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Journal articles on the topic 'Italy – Foreign relations – Germany'
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1
Barlas, Dilek. "FRIENDS OR FOES? DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN ITALY AND TURKEY, 1923–36." International Journal of Middle East Studies 36, no. 2 (May 2004): 231–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743804362045.
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Turkey's foreign policy and relations in the early Republican era, before and during World War II, has been subject to systematic and scholarly research, leading to numerous publications since the 1970s. Although no less significant than Britain, Germany, or the Soviet Union in shaping Turkish inter-war foreign policy and priorities, Italy does not seem to have received a similar degree of attention in this growing literature. Italy is usually treated in the works on Turkish foreign relations only as a threat that Turkey's foreign and strategic policy aimed to counter after 1934.
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Kotova, Elena. "The German Question in the Foreign Policy of the Austrian Empire in 1850—1866." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016050-4.
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For centuries, the House of Austria (the Habsburgs) maintained its leadership in the Holy Roman Empire, and later in the German Union. But in the middle of the 19th century the situation changed, Austria lost its position in Germany, lost to Prussia in the struggle for hegemony. The article examines what factors influenced such an outcome of the German question, what policy Austria pursued in the 50—60s of the 19th century, what tasks it set for itself. The paper traces the relationship between the domestic and foreign policy of Austria. Economic weakness and political instability prevented the monarchy from pursuing a successful foreign policy. The multinational empire could not resist the challenge of nationalism and prevent the unification of Italy and Germany. Difficult relations with France and Russia, inconsistent policy towards the Middle German states largely determined this outcome. The personal factor was also important. None of the Austrian statesmen could resist such an outstanding politician as Bismarck.
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Nesterova, T. P. "France and Attempt to Resolve the Italo-Ethiopian Conflict in Late 1935: the Hoare–Laval Plan." Nauchnyi dialog 1, no. 8 (August 31, 2020): 398–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-8-398-411.
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The article is devoted to the policy of France towards Italy and Ethiopia at the initial stage of the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935—1936. It is shown that in the autumn of 1935, the French government took a position aimed at a peaceful settlement of the Italian-Ethiopian conflict at the expense of Ethiopia, since relations with Italy were much more important for France than relations with Ethiopia, and “real policy” required France to reach an agreement primarily with Italy. It is noted that a similar position was taken by the United Kingdom. It is indicated that this resulted in the formation of a plan for the settlement of the conflict, put forward in December 1935 by the head of the French government, Pierre Laval, and the British foreign Minister, Samuel Hoare. It is proved that the Hoare–Laval plan was an early form of the policy of “appeasement of the aggressor,” which became the leading direction of French and British foreign policy during the collapse of the Versailles system of international relations in 1938—1939. The research is based on publications of Soviet, French, Italian and Canadian diplomatic documents, League of Nations documents, memoirs of political figures of that era, as well as unpublished documents from the Archive of Publicistic Activity (Germany).
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Bederman, David J. "Jurisprudence of the Foreign Claims Settlement Commission: Albania Claims." American Journal of International Law 106, no. 2 (April 2012): 271–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.106.2.0271.
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Albania ranks among the smallest and poorest countries in Europe, located on the Adriatic and Ionian Seas just north of Greece. It gained its independence from the Ottoman Empire in 1912 (accounting for the fact that a majority of the population is Muslim) and subsisted as a monarchy for much of the interwar period. Albania was occupied by Italy (and then Nazi Germany) for all of the Second World War. Communist partisans expelled the Germans in 1944, without the assistance of Soviet forces, and thus began nearly a half-century of a totalitarian, isolationist rule by an extremely repressive Communist regime under the leadership of Enver Hoxha and Ramiz Alia. This regime was definitively overthrown in 1991. Since that time, Albania has been periodically wracked by civil and political unrest, leading to substantial violence in 1997 that was quelled only with the brief deployment of a UN multinational protection force.
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GOMÓŁKA, Krystyna. "ECONOMIC CONTACTS BETWEEN AZERBAIJAN AND THE EUROPEAN UNION." Historical and social-educational ideas 10, no. 6/2 (February 1, 2019): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2018-10-6/2-53-61.
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After regaining independence in the early 1990s, the Republic of Azerbaijan signed many international agreements. It also established relations with the European Union. Economic contacts between the partners were revived by the partnership and cooperation agreement’s entry into force in 1999. It assumed political dialogue, assistance in building democracy, cooperation in the sphere of economy and investment. In terms of trade in goods and services, the country have granted each other most-favored-nation clauses in the collection of customs duties and charges, transit clearance, composition and transhipment of goods, payment transfers for purchased goods and services. This has led to increased trade between the European Union and Azerbaijan. The most important trade partners of Azerbaijan in the years 2000-2017 were the following members of the European Union: Italy, France and Germany. The exports were dominated by Germany, France, Italy, the United Kingdom and Spain. The opening of the oil and gas sector to foreign companies has contributed to a significant inflow of foreign direct investment. More than 80% of the incoming investment is in the oil sector and the main activities are focused the construction of new gas and oil pipelines. The leading investors in this group in the years 2000-2013 were the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Germany, Italy, France and Cyprus.
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Trunov, Philipp. "Germany’s security and defense policy : transformation in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 1 (2022): 254–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.01.10.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has created significant obstacles to the implementation of national foreign policies, including the reduction of the resource base. This article analyzes the schemes and forms of government activities that can reduce the negative impact of the pandemic factor. The object of the study is the Federal Republic of Germany, which is currently at a turning point in its development: the end of A. Merkel’s «era» (autumn 2021) is accompanied by a large number of unresolved foreign policy tasks that prevent Germany from establishing itself as a world power. The article provides a detailed overview of these tasks and the ongoing efforts to solve them, presented on a problem-geographic principle. Issues related to the restart of relations between Germany and the United States under the Biden administration, the FRG’s involvement in building up the political and military potential of the EU, as well as the dynamics and nature of the FRG’s dialogue with the leading European NATO member states – Great Britain, Italy and especially France – are analyzed in the context of the ongoing pandemic crisis. Particular attention is paid to the problems associated with deepening cooperation within the framework of the German-French tandem. The paper also explores the difficulties that have appeared during the pandemic and new opportunities for expanding the political and military presence of Germany in Libya, «G5 Sahel» countries, Syria and Iraq. The consequences that a decision of the United States to carry out the «deal» with the Afghan Taliban may have for Germany are analyzed. The FRG’s attempts to strengthen its positions in the post-Soviet space and the Far East are presented in the context of deteriorating relations with the Russian Federation and China. In conclusion, an assessment of Germany’s activity in the sphere of security and defense during the first year of the pandemic is given.
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Demeshchuk, Аnatolii. "Relations of the Republic of Croatia with EU Countries (1992-1999)." European Historical Studies, no. 12 (2019): 6–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.12.6-27.
