the creation of the coalition will be very difficult. Political class will have to regain the trust of the society to be able to make the necessary reforms to cure the economical situation of Italy and they should focus on the problems of the country and not the Silvio Berlusconi’s excesses.
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Chiaruttini, Maria Stella. "Woe to the vanquished? State, ‘foreign’ banking and financial development in Southern Italy in the nineteenth century." Financial History Review 27, no. 3 (December 2020): 340–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565020000220.

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After Southern Italy became part of a new, national state in 1860, its financial sector was radically transformed under Piedmontese influence. This article challenges the conventional wisdom that the aggressive penetration of a Northern credit institution, the future Bank of Italy, into the South following unification harmed the local banking system and highlights instead its transformative role in modernising and deepening regional credit markets. On the basis of new statistics, banking and political records, this contribution shows that the introduction of ‘foreign’ banking from Northern Italy under the auspices of a national, constitutional government resulted in a financial revolution and a democratisation of credit supply to the advantage of the whole South. Public banking under the Bourbons had privileged the needs of an absolute government over those of the private economy and of the capital city over those of the rest of the country, retarding financial development. Credit undersupply and regional fragmentation could only be overcome through the integration of the South within a larger Italian market, in which, however, the lion's share went to a predominantly Northern institution.
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Palma, Marco. "No Dal Molin: The Antibase Movement in Vicenza." South Atlantic Quarterly 111, no. 4 (October 1, 2012): 839–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-1724219.

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In 2006 the citizens of Vicenza, Italy, discovered that for three years US authorities, the Italian government, and city officials had been negotiating secretly to approve the construction of a new military base on the only large undeveloped area in the northern part of the city and the largest aquifer in northern Italy. Beginning in the adjacent neighborhoods, a mobilization arose against the construction of the military installation. In a few months hundreds of thousands of residents were demonstrating in the city, and various forms of direct action against the base became a daily occurrence. Thus was born an extraordinary experiment in democratic political participation.
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King, R. L. "Regional Government: The Italian Experience." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 5, no. 3 (September 1987): 327–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c050327.

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This paper is a review of Italy's stuttering progress towards regional autonomy. At the unification of Italy in 1860, a centralised administrative structure was adopted, as prescribed by the Piedmontese Constitution of 1848. Centralisation of political power reached its apogee during the Fascist period. Regionalist sentiment resurfaced strongly after the last war and gained formal expression in the 1948 Republican Constitution, which provided for the creation of five ‘special’ and fourteen (later fifteen) ‘ordinary’ regions. The special regions—regions of special linguistic or political sensitivity (Valle d'Aosta, Trentino-Alto Adige, Friuli-Venezia Giulia, Sicily and Sardinia)—were established between 1948 and 1963, but delays orchestrated by the Christian Democrat-dominated central government, reluctant to relinquish its power, postponed the establishment of the ordinary regions until the 1970s, when pressure from the Socialist Party prevailed. The legislative powers of the regions are of three forms: Exclusive (available only to the special regions), complementary, and integrative, the order representing progressively diminishing elements of decisionmaking autonomy. Several regions in central Italy have elected Communist regional governments. However, hopes that the regional governments would be instrumental in ending corrupt and inept government and eradicating regional disequilibria, have mostly been misplaced, although some progress has been made, especially in the northern regions, in the fields of administrative reform, social service organisation, and regional economic planning. The principal reason for lack of progress is the continuing central government control over regional government funds. In many regions considerable amounts of unspent funds have accumulated owing to a combination of political stalemate at the regional level and central government veto. Special attention is given in this paper to the relationship between regional autonomy and (1) local government, and (2) regional planning. To conclude, the present state of play represents an uneasy compromise between the two contradictory historical forces of centralism and regionalism, present since unification. Although there has been a significant departure from the rigid centralisation of the past, the retention of most of the important powers by the central government frustrates the ambitions of the regions to really organise their own affairs.
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Oikonomou, Giorgio. "Variations in the quality of government within the European Union: A comparative approach of Northern and Southern public bureaucracies." European Integration Studies, no. 13 (October 29, 2019): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.eis.0.13.24033.