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This article considers a development and peculiar properties of relations of the Republic of Croatia with European Union countries from the moment of this state’s international recognition on 15 January 1992 to the first Croatian president Franjo Tudjman’s death on 10 December 1999. The main attention is paid to those Western European countries, that played the most significant role in dealing with the crisis on the territory of former Yugoslavia and that had the most crucial place in Zagreb’s foreign policy during the first decade of Croatian independence: Federal Republic of Germany, Austria, France, Great Britain, Italy, Sweden and Vatican (however, the two last are not EU members). The attitude of these countries towards Croatia’s diplomatic goals during 1990ies and the dynamics of their relations with Croatian government, that weren’t constant, are analyzed in this article. The special attention is focused on the reasons of firm German and Austrian support for Croatia at the very beginning of its independence and their significant humanitarian aid for Croats during the war. From the other hand, there are explained reasons of skeptical and cold French and British position on Croatian question and the role of the history in Italian-Croatian relations after 1990. And, of course, Croatian problems and real obstacles in relations with Western European countries and with prospective of European integration during the presidency of Franjo Tudjman (that were really pessimistic) are also considered in this article. The newest researches of Croatian and other foreign authors on Croatian foreign policy in 1990ies were used for preparing this small research, as well as materials of foreign media, mostly Western and Croatian.
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Ronzitti, Natalino. "The Treaty of Quirinale between Italy and France." Italian Yearbook of International Law Online 31, no. 1 (November 11, 2022): 253–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116133-03101013.
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Abstract On 26 November 2021, France and Italy signed a Treaty on enhanced cooperation, currently named the Treaty of Quirinale after the residence of the President of the Italian Republic, where the ceremony of signature was held, echoing the Treaty of the Elysée between France and Germany signed by Charles de Gaulle and Konrad Adenauer. However, the Treaty of Quirinale is not aimed at ending any secular conflict like that between France and Germany, which was supplemented by the Aachen Treaty (2019). The French-Italian Treaty is more of a proclamation than a document endowed with rights and duties. The obligatory provisions are mainly those aimed at organising cooperation between the two countries with the establishment of new institutions or enabling the presence of each country in the other’s relevant existing institutions. The cooperation invests the main political sectors of the administration, such as foreign policy, defence, economic and social development, European integration, cultural affairs and neighbour relations. There is not a coordination between the Quirinale Treaty and the Elysée/Aachen Treaty. In case of different views (for instance on the reform of the United Nations Security Council), diplomacy should find the proper solution.
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Sukhodolov, Yakov. "Current State of Russo-Chinese Investment Cooperation." Russian and Chinese Studies 4, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 10–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2587-7445.2020.4(1).10-17.
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China is traditionally a leading foreign trade partner of Russia. And its share in the total volume of foreign trade has a positive dynamics. At the same time, the dynamics of the Russo-Chinese investment cooperation sufficiently lags behind the dynamics of development of the Russo-Chinese foreign trade relations. At present, China considerably lags behind France, Germany, Great Britain and Italy in regard to direct investments in Russia’ economy. The major part of direct investments from China falls upon the mining and petrochemical industries, the wood and paper complex, the agriculture, and the real estate sphere. At the same time, the Chinese investors also implement several investment projects in the machine-building sphere. The Russo-Chinese cooperation has good prospects, especially in the sphere of implementing joint transport-logistic and infrastructural projects, as well as the projects in processing industry.
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Negri, Stefania. "Sovereign Immunity v. Redress for War Crimes: The Judgment of the International Court of Justice in the Case Concerning Jurisdictional Immunities of the State (Germany v. Italy)." International Community Law Review 16, no. 1 (February 3, 2014): 123–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341273.
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Abstract In the judgment delivered in the case concerning Jurisdictional Immunities of the State (Germany v. Italy), the International Court of Justice held that under the present state of international customary law State immunity encompasses all acta jure imperii, regardless of whether they are unlawful. Following the ruling that States are entitled to jurisdictional immunities before foreign courts even if their sovereign acts amount to violations of peremptory norms, the Court found that Italy had violated Germany’s immunity from jurisdiction and enforcement. In rendering such a conservative judgment, the Court missed a double opportunity: to contribute to the development of international law by interpreting the rule on sovereign immunity in harmony with international human rights law and its dynamics, and to finally serve justice for the victims of war crimes.
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Самедов, Фарман Фамиль. "Foreign Economic Relations of Sumgait city (On the Chemical Industry. 1991-2003)." Bulletin of Science and Practice, no. 8 (August 15, 2022): 416–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/81/42.
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В статье анализируется экономический кризис в сумгаитской химической промышленности в результате распада СССР и разрыва традиционных экономических связей с бывшими советскими республиками после обретения Азербайджаном независимости и меры, предпринятые для выхода из этого кризиса. Кроме того, рассмотрены установление экономических связей и обмен опытом в химической промышленности с экономически развитыми странами: Германией, США, Турцией, Японией, Великобританией, Кореей, Италией, Болгарией и Испанией, замена физически и морально устаревшего оснащения сумгаитских химических предприятий новым и разработка новых проектов по увеличению производственных мощностей заводов, а также инвестиции этих стран в сумгаитскую химическую промышленность и совместная работа с группой экспертов ЕС по устранению экологической проблемы. The article analyzes the economic crisis in the Sumgait chemical industry as a result of the collapse of the USSR and the severance of traditional economic ties with the former Soviet republics after the independence of Azerbaijan and the measures taken to overcome this crisis. In addition, the establishment of economic relations and exchange of experience in the chemical industry with economically developed countries in the chemical industry: Germany, USA, Turkey, Japan, Great Britain, Korea, Italy, Bulgaria and Spain, replacement of physically and morally obsolete equipment at Sumgait chemical enterprises with new ones and develop new projects to increase the production capacity of factories, as well as the investment of these countries in the Sumgait chemical industry and joint work with a group of EU experts to eliminate the environmental problem were also searched.
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Balossi-Restelli, Ludovica Marchi. "Italian foreign and security policy in a state of reliability crisis?" Modern Italy 18, no. 3 (August 2013): 255–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2013.801667.
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This article focuses on Italian foreign and security policy (IFSP). It looks at three examples of the country's policy-making which reveal its poor results as a security provider, namely: Italy's tardy reaction to the violence in Libya in 2011, its prompt reaction to the Lebanon crisis in 2006, and its efforts to be included in the diplomatic directorate, the P5 + 1, approaching relations with Iran in 2009. The article considers whether government action has bolstered the reliability of IFSP and also discusses the country's FSP in terms of its basic differences from that of its partners in the European Union, France, Britain and Germany, envisaging how Italy could react to build more credibility. Italy's policy is observed through a three-pronged analytical framework enriched by concepts of the logic of expected consequences. The article concludes that IFSP is predictable, but it must still reveal that it is reliable, and explains why this is the case.
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Colacicco, Tamara. "The British Institute of Florence and the British Council in Fascist Italy: from Harold E. Goad to Ian G. Greenlees, 1922–1940." Modern Italy 23, no. 3 (June 27, 2018): 315–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2018.19.
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The first British cultural institute on foreign soil was founded in Florence in 1917. However, it was the creation of the British Council in London in 1935 that marked the beginning of the strengthening of the British cultural presence abroad. The aim of this drive was to promote knowledge of British culture and civic and political life overseas, to defend national prestige and, given the escalating expansionist policies of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, to encourage the preservation of dialogue between the major European powers, underpinned by democratic principles. Bridging a gap in research into the relationship between Italy and Great Britain in the interwar period, this article reconstructs the case study of British cultural diplomacy in Florence between 1922 and Mussolini’s declaration of war, analysing how British culture was used in politics and propaganda and investigating the relationship of the management of both the British Institute of Florence and the British Council with Fascism. In doing so, it offers original insight into British history and the country’s cultural institutions in Fascist Italy, and into the wider field of Anglo-Italian political and cultural relations during the period of dictatorship in Italy.
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Zametica, Jovan. "Sir Austen Chamberlain and the Italo-Yugoslav crisis over Albania February - May 1927." Balcanica, no. 36 (2005): 203–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0536203z.
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In the Spring of 1927 a major European crisis was developing in the Balkans It concerned the rivalry between Mussolini?s Italy and the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes over Albania in which, though a small and backward country, both Rome and Belgrade claimed to have legitimate political and security interests. At the time, the Italo-Yugoslav crisis was seen by many observers as containing the potential of turning into a war the Italian government in particular insisting that Belgrade was engaged in military preparations in order to launch an invasion of Albania. An important factor that made the Italo-Yugoslav rivalry over Albania possible in the first place was the country?s perennial political instability. Thus the crisis attracted considerable attention in Europe. Given the fact that France and Italy experienced strained relations, and that the Weimar Germany had only recently returned to the mainstream of the affairs of Europe following the treaties of Locarno, it was Great Britain that emerged as the chief player in attempts to defuse the emergency. Historians have paid relatively little attention to this, by now largely forgotten, episode in the diplomatic history of interwar Europe. The existing literature, however mistakenly tends to interpret the efforts of Great Britain as favoring the Italian claims in Albania. This article, which makes extensive use of primary sources from the Foreign Office, demonstrates that Foreign Secretary Sir Austen Chamberlain and all his relevant officials handled the crisis in an even-handed manner throughout and that, at times, if London exhibited any sympathy and understanding at all for either side, it was towards Belgrade rather than Rome.
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Kireitseva, O. V., and O. V. Zhylin. "Foreign regulation experience of the agricultural land market." Bioeconomics and Agrarian Business 11, no. 3 (March 3, 2021): 37–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31548/bioeconomy2020.03.037.
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The article examines theoretical formation foundations of functioning system of the agricultural land market in foreign countries. It is analyzed basic and special parameters of the legislative framework on land, protection of rights and opportunities of land owners, purchase and sale procedures in the context of land relations. It has been determined that the success of land reforms and the effectiveness of implementation and functioning of the land market depend on the level of their scientific substantiation, state regulation and measures to coordinate interests of its participants. Land relations are governed by norms of civil, administrative law, or by special laws dedicated to certain types of land relations, as well as laws on agrarian and land reforms in foreign countries. Such key aspects of public regulation are considered in: the taxation system, the credit and financial mechanism, antimonopoly policy, special targeted programs. There is various level of centralization and decentralization of land management, representative bodies of territorial communities that have different powers to regulate land use, organizational and legal forms of land use and forms of ownership of land resources that are not the same in countries with different socio-political systems. It has been determined that the legal regulation of land potential should contain effective aspects of the practical application of norms in real context. That is not only the normative existence of functioning rules, but also the practical aspect of ensuring the implementation of the state's land potential through local authorities within the land areas. This issue can be analyzed by the experience of foreign countries, such as the USA, Germany, France, Italy, Poland, Cyprus, Israel.
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Kucherenko, Oleksii. "FRANCHISING AGREEMENT UNDER THE LEGISLATION OF FOREIGN COUNTRIES." Scientific Notes Series Law 1, no. 9 (2020): 33–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.36550/2522-9230-2020-1-9-33-37.
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The article is devoted to the topical issue of studying the foreign experience of legal regulation of the franchise agreement. The author emphasizes that there is no comprehensive full-fledged regulation of the franchise agreement either in the national legislation of individual EU member states or at the international level. The article focuses on the franchisor's obligation to enter into an agreement to provide future franchisees with information about doing business under the franchise system, including the basic conditions of the franchise, data on the number of franchisees in the network, its growth, financial performance, etc. The experience of legal regulation of a franchise agreement in such foreign countries as the USA, Great Britain, Italy, Germany, Spain, Estonia, Lithuania, Australia, etc. is considered. The duality of the legal regulation of franchising at the federal and local levels, as well as the prevalence of the most favorable rules for franchisors (USA) is demonstrated. The author focuses on the experience of the institute of self-regulation of franchising and the establishment of appropriate criteria for franchise companies in the absence of government regulation (Britain). The need to adopt a single institutional law in the field of franchising and to enshrine in it all the key terms used in franchising: the actual franchise agreement, know-how, entrance fee, royalties (periodic payments for the use of intellectual property), the franchisor's goods (Italy). It is expedient to establish a provision on mandatory pre-contractual disclosure of information, according to which the counterparty is provided with information on experience, company experience, prospects for the development of the relevant market, duration of the agreement, terms of renewal or termination of contractual relations (France).
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Giurlando, Philip. "France’s déclassement in the Eurozone." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 74, no. 4 (December 2019): 559–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702019896299.
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In France, the adoption of the euro was partly motivated by the desire for equality with Germany, but asymmetry has increased in terms of economic prowess and international status, leading to a sense of déclassement. This paper identifies links between France’s status reduction, a consequent feeling of humiliation, and the foreign policy positions associated with that collective emotion. Evidence of France’s déclassement includes macroeconomic trends, semi-structured interviews with a sample of elites, the secondary literature, and the domestic political disputes that have emerged as a result of this reduction of national status. The paper also systematically compares France to Italy, as in many ways it is similar to that country, but with one key difference: the political forces which have been loudest about Italy’s humiliation vis-à-vis Germany obtained power and governed from May 2018 to August 2019. Their orientations and positions provide a peek into the kinds of international political decisions associated with both déclassement and humiliation, and provide further evidence on the links between status reduction, group-level emotion, and inter-group behaviour.
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Roider, Karl A. "The Habsburg Foreign Ministry and Political Reform, 1801–1805." Central European History 22, no. 2 (June 1989): 160–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900011481.
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On 6 December 1800, a courier galloped through the gates of Vienna, rushed to the Hofburg, the winter palace of the Habsburgs, and presented to Emperor Francis II a bitter message from Archduke John, the emperor's brother and commander of the Austrian armed forces in Germany. The message read that three days earlier the archduke's troops had engaged the French army under Jean Moreau at Hohenlinden, had suffered serious losses, and were falling back to Salzburg with the officers struggling to maintain order in the ranks while they did so. The news was a crushing blow to Francis. In 1799 the Austrians had begun the War of the Second Coalition with high hopes of reversing the years of defeat at the hands of Revolutionary France. Russia and Britain had agreed to cooperate closely with Austria; France seemed weaker than ever domestically; and Napoleon Bonaparte, who had caused Vienna such grief in 1797, was far away in Egypt trying to inflict damage upon the British Empire. But these hopes turned to ashes. Russia abandoned the Coalition after its army suffered serious losses in Switzerland—indeed, in their wake the Russian ruler, Tsar Paul, had thundered so vehemently against what he saw as Austrian treachery that he had broken relations with Vienna—; Britain had been able to provide much needed funds but not more-needed soldiers; and Bonaparte had returned to work his magic on both the French army and the French people. The result was Hohenlinden, Austrian defeat, and in February 1800 the Treaty of Lunéville that ceded to France primary influence in Germany and Italy.