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The quality of government represents a critical parameter of modern states for delivering sound public policies for the benefit of citizens. Dimensions such as accountability, impartiality, mechanisms which cope effectively with corruption and government effectiveness stand as core components of the quality of government, whereas at the same time account for much of the variation in the quality of government across European Union (EU) countries. This paper seeks to examine the quality of government by comparing and contrasting countries of the EU with substantially different administrative characteristics and traditions. The research explores two Nordic countries, namely Denmark and Sweden, and, two Mediterranean countries, Italy and Greece. Taking stock of theoretical insights from the political and economic literature the core aim of the paper is to identify plausible explanations with regard to the variations in the quality of government across the four selected EU member-states. The research draws on quantitative data based on the World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) and the European Quality of Government index (EQGI). It is argued that certain traits (legacies) of the political-administrative systems of the countries under examination can explain much of the observed, often striking, variations in the quality of government between the North and the South European bureaucracies.
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BRESADOLA, GIANMARCO. "The Legitimising Strategies of the Nazi Administration in Northern Italy: Propaganda in the Adriatisches Küstenland." Contemporary European History 13, no. 4 (November 2004): 425–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777304001882.

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The Nazi occupation of northern Italy led to the creation of the Adriatisches Küstenland operations zone, a Nazi civil administration led by Gauleiter Friedrich Rainer. Although this was supposedly a temporary measure, the article argues that the intention was to separate the zone from the Italian state and incorporate it into an economic and political sphere directly controlled by the Reich. The article explores the legitimising strategies exploited by the Nazi civil administration and its organs of propaganda, which focused on the political, social and economical failures of the Italian Fascist government. Rainer strove hard to find ways of encouraging each of the zone's diverse ethnic and social groups to look to the Reich – and hence to the local Nazi administration – as the promoter of its national destiny, the guarantor of its socio-political security and the harbinger of its economic prosperity, safeguarding this against the social revolution advocated by the strong local communist Resistance. Rainer's administration, in trying to eradicate the region's Italian roots, established a new ethnic hierarchy, which favoured Slovenes over Italian nationals.
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Baldoli, Claudia. "The ‘Northern Dominator’ and the Mare Nostrum: Fascist Italy's ‘Cultural War’ in Malta." Modern Italy 13, no. 1 (February 2008): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701765890.

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Within the wider attempt to transform Italian communities abroad into Fascist colonies, the Italian Fasci Abroad sought to build nationalist propaganda in the Mediterranean. The irredentist activities and the propaganda of the Fasci in Malta alarmed the British governors on the island, the British government and MI5. This article analyses the cultural conflict organised in Maltese schools, bookshops and universities by the Italian nationalists against the British protectorate–a conflict the British suspected could be followed by military activity, in particular when Italy began building its empire in Ethiopia. The nationalist offensive was supported in the 1920s and, more vigorously, in the 1930s by the Fasci, the Italian consulate on the island and, ultimately, the Italian government. Not even the Second World War and the bombing of Malta by the Italian air force concluded the conflict between Italian and British imperialism on the island.
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Bakic, Dragan. "Nikola Pasic and the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, 1919-1926." Balcanica, no. 47 (2016): 285–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1647285b.

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This paper looks at Nikola Pasic?s views of and contribution to the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SCS/Yugoslavia after1929) during the latest phase of his political career, a subject that has been neglected by historians. His activities in this field are divided into two periods - during the Paris Peace Conference where he was the head of the SCS Kingdom?s delegation and after 1921 when he became Prime Minister, who also served as his own Foreign Minister. During the peace conference, Pasic held strong views on all the major problems that faced his delegation, particularly the troubled delimitation with Italy in the Adriatic. In early 1920, he alone favoured the acceptance of the so-called Lloyd George-Clemenceau ultimatum, believing that the time was working against the SCS Kingdom. The Rapallo Treaty with Italy late that year proved him right. Upon taking the reins of government, Pasic was energetic in opposing the two restoration attempts of Karl Habsburg in Hungary and persistent in trying to obtain northern parts of the still unsettled Albania. In time, his hold on foreign policy was weakening, as King Alexander asserted his influence, especially through the agency of Momcilo Nincic, Foreign Minister after January 1922. Pasic was tougher that King and Nincic in the negotiations with Mussolini for the final settlement of the status of the Adriatic town of Fiume and the parallel conclusion of the 27 January 1924 friendship treaty (the Pact of Rome). Since domestic politics absorbed much of his time and energy, the old Prime Minister was later even less visible in foreign policy. He was forced to resign in April 1926 on account of his son?s corruption scandal shortly before the final break-down of relations with Italy.
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Coticchia, Fabrizio. "A sovereignist revolution? Italy’s foreign policy under the “Yellow–Green” government." Comparative European Politics 19, no. 6 (October 21, 2021): 739–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41295-021-00259-0.