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Zhytariuk, Mar’yan. "Ukraine-Czechoslovakian and Ukraine-Romanian Relations in the Interpretation of the Magazine “Dilo” (Lviv)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 37-38 (December 20, 2018): 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.198-207.
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The Lviv daily “Dilo”, as well as the Ukrainian press in Galicia, Bukovina, Volyn and Transcarpathia in the interwar period, could not keep a way from the numerous and systematic facts of Ukrainophobia and immediately responded to the form available to it, mainly as digest and translations of foreign publications about Ukrainians and Ukrainian ethnic land.
Thirties of the Twentieth century entered the Ukrainian history under the sign of Polish “pacification” in Eastern Galicia (there were also the petitions of Ukrainian and British representations to the League of Nations), artificially created famine and genocide in Soviet Ukraine, the Bolshevik terror (not only against the national Ukrainian intellectuals, but also against the Ukrainian leadership of the Communist Party of the Bolsheviks), the German propaganda concerning the prospects of independent Ukraine and other significant phenomena, which formed together the basis of the "Ukrainian problem". All this in general was reflected by the European press (Great Britain, Germany, France, Switzerland, Belgium, Austria, Italy) and the US press, Canada, Japan. At the same time, from the standpoint of advocacy and sympathy, there was hardly any publication in the press of Czechoslovakia, Poland, Romania (except for Ukrainian-language editions), in the Soviet periodicals, however the governments of these countries were interested in further weakening and leveling of Ukrainian ethnic, mental, religious, historical and other factors that could cement Ukrainians nationally.
Keywords: magazine “Dilo” (Lviv), interethnic relations, Bukovyna, Galychyna, interwar period
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Esherick, Joseph W. "The Origins of the Boxer War: A Multinational Study. By Lanxin Xiang. [London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003. xvii +382 pp. $80.00. ISBN 0-7007-1563-0.]." China Quarterly 176 (December 2003): 1110–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741003370638.
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This old-fashioned political and diplomatic history of the conflict between the Qing court and foreign powers in 1900 makes a significant, if not always convincing, contribution to our understanding of the Boxer troubles. Arguing that previous studies have been flawed by an excessive focus on “the so-called ‘Boxer Rebellion’ ” (p. vii), this book focuses on how the Qing court came to declare war on the foreign powers in June of 1900. Its close analysis of court politics and actions of the foreign diplomatic corps in Beijing makes excellent use of archival records from Belgium, China, France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, and the United States plus published documents from Russia and Japan – an impressive research accomplishment that adds an important new dimension to our understanding this critical moment in modern Chinese history.In four chapters tracing the background to the Boxer incident, Xiang argues that the death of Prince Gong in 1898 deprived the Qing court of a critical balancing figure. When southern reformers overplayed their hand in the 1898 reforms, the Empress Dowager responded in a coup that brought an incompetent group of ultra-conservative Manchu princelings to power. At the same time, a new kind of imperialism representing an “unholy alliance” of nationalist elites, commercial interests and Christian missionaries threatened China with the scramble for concessions. Xiang is particularly effective in describing the catch-up imperialism of Germany, spurred by the erratic Catholic bishop Anzer, and the “theatrical performance” of the Italians, whose rebuff by the Qing court emboldened the conservative princes.
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Štefanac-Nadarević, Vesna, Mihovil Vukelić, and Miroslav Cuculić. "Care for health of foreign tourists in case of medical emergency." Tourism and hospitality management 2, no. 2 (December 30, 1996): 369–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thm.2.2.14.
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The county of Primorje and Gorski kotar is one of the most developed tourist regions in Croatia. The majority of tourists come from the neighbouring countries because of the geographical position of this region and because of good relations that Republic of Croatia has with its neighbours. The objective of our research was to examine health care and morbidity of Austrian, German and Italian tourists who stayed in the Rijeka area from 1987 to 1990 and who asked-for medical help on the basis of insurance certificate-convention. Our research is based on the health and other documentation used by Croatian Institute of Health Insurance for the compensation of the expense of medical treatment. In the examined period the total of 3884 tourists were treated, out of which 400 from Austria (10%), 2796 from Germany (72%) and 688 from Italy (18%). There was 9% of children under the age of 9 and 19% of people over 60. In 519 cases (13%) hospital treatment was needed with the total of 5734 days spent in hospital. The majority of patients needed ambulatory treatment, 3365 (87%). As to morbidity of patients injuries were most represented 868 (22%). To patients who needed help because of chronic diseases of cardiovascular system, of nervous system,of locomotor system and respiratory system belongs 6- 11 %. During the period from 1990 to 1995, 4509 tourists were cured. The results of the research will be shown when the analysis is completed. The results will also be compared with the results of other similar researches. The performed analysis shows that among tourists in our region there is a considerable number of persons who suffer from chronic diseases, and who should be offered a highly professional medical treatment as a part of health - tourism programme, aimed at the prevention, treatment and rehabilitation of a disease.
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DULCE, Cezara Ionela, and Ionel MUNTELE. "Student Mobility – Attractiveness and Premise of Improving the City Image. Case Study: Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iași." Journal of Settlements and Spatial Planning SI, no. 7 (May 12, 2021): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/jsspsi.2021.7.06.
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Nowadays, brand image dominates almost any field of activity and becomes a source of power, being much more efficient than a word. Our article aims to analyse the evolution of Erasmus+ mobility at Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iași between 2013 and 2019 and to highlight, by the increasing attractiveness, the important role of these internships in the improvement of the city image. Regarding the methodology, our descriptive study was based on statistical information provided by the International Relations Office of the university. The purpose of the analysis was to identify the dynamics and distribution of student mobility flows, following the expressed trends. The results revealed a series of transformations: on the Outgoing component, numerous Romanian students chose for study notorious university centres in France, Spain, Italy, Germany and Poland and destinations in Greece, Italy or Iceland for an internship and, on the Incoming component, the increasing number of foreign students arrived from France, Spain, Poland and Portugal. Together with the traditional cultural assets of Iași, the increasing number of students involved in Erasmus+ internships can improve the city image as an attractive urban centre.
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Lapina, N. "The Perception of Russia in Europe in Context of Ukrainian Crisis." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2015): 24–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-9-24-34.
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This article deals with the impact of various factors on the perception of Russia in different European countries. The focus is on the role of mass media, expert and political elites in forming of Russia's image, especially in the context of Ukrainian crisis. In this article, the reaction of different European counties to events in Ukraine, the polarization of European space is analyzed: some countries prefer to put a pressure on the Russian Federation, other – to find a way out of the critical situation and reach a compromise. Some political establishment representatives in France, Germany, Czech Republic support Russia and the reunification with Crimea, dispute sanctions against Russia. For such politicians, this support results from anti-American views and independent foreign policy aspirations. Other representatives of the European elite demand tougher approach and more pressure on Russia by any means whatsoever (including military ones). European business-communities reveal great interest in solving issues related to sanctions. Many entrepreneurs in Europe (in particular major corporations in France, UK, Germany, Italy), who profit from long and fruitful cooperation with Russia, are against anti-Russian sanctions. In view of the Ukrainian crisis, Russia has to face and solve various important issues. How can Russia implement a modernization project after burning all traditional bridges to the West and western friends and partners? What is the right way for Russian foreign policy to support and defend Russian-speaking people all over the world? Which European political forces can provide support to Russia? How can civil society affect and influence cooperation between Russia and Europe?
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Tkachuk, Taras. "JAPANESE INFLUENCE ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF BRITISH-AMERICAN RELATIONS BEFORE AND AT THE BEGINNING OF THE WORLD WAR II (1931 – 1940)." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 13 (2022): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2022.13.6.
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The article examines the relationship between two leading countries – Great Britain and the United States, which had a significant impact on international political situation in the world in 1930s and still have nowadays. As a vector of research, the author takes the factor of the Japanese militaristic regime because of the rather similar current geopolitical situation due to the aggressive actions of Russian Federation. According to this, the author aimed to conduct a comprehensive analysis and his own assessment of the impact of Japan’s behavior in the international arena on the development of British-American relations in various fields. The chronological boundaries of the study are the period from the Mukden incident ‒ the beginning of Japanese invasion in the north-eastern part of China (September, 1931) to the conclusion of Berlin (Tripartite) Pact between Japan, Italy and Germany (September, 1940). Methodology: the article uses a comparative-historical method to compare and analyze the influence of Japan and Germany on the foreign policy of London and Washington, as well as descriptive method ‒ to identify the essence and features of British-American relations during 1931–1940. The use primarily of a wide base of diplomatic documents, archival sources from the F. D. Roosevelt Digital Library, cabinet papers of the British government allowed the author to apply the systematic approach and the principle of objectivity working with only verified facts and their comprehensive assessment. Scientific novelty: for the first time in Ukrainian historiography the author analyzed and rethought the process of how did Japan’s aggressive actions influence on US-British relations on the eve and beginning of World War II regarding the current geopolitical situation. The author concludes that the leadership of the United States and Great Britain did not realize the threat from Japan in time, that their inconsistent actions only contributed to the rapprochement of Tokyo with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, culminating in the formation of a tripartite military alliance («axis»). According to the author, the ambiguity of the position of London and Washington caused primarily by the struggle for spheres of influence in the Pacific area and trade conflicts between them in general. In view of this, the article emphasizes the need for modern leading states, especially Great Britain and the USA, to take into account the mistakes of the past in order to prevent a repeat of the Japanese scenario in the international arena in future.
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Gasanov, Amid. "Criminal liability for insurance fraud in the Romano-German legal system." E3S Web of Conferences 164 (2020): 11032. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202016411032.
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The article is devoted to the issue of fighting insurance fraud in the states of Romano-German legal system. The aim of the work is to study the experience of the states of Romano-German legal system in field of fighting insurance fraud. For the analysis of foreign criminal law, the comparative legal method was used. In addition, study was carried out using formal logical, dialectical method of cognition of social and legal phenomena, as well as methods of induction and deduction. Based on the study of legislative separate states, the author notes a number of specific features of development of this legislation. In particular, it is indicated that in relation to the issue of establishing liability for insurance fraud in the criminal law of the European states of the Romano-German legal system, there are three main approaches: liability comes within the framework of general rules on fraud (France); liability is partially established in the framework of special criminal law on liability for insurance fraud, partly such liability arises in accordance with general criminal law in the field of fraud (for example, Germany, Austria); liability for insurance fraud is provided in the framework of special criminal law on liability in the area in question (for example, Holland, Italy) and a number of others.
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ČOVIĆ, PAULINA. "FOREIGN STUDENTS AT THE UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE AND THEIR INTEREST IN THE HISTORY OF SOUTH SLAVS (1923–1941)." ISTRAŽIVANJA, Јournal of Historical Researches, no. 30 (December 25, 2019): 197–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2019.30.197-216.
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The paper examines the schooling of foreign students, holders of the scholarships awarded by the Ministry of Education of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia, at the University of Belgrade between the two World Wars. The first competitions were opened mid 1920s, with those countries which aided the schooling of Yugoslav students at their respective universities being eligible to apply. During the 1930s student exchange continued, in an apparently more extensive and organized manner, only to be extended at the end of the period under review to include countries with which the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, in accordance with the change of foreign policy orientation, established close political and economic relations. Thus, in the beginning, students from France, Great Britain, Czechoslovakia and Poland came to study in Belgrade, whereas, during the years before World War II, students also came from Turkey, Germany and Italy. Scholarship holders most often worked on developing their knowledge of Serbo-Croatian-Slovenian, studied literature and Yugoslav culture in general. Many of them chose to study history, whether as part of their undergraduate or specialist studies. They are the particular focus of this study. The paper is based on unpublished archival sources, periodicals and relevant historiographic literature.
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Potapov, D. "The European Union and China Foreign Direct Investment Cooperation in the Context of the Belt and Road Initiative." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 4 (2020): 76–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2020-4-76-93.
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The article analyses the foreign direct investment cooperation between the European Union and the People’s Republic of China under the Belt and Road Initiative. The initiative is proposed by China and is aimed at developing cross-regional transport and logistics infrastructure connecting China with South-East, South and Central Asia, the Middle East, East Africa and Europe. The author examines the history of the initiative and its assessments by international organizations (e.g. the World Bank and the ESCAP UN) and investigates the structure and statistics of the EU-China investment relations, basing on the examples of the most important China’s investment partners (including France, Italy, Germany and the Vishegrad Group countries). The discrepancy between the conditions for the EU and the Chinese investors is highlighted. The author defines and characterizes the major models of the Belt and Road projects’ development, which are used by China in cooperation with the EU Member States. The EU investors in China face restrictions imposed by the national regulation of foreign investments. In particular, the external investors do not have access to the sectors crucially important for national interest and security (e.g. high-tech sectors and mass media). At the same time, Chinese investors’ access to the EU financial markets is not limited, allowing them to become important shareholders in the EU companies and to transfer technologies. It raises concerns within national governments and the European Union itself. The national governments are establishing and adopting screening mechanisms for foreign direct investments and additional regulations to control important sectors and enterprises. At the same time, the EU Member States are developing a common view on the prospects and mechanisms of cooperation with China under the Belt and Road initiative. The EU countries have not yet reached a consensus upon the Belt and Road initiative and the prospects of the EU participation in it, so the author focuses on the strategies of the examined countries. Germany is calling for a common position for all the EU member states and advocates for using the EU-based mechanisms and platforms for cooperation with China. Such demands are also connected with the promotion of a common EU investment screening mechanism in order to protect the Member States’ interests and security. Italy is deepening its cooperation with China through bilateral mechanisms, mainly based on a memorandum of understanding with China on the Belt and Road initiative. France, on the one hand, shares the common interest with Germany regarding the need for the common EU policy towards the Chinese initiative, but on the other hand, the country is deploying new projects with China. The Visegrad Group states are forging their ties with China through bilateral and multilateral cooperation mechanisms and they are interested in the growth of Chinese investment inflows. This undermines the unanimity of policy towards China and the Belt and Road.