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AbstractIn Italy, the Five Star Movement (M5S) and the Northern League (LN) formed a coalition government after the legislative elections of March 2018. What has been the actual impact of the populist executive in the Italian foreign policy? Relying on the (few) existing analyses that have developed specific hypotheses on the expected international repercussions of populist parties-ruled governments, the paper examines Italy’s foreign policy under the Italian “Yellow–Green” cabinet (June 2018–August 2019). The manuscript advances three hypotheses. First, the foreign policy of the Conte’s government has been featured by a personalistic and a centralized decision-making process. Second, the Yellow-Green executive has adopted a vocal confrontational stance on the world stage, especially within multilateral frameworks, to “take back control” over national sovereignty. Third, such sovereignist foreign policy was largely symbolic because of “strategic” populist attitudes toward public opinion and due to domestic and international constraints. The manuscript—which is based on secondary and primary sources, such as interviews with former ministers, MPs, and diplomats—aims at offering a new perspective on populist parties and foreign policy, alimenting the rising debate on foreign policy change.
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McKitterick, Rosamond. "Unity and Diversity in the Carolingian Church." Studies in Church History 32 (1996): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015333.

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With their steady series of conquests during the eighth century, adding Alemannia, Frisia, Aquitaine, the Lombard kingdom in northern Italy, Septimania, Bavaria, Saxony, and Brittany to the Frankish heartlands in Gaul, the Carolingians created what Ganshof regarded as an unwieldy empire. Was the Carolingian Church unwieldy too? Recent work, notably that of Janet Nelson, has underlined not only the political ideologies that helped to hold the Frankish realms together, but also the practical institutions and actions of individuals in government and administration. Can the same be done for the Church? Despite the extraordinary diversity of the Carolingian world and its ecclesiastical traditions, can it be described as a unity? What sense of a ‘Frankish Church’ or of ‘Frankish ecclesiastical institutions’ can be detected in the sources?
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Italy, Northern – Politics and government"

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Jauch, Linda. "Women, power and political discourse in fifteenth-century northern Italy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252268.

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Brunet-Jailly, Emmanuel. "Political culture in Italy." Thesis, This resource online, 1988. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-04122010-083632/.

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Martin, Charles 1975. "The politics of Northern Ontario : an analysis of the political divergences at the provincial periphery." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29838.

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From the outset, Northern Ontario has existed as an exploited natural resource region, vulnerable to the vicissitudes of a "boom and bust" verity. This has had profound effects on its ensuing political patterns and political processes. This thesis describes how and why the politics of Northern Ontario are different. This thesis demonstrates that the politics of Northern Ontario, unlike Southern Ontario, are distinguished by disaffection, dependency, domination, pragmatism, and parochialism. This thesis also argues that the North's divergent development and natural resource based economy, as well as pernicious provincial government policies and extensive interventions, provoked the differences apparent in its politics. These differences are evinced in the North's disparate political culture, political priorities, and political structure. Furthermore, this thesis confirms that Northern Ontario politics feature a low level of political efficacy which is primarily the result of its "centre-periphery" connection with Southern Ontario.
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Creber, Alison Madeleine. "Adelaide of Turin (c.1014/24-1091) : imperial politics and regional power in eleventh-century northern Italy." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2017. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/adelaide-of-turin-c1014241091(abd1af3a-8b96-4a06-98d4-37d6a121bcd6).html.