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Goodman, John B., and Louis W. Pauly. "The Obsolescence of Capital Controls?: Economic Management in an Age of Global Markets." World Politics 46, no. 1 (October 1993): 50–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950666.
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Between the late 1970s and the early 1990s, after decades of trying to limit short-term international capital movements, advanced industrial states moved decisively in the direction of decontrol. What has driven this remarkable policy convergence? The answer lies not in ideological change or shifts in relative political power, but in the prior development of international financial markets and in the increasing globalization of business. In a policy environment fundamentally reshaped by these factors, financial institutions and multinational firms were able to threaten or implement strategies of evasion and exit. Thus, the usefulness of controls declined as their effective costs rose sharply. In this light, the cases of Japan, Germany, Italy, and France are examined. The analysis points to the tightening link between short-term capital movements and foreign direct investment, issues that have long been treated as conceptually distinct. It also underlines the intricate connection between national policies governing capital movements and those aimed at managing international financial markets.
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Lymar, Margaryta. "European integration in the foreign policy of Dwight Eisenhower." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 7 (2019): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.27-36.
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The article deals with European integration processes through the prism of the President Eisenhower foreign policy. The transatlantic relations are explored considering the geopolitical transformations in Europe. It is noted that after the end of World War II, Europe needed assistance on the path to economic recovery. Eisenhower initially as Commander in Chief of NATO forces in Europe, and later as the U.S. President, directed his foreign policy efforts to unite the states of Western Europe in their post-war renovating and confronting the communist threat. For that reason, Eisenhower deserved recognition by the leading European governments and became a major American figure, which symbolized the reliable transatlantic ally. Eisenhower’s interest in a united Europe was explained by the need for the United States in a strong single European partner that would help to strengthening the U.S. positions in the international arena. The United States expected to control the European integration processes through NATO instruments and mediated disputes between the leading European powers. Germany’s accession to the Alliance was determined as one of the key issues, the solution of which became the diplomatic victory of President Eisenhower. The U.S. government was building its European policy based on the need to integrate the Western states into a unified power, and therefore endorsed the prospect of creating a European Economic Community (EEC). It was intended that the union would include Italy, France, Germany and the Benelux members, and form a basis for the development of free trade and the deeper political and economic integration of the regional countries. It is concluded that, under the Eisenhower’s presidency, Europe was at the top of priority list of the U.S. foreign policy that significantly influenced the evolution of the European integration process in the future.
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Zhavoronok, Artur. "INTERNATIONAL EXPERIENCE OF FUNCTIONING OF THE CREDIT SERVICES MARKET." Economic discourse, no. 1 (March 2020): 68–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.36742/2410-0919-2020-1-8.
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Introduction. The country's economy is still in a state where its development is hampered by the absence of clearly defined, priority programs to stimulate business and economic sectors, including through credit. Bank lending to business entities is an effective way of getting out of the crisis. Strengthening the role of credit relations as a means of stimulating the development of production is manifested in various aspects. Methods. Fundamental economic theories, lending theories, financial studies, as well as research by scholars and foreign scientists are investigated in the research. They used the generally accepted principles of scientific research to make their decision. A number of general scientific methods were used in the process of research, in particular: analogies and logical generalization (to study the prospects of bank lending); systematic analysis (to study the organization of the process of bank lending in the market of credit services), etc. Results. Based on the isolated problems, the foreign experience of countries such as the USA, Germany, Argentina, Mexico, Poland, Canada and Italy was explored, on the basis of which the prospects for improvement of the bank lending mechanism in Ukraine and credit monitoring of the borrower in particular were outlined. Discussion. Given the overseas experience of developed countries, it is possible to distinguish: a combination of different methods of restructuring problem loans; when assessing the potential risk of default on a loan, use different methods of determining it ("SAMRARI", "PARSEL" or "Rule 5 C"); when making class calculations, make corrective adjustments to the credit score of the borrower. Prospects for further studies of the credit services market may be the intensification of bank lending, which certainly implies further liberalization of refinancing policy, taking into account foreign experience. Keywords: credit, credit relations, credit policy, credit services market, bank lending.
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Fontanelli, Filippo. "Criminal Proceedings Against Albers." American Journal of International Law 107, no. 3 (July 2013): 632–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.107.3.0632.
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In August 2012, the First Criminal Division of the Court of Cassation (Supreme Court or Court), the highest Italian domestic court, issued a judgment upholding Germany’s sovereign immunity from civil claims brought by Italian war crime victims against Paul Albers and eight others in the Italian courts (Albers). In so doing, the Court overruled its own earlier decisions and also reversed the judgment of April 20, 2011, by the Italian Military Court of Appeal (Military Court), which had upheld such claims relating to war crimes committed by German forces in Italy during World War II. With this ruling, the Court of Cassation put an end to its decade long effort to find an exception to the well-known rule of customary international law providing for sovereign immunity from foreign civil jurisdiction for actsjure imperii. Thisrevirementresulted from the Court’s decision to give effect to the judgment of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) inGermany v. Italy.
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Klimanova, D. D. "Limited Proprietary Rights to Residential Premises in Russian and Foreign Civil Law." Lex Russica, no. 3 (March 18, 2021): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/17295920.2021.172.3.016-026.
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The right to housing is important and universally recognized. In foreign countries, in order to ensure the realization of the right to housing, in addition to the right of ownership, other limited proprietary rights are provided granting citizens with the right to own and use residential premises. The paper considers the limited proprietary rights to residential premises in France, Italy, Germany, Switzerland, Austria and Russia. It is established that the legislation of the abovementioned foreign countries enshrines real rights to use the residential premise, which, being a kind of usufruct (personal servitude), possesses specific features. They are facility feature (which includes residential premises), the authorized entity (which allows for a natural person) only, as well as the purposive character (this sets the right to stay in the residential premises for personal needs and the needs of his family). In Russia, there are problems of legal regulation of relations between the use of residential premises by members of the owner’s family and former members of the owner’s family who gave consent to privatization, which cause difficulties in practice and numerous disputes in the doctrine. The outcomes of the analysis of the proposed changes in civil and housing legislation make it possible to conclude that the discussed innovations are not able to solve the existing problems and contradictions.The author proposes to consolidate in civil legislation such a limited real right as the right to use residential premises, which is a kind of usufruct, which will combine all existing real rights to residential premises. The legal structure of the right to use residential premises is formulated, its content, the grounds for its occurrence and termination are set out.
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Özdeşer, Hüseyin. "Analysis of the Economic Impacts of the Euro, the Efficiency of the Euro in the Optimum Currency Area, and the Place of the Euro in Global Economics." European Review 28, no. 2 (January 7, 2020): 258–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798719000449.