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Recent scholarship emphasises that the exercise of political power by royal and aristocratic medieval women was commonplace. Building upon this work, my thesis examines the life of Adelaide of Turin (c.1014/24-1091), who inherited, and ruled, the mark of Turin. Her importance has often been overlooked however, particularly in Anglophone historiography. Older scholarship tends to focus on Adelaide in terms of her connection with the Savoyard dynasty (who later became kings of Italy), or on the rise of regional states. These traditional histories do not take account of the central issues with which I am concerned: gender and cultures of power. In focusing on Adelaide – and gender – my thesis illuminates wider issues, relating to the exercise of power in the eleventh century, as well as to imperial politics, and religious change. Part I of the thesis considers Adelaide’s role in dynastic and imperial politics. Particular attention is paid to Adelaide’s acquisition and maintenance of power, and to the marital alliances forged between Adelaide’s dynasty and the imperial family. Through focusing on Adelaide key political events are reassessed, including two crises in the reign of her son-in-law, Henry IV of Germany (his attempt to repudiate his wife in 1069, and the events at Canossa in 1077). Revising the commonly held view that Adelaide and her dynasty had close ties with Savoy, Part II focuses on Adelaide’s power in Turin. Adelaide’s religious patronage and support of monastic reform are examined, as are her dealings with her officers and administration, her relationship with local elites, and her role in the administration of justice. Adelaide dominated the political landscape of Turin, and played key roles in imperial and papal politics. She was such an important non-royal ruler that (in preference to the more usual term, ‘lordly woman’) she is best described as a ‘princely woman’.
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Çetin, Elif. "Political debates, policy objectives and outcomes in British and Italian immigration politics, 1997-2010." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708065.

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Kachuk, Patricia Mary Catherine. "Irish ethnic consciousness : an anthropological view of its awakening, its maintenance, and its perpetuation in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26848.

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Ethnonational movements have proliferated throughout the world since the American and French Revolutions first gave birth to the consciousness that every nation has a right to self-determination. Whether these ethnic-based nationalist movements are a new phenomenon which is rooted in the Industrial Era of Europe, or are just a recent stage in an ethnic struggle that began during the initial cultural contact between two ethnically different groups and has persisted ever since, determines the point at which an analyst will choose to begin his or her investigation. Ultimately, the selection of this starting point determines the conclusions drawn about the cause and nature of ethnonational movements. In this thesis, the exploration of Irish ethnonationalism begins in the twelfth century when the Anglo-Normans invaded Ireland. The formation and development of the Irish ethnic group is analyzed, and self-identification found to be the key criterion for determining group membership. As social cleavages between the "Irish" and "colonizer" hardened, institutions and structures emerged to maintain and reinforce the ethnic boundary between these two groups. The thesis concludes with a detailed analysis of the operation of one mechanism of self-segregation--separate education—using ethnographic data and autobiographical accounts of the childhood experiences of people who were born and raised in Northern Ireland. In this thesis, it is argued that Irish ethnic consciousness was brought into awareness when the invading Anglo-Normans threatened to dissolve into chaos the existing Gaelic social order. It is contended that the ethnic struggle in Ireland which began in the twelfth century and still persists today in Northern Ireland, has no single cause, but was and still is fundamentally a cultural conflict which continues to be fuelled by a long history of "remembered" grievances—cultural, political, and economic--most of which predate industrialization and the American and French Revolutions. This past is kept alive by the institutions, structures, and practices which maintain and reinforce the ethnic boundary between Catholics and Protestants in contemporary Northern Ireland, thus ensuring that the Irish nationalist movement will continue to have at its disposal a sharply defined ethnic group which it can mobilize when necessary, and from which it can recruit new members.
Arts, Faculty of
Anthropology, Department of
Graduate
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FERENTE, Serena. "Gli ultimi guelfi : passioni e identità politiche nell'Italia del secondo Quattrocento." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10426.

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Defence date: 7 September 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Anthony Molho, (EUI) ; Doctor Humfrey Butters, (University of Warwick) ; Prof. Giulia Calvi, (EUI) ; Prof. Giorgio Chittolini, (Università di Milano)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Questa tesi presenta i risultati della ricerca di un oggetto sfuggente, un’identità politica di parte, nell’Italia del secondo Quattrocento. La ricerca si è estesa su un lasso di tempo piuttosto lungo (cinquant’anni circa), su un’area piuttosto vasta e politicamente frammentata (buona parte della penisola italiana), e su un 'mondo di carta', prodotto tanto negli anni tra il 1450 e il 1499 quanto dagli storici in tempi più recenti. Le ragioni di questa ricerca, e di alcune scelte e definizioni adottate per evitare di perdersi, occuperanno questa introduzione.
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Hogan, Marina. "The fictional Savonarola and the creation of modern Italy." University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. Italian Studies, 2009. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0035.