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The introduction of the euro has led to three dominant currencies in the financial markets, namely the euro, dollar and yen. The use of the euro as the single currency is a key element for economic and political unification in the EU (European Union). While some of the criteria for achieving monetary integration between the European Monetary Union (EMU) member countries in the euro area have been satisfied, some problems still remain. As the euro is not the currency of a single country like the dollar, the dollar still retains its dominant position in the international markets. After the Brexit referendum, apprehension regarding the collapse of the EU has reached a peak. Originally introduced in 12 EU member countries, and since extended to 19, the euro may potentially embrace 27 member countries. In this study, the economic impacts of the euro on the per capita income, inflation rate and foreign direct investment are analysed. The analysis will be performed on three countries participating in the EMU, namely, Germany, France and Italy.
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Kašťáková, Elena, Anabela Luptáková, and Barbora Družbacká. "EU — China trade cooperation in the context of the BRI: Analysis and perspectives on different examples of the EU countries." St Petersburg University Journal of Economic Studies 38, no. 1 (2022): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu05.2022.101.
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This paper aims to examine the EU’s foreign trade relations with China following the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), assess trade intensity developments and identify the export potential of China’s largest trading partners in the EU. We established two hypotheses:1) in the context of the BRI, the intensity of Chinese trade to the EU was higher than the intensity of EU trade to China during the period considered; 2) the export potential of the EU’s most important partners to China in 2019 focused on higher value-added commodities in the context of the BRI. We used the trade intensity index to confirm hypothese 1. In the case of hypothese 2, the export potential indicator was used to identify products that have good prospects for further export. The EU is China’s largest trading partner with a growing trend in mutual trade. An examination of trade intensity has shown that trade flows between countries have been lower than expected given the position of economies in the world economy. German exporters recorded the highest activity, but the Netherlands recorded the highest intensity of Chinese exports to the EU. Coetaneous, we can say that Germany, France, Italy, and the Netherlands had the untapped export potential to China, which mainly concerned motor vehicles and parts, machinery, and pharmaceutical components. The BRI can be seen as a slightly positive impact on the development of trade and investment cooperation between the EU and China
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Dyrina, Anna. "ON THE POST-SOCIALIST PATH OF DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS AND THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 269–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.13.
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The article examines the current state of affairs in Belarus and Serbia - two countries that previously were parts of the socialist federal states, but currently belong to the regions of Eastern Europe and the Balkans/South-Eastern Europe, respectively. The first part of the article is devoted to Belarusian-Serbian relations. Political cooperation is developing at the presidential, governmental and parliamentary levels, and interaction is also carried out at the level of various departments, regions and cities. For Serbia, the support from Belarus on the international scene is important, in particular, in the issue of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Serbia. The second part of the article is devoted to Serbia’s relations with the EU and the countries of the Adriatic Euroregion. On December 22, 2009 Serbia applied for EU membership. Despite the significant progress in the negotiations, Serbia has not yet become one of the EU member states. The third part of the article analyzes relations between Belarus and its neighbors, as well as cooperation with the EU. The European Union is the second most important market for Belarusian exports (after Russia). The main trading partners of Belarus among European countries, based on the indicators of bilateral trade in 2019, are Germany, Poland, Great Britain, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Italy, Turkey, Latvia, France, Belgium, and the Czech Republic. The article concludes on the state and prospects of Belarusian-Serbian relations, cooperation of Belarus and Serbia with the EU and neighboring countries, and gives a description of the political systems and foreign policy of Belarus and Serbia.
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Satdykov, A. I., and B. A. Sazonov. "Recognition of Qualifications Obtained as a Result of Non-Formal and Informal Learning: Foreign Experience and Prospects for Russian Practice." Vysshee Obrazovanie v Rossii = Higher Education in Russia 29, no. 11 (November 28, 2020): 98–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.31992/0869-3617-2020-29-11-98-111.
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The article discusses modern approaches to the procedures for awarding qualifications based on the results of formal, non-formal, and informal education. The article analyzes domestic and best foreign practices that have received recognition from the world educational community. Innovative tools for assessing qualifications are considered. In this regard, the experience of South Korea described in the article is interesting, using the Register of Academic Credit Units as the main tool for the recognition of qualifications. Similar systems are used in France and Denmark. In Germany, Norway and Japan, modern information and communication systems are being actively introduced to accumulate information about the qualifications of the adult population. In Italy, it is legally established that qualifications obtained through formal, non-formal, and informal means are equivalent. The experience of Italy is valuable in that the results of not only non-formal but also informal learning are taken into account during the qualification recognition procedure. The educational legislation of the Russian Federation makes it possible to take into account certain documented results of non-formal and informal learning obtained in the course of mastering additional education programs, including in relation to higher education programs. However, some learning outcomes can be difficult to recognize, especially if they are not documented. The article proposes a project model for the recognition of qualifications obtained in the course of non-formal and informal education, which could be considered as promising for the Russian Federation.
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Kholyavitska, K. S. "Foreign experience of decentralization of power and prospects for Ukraine." Collected Works of Uman National University of Horticulture 2, no. 99 (December 22, 2021): 94–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.31395/2415-8240-2021-99-2-94-103.
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The author of the article has outlined the problem of finding the most optimal model of the state for of government, because the necessary condition for stable development of society and effective functioning of the state is to ensure the balance between national interests and the interests of the population of regions and territorial communities. The preconditions, political history and periods of the formation of decentralized power in most European medieval states, scientific positions of national and foreign legal scholars on the expediency of implementing decentralization have been analyzed. It has been found out that the vast majority of Western European countries abdicate the unitary state model by introducing decentralization. The leading idea of reforming is to move the center of solving local issues to the local and, in particular regional level that is achieved by optimizing relations between different levels of territorial organization of power. National traditions, formation and functioning of public agencie in the past, specific features of administrative and territorial structure of the state, existence of autonomous territories, multiethnic population have a significant influence on the formation of the constitutional system on the basis of decentralization in the EU countries. The positive experience Poland, France, Italy, Latvia, Germany and Denmark has been studied. The author has theoretically substantiated that the principle of decentralization has been successfully implemented in the practice of the European Union countries. It has been indicated that the prerequisite for the successful implementation of decentralization processes to create an effective model of governance within the system of decentralized government of Ukraine is: the establishment of the rule of law principle; recognition and guarantees of local self-government; equal legal protection of all forms of ownership; democratic and effective electoral legislation; independence, efficiency, accessibility and transparency of the judicial system, functioning of administrative justice institutions; perfect budget process and high financial discipline; availability of adequate social standards; developed public sector and stable tendency towards its development.
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Sabaydash, Marina Vladislavovna. "Retrospective analysis of the USSR sea trade ports operation in conditions of new economic policy (1921-1928)." Vestnik of Astrakhan State Technical University. Series: Economics 2020, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 78–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24143/2073-5537-2020-1-78-90.
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The article highlights the specific features of implementing the new economic policy in the seaports of the USSR. The general laws of economic development of the commercial sea ports during the NEP period have been formulated. Statistical data on port capacity from the UK, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, the USA, and France were used for the first time, and an assessment of the economic development of domestic sea ports was made in comparison with the above countries. It was stated that the drop in cargo turnover of the Soviet ports in relation to 1913 was the most significant, and the post-war restoration was slower in comparison with European ports, with the railway and inland water transport of the USSR. It was proved that the decrease in port turnover in the USSR was a consequence of a decrease in the foreign trade volume and short sea shipping. Maintaining the state monopoly of foreign trade, which in the NEP period transformed into the state capitalism, negatively affected outward and inward trade. The intensity of coastal shipping service grew slowly due to the low specialization of the regions. The seaport management system was studied; its centralization and similarity with the port management system of the Russian Empire were stated. There have been presented the study results of property relations in seaports. It was determined that the landowners in the ports were state departments represented by central ministries (people's commissariats), the owners of other property were state and sectorial governmental bodies, joint-stock companies with a predominance of state ownership. Sea trade ports were funded from the budget of the People's Commissariat of Communication Means. Port financing was ten times less than financing of railways and several times less than inland water transport financing
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Chernyavsky, S. I. "The People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs (NKID) of the USSR in the City of Kuibyshev (1941-1943)." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 4 (September 4, 2020): 178–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-4-73-178-198.
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This article analyzes the work of the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs (NKID) of the USSR in the city of Kuibyshev (now Samara), where it was evacuated in 1941- 1943 together with other central government agencies and the diplomatic corps accredited in the USSR. Although this period was quite short, and though key decisions were, of course, made in Moscow, intense rough work was being carried out in the “reserve capital”, which ensured the solution of the tasks set by the country's leadership to the NKID apparatus.The aggression of Nazi Germany found the Soviet Union poorly prepared not only militarily, but also diplomatically. Due to the opposition of the Western powers, domestic diplomacy failed to create a collective security system to prevent the aggression of Germany, Italy and Japan. Negotiations with representatives of Great Britain and France, which were conducted in 1939, were interrupted and relations with these countries were virtually frozen.Some important strategic tasks were set before Soviet diplomacy. First of all, it was about the concentration of diplomatic activity in specific areas that could provide real assistance to the Red Army in obtaining the necessary weapons and strategic raw materials. Among other tasks were the search for allies, establishing effective military, economic and political cooperation with them, counteracting the expansion of the Nazi coalition at the expense of Sweden and Turkey, and conducting an extremely balanced policy in the Far East in order to avoid a military clash with Japan.Due to the deterioration of the military situation on the Western Front and the imminence of the capture of Moscow, on October 16, 1941, the main staff of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, headed by its Deputy Chairman A. Vyshinsky, as well as members of the diplomatic corps were evacuated to Kuibyshev (now Samara). V. Molotov and a small group of assistants remained in Moscow.The relations between the NKID and the embassies evacuated to Kuibyshev evolved differently. The level and the intensity of contacts with them largely depended on bilateral relations with the respective nations. Contacts with the embassies of Great Britain and the USA were naturally at the top of the agenda. By way of ambassadors of these countries the key tasks of forming the anti-Hitler coalition were being solved, and the dates of summit meetings were agreed upon.The crowding of the central office staff and foreign diplomats in a small regional city certainly introduced difficulties into the practical implementation of many tasks. Nevertheless, the striving for a common victory and the awareness of responsibility to their own country, united this motley crew of diplomats, and facilitated the search for compromise solutions. The return to Moscow of the employees of the People’s Commissariat and the diplomatic corps took place after the victory in the Battle of Kursk in the summer of 1943. Only at the end of 1943 Kuibyshev did finally cede its status of the capital of the USSR to Moscow.
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Kalinkova, Sabrina. "Bulgarian economy as a producer of intermediate goods for the European Union." University Economic Bulletin, no. 48 (March 30, 2021): 97–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2306-546x-2021-48-97-102.
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Relevance of research topic. In conditions of globalization, the economic development of a country depends a lot on its relations with the rest of the world. When using economic indicators, including the "foreign trade balance" one, their correct interpretation is of particular importance. Formulation of the problem. The research interest should be focused not only on the volume of exports and imports in monetary terms, but also on its structure. It is a question of what production (goods and services) the Bulgarian economy exports (respectively imports), as well as where it exports (from where the Bulgarian economy imports). Setting the task, the purpose of the study. This report aims to present the Bulgarian economy in its role of producer and supplier of intermediate products for the countries of the European Union. Method or methodology for conducting research. The study is based on the use of the input-output model and in particular the symmetric input-output tables provided by the World Input-Output Database. Presentation of the main material (results of work). This report presents the results of the study of volume and structure of exports of the Bulgarian economy as a producer and supplier of intermediate goods, directed to the countries of the European Union. The interactions with the following countries were analyzed: Austria, Belgium, Germany, Denmark, Spain, France, Great Britain, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, and Romania. Some of the member states of the European Union are not included. The reason for this is the lack of interactions between them and the Bulgarian economy, based on the provision of intermediate products. Conclusions according to the article. The study presents only one aspect of the foreign economic relations that take place between Bulgaria and the European Union. For the most part, the relations between Bulgaria and the other economies in the European Union are based mainly on industries related to the supply of resources. Services and products with a final degree of readiness are provided to a much lesser extent.
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Kabaklarli, Esra, Fatih Mangir, and Bansi Sawhney. "Impact of Infrastructure on Economic Growth: A Panel Data Approach Using PMG Estimator." International Review of Business and Economics 2, no. 2 (2018): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.56902/irbe.2018.2.2.2.
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Growth theory asserts that infrastructure investments promote economic growth by improving the quality of life and increasing private sector productivity . Transport services, water utility services and telecommunication services provide better facilities to attract FDI (foreign direct investment) and increase productivity across sectors. The aim of this article is to analyze whether transport infrastructure investments have a strong effect on the economic growth. It also attempts to analyze the differential impact of each type of infrastructural spending on economic growth. Our data set covers annual data from 1993 to 2015 period for 15 OECD countries (Austria, Turkey, Czech Republic, Spain, Finland, Japan, Germany, Ireland, Italy, France, Korea, Mexico, Netherlands, Poland, U.K) and China. In this study, we employ a Pool Mean Group (PMG) estimator to find long run and short run relations between the variables. Output elasticity of air transport is found to be positive and significant at five percent level and there exists a long run relationship between GDP per capita and other explanatory variables such as transport infrastructure indicators, gross capital formation and labor force. The crowding- out hypothesis is also supported by coefficients on county specific results. Our data set includes infrastructure variables such as Railways, (million passenger-km), Air transport, (freight, million ton-km), Individuals using the Internet (% of population).
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Yakovlev, P. "Spain: Post-Crisis Development Model." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2015): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-10-50-61.
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November 20, 2015 marked 40 years since the demise of Spanish dictator Francisco Franco. With his passing Spain entered into an era of tremendous economic and socio-political changes. At the stage of democratic development Spanish nation achieved three key objectives: it built an open and modern economy; in political sphere a relatively effective de facto two-party system was created; social protection