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This thesis deals with Girolamo Savonarola and with his place in the imagination and collective memory of Italians from the early nineteenth century to the present. It examines the works of a variety of Italian fictional authors who turned to Savonarola in the belief that he could help them pursue objectives which, in their opinion, Italy and Italians should strive to achieve. At first, he was called upon by nationalist writers of the Risorgimento to inspire a people and convince it of the need for a free, united Italy. Later, as the new nation began to consolidate and Italians came to realize that unification had not delivered all that it had promised, Savonarola was employed in a negative way to show that military action and force were necessary to ensure Italy's progress to the status of great power. As Italians became more aware of the grave social issues facing their nation, he was called upon, once again, to help change social policy and to remind the people of its civic responsibility to the less fortunate members of society. The extent of Savonarola's adaptability is also explored through the analysis of his manipulation by the writers of Fascist Italy. Remarkably, he was used to highlight to Italians their duty to stand by Mussolini and the Fascist Regime during their struggle with the Catholic Church and the Pope. At the same time, however, one writer daringly used Savonarola's apostolate to condemn the Regime and the people's blind adherence to its philosophies. As Fascism fell and Italy began to rebuild after the Second World War, there was no longer a need for Savonarola to be used for political or militaristic ends. In recent times, emphasis has been placed on the human side of the Friar and he has been employed solely to guide Italians in a civic, moral and spiritual sense. From the Risorgimento to the present, the various changes in Italian history have been foreshadowed in the treatment of Savonarola by Italian fictional authors who turned to him in difficult times to help define what it is to be Italian.
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Evans, Peter Christopher. "Transformations of Inuit resistance and identity in northern Labrador, 1771-1959." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648417.

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Walcott, Judith Ann. "Discourse and development at the border : state projects and development interventions in Ecuador's northern Andes." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610289.

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Books on the topic "Italy, Northern – Politics and government"

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1961-, Gilbert Mark, ed. The Lega Nord and the northern question in Italian politics. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave, 2001.

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Tambini, Damian. Nationalism in Italian politics: Stories of the northern league in Italy, 1980-2000. New York: Routledge, 2001.

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Boca, Lorenzo Del. Polentoni: The polenta-eaters of Northern Italy : how and why the north has been betrayed. New York, NY: Bordighera Press, 2012.

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Nationalism in Italian politics: The stories of the Northern League, 1980-2000. London: Routledge, 2001.

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Carello, Adrian Nicola. The northern question: Italy's participation in the European Economic Community and the Mezzogiorno's underdevelopment. Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1989.

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Ethnicity and nationalism in Italian politics: Inventing the Padania : Lega Nord and the northern question. Aldershot, Hampshire, England: Ashgate, 2002.

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Le terre cedute del Lago Maggiore e Valli d'Ossola: Il Trattato di Worms e il passaggio dalla Lombardia al Piemonte. Verbania: Alberti Libraio Editore, 2007.

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Monferrini, Sergio, and Carlo Alessandro Pisoni. Le terre cedute del Lago Maggiore e Valli d'Ossola: Il Trattato di Worms e il passaggio dalla Lombardia al Piemonte : in occasione del 50o anniversario del Trattato di Roma, 1957-2007. Verbania: Alberti Libraio Editore, 2007.

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1955-, Donovan Mark, ed. Italy. Aldershot, England: Ashgate, 1998.

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Leonardi, Robert. Government and Politics of Italy. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-93231-3.

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Book chapters on the topic "Italy, Northern – Politics and government"

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Moran, Michael. "Devolved government in Northern Ireland." In Politics and Governance in the UK, 128–41. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-36598-9_9.

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Moran, Michael. "Devolved government in Northern Ireland." In Politics and Governance in the UK, 197–211. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-36632-9_12.

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Connolly, Michael. "Government Institutions in Northern Ireland." In Politics and Policy-making in Northern Ireland, 71–97. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14895-0_5.

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Leonardi, Robert. "The Nexus between Socio-Economic and Political Change in Italy: Why Does Italy Matter?" In Government and Politics of Italy, 1–16. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-93231-3_1.

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Leonardi, Robert. "Conclusions." In Government and Politics of Italy, 215–23. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-93231-3_10.

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Leonardi, Robert. "The Impact of Economic Challenges on Italy’s Political System." In Government and Politics of Italy, 17–45. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-93231-3_2.

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Leonardi, Robert. "Parliament: Democratization of Representative Institutions." In Government and Politics of Italy, 47–77. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-93231-3_3.

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Leonardi, Robert. "The Executive Branch: Who Rules Italy?" In Government and Politics of Italy, 79–100. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-93231-3_4.

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Leonardi, Robert. "The Judicial System: The Delivery of Justice under the Separation of Powers." In Government and Politics of Italy, 101–18. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-93231-3_5.

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Leonardi, Robert. "The Electoral System and the Search for Political Advantage." In Government and Politics of Italy, 119–37. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-93231-3_6.

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Conference papers on the topic "Italy, Northern – Politics and government"

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Tomayko, James E. "Solar Sea Power: Over a Century of Invention." In ASME 2005 International Solar Energy Conference. ASMEDC, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/isec2005-76093.

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Solar Sea Power is one of the unusual technologies in history, in that it did not progress in capability much since its first invention by Jacques d’Arsonval in 1881. It has been reinvented several times since then (at least 14 instances, probably more), which is not unusual by itself, as explained in the paper, however, the lack of progress in technological sophistication is unusual, unless the design is dominated by an established, older, paradigm. Some of these repeated inventions were need-based, such as Claude’s, intended for French colonial Africa; few or none matched periods of increased interest in solar power. Even though individual inventors developed Solar Sea Power (SSP), governments were considered likely to advance the technology and apply it for the first 90 years or so of its existence. Recently, this task has been abandoned by deep-pocket governments and left to small, specialized companies such as Anderson’s. Examples of the former are the plant design intended for a lake in northern Italy and the mega-plant with identical technology designed under the Energy Research and Development Agency (ERDA) sponsorship by TRW, a government contractor since sold to an aerospace firm. SSP plants do not produce much electricity, but since a portion of the output is used for operation, it is free to operate, and constantly renewable. It is even more reliable than wind power, in that the temperature differences in suitable water are always there, but wind, a product of many factors, is not blowing at all times.
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2

Dauster, Manfred. "Criminal Proceedings in Times of Pandemic." In The 8th International Scientific Conference of the Faculty of Law of the University of Latvia. University of Latvia Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/iscflul.8.2.18.

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COVID-19 caught humanity off guard at the turn of 2019/2020. Even when the Chinese government sealed off Wuhan, a city of millions, for weeks to contain the epidemic, no one in other parts of the world had any idea of what specifically was heading for the countries. The ignorant and belittling public statements and tweets of the former US president are still fresh in everyone's memory. Only when the Italian army carried the coffins with the COVID-19 victims in northern Italy, the gravesites spread in the Bergamo region, as well as the intensive care beds filled in the overcrowded hospitals, the countries of the European Union and other parts of the world realised how serious the situation threatened to become. Together with the World Health Organisation (WHO), the terms changed to pandemic. Much of the pandemic evoked reminiscences originating in the Black Death raging between 1346 and 1353 or in the Spanish flu after the First World War. Meanwhile, life went on. The administration of justice in criminal cases could not and should not come to a standstill. Emergency measures, such as those that began to emerge in February 2020, are always the hour of the executive. In their efforts to stop the spread of the virus, in Germany, governments particularly reflected on criminal proceedings. Neither criminal procedural law nor the courts and court administrations applying this procedural law were adequately prepared for the challenges. Deadlines threatened to expire, access to court buildings and halls had to be restricted to reduce the risk of infection, public hearings represented a potential source of infection for both the parties to the proceedings and the public, virtual criminal hearings via conference calls had not yet been tested in civil proceedings, but were legally possible, but not so in criminal cases. The taking of evidence in criminal cases in Germany is governed by the rules of strict evidence and is largely not at the disposal of the parties to the proceedings. Especially in criminal cases, fundamental and human rights guarantees serve to protect the accused, but also the victims and witnesses. Executive measures of pandemic containment might impact these guarantees. Here, an attempt will be made to discuss at some neuralgic points how Germany has attempted to balance the resulting contradictory interests in the conflict between pandemic control and constitutional requirements for criminal court proceedings.
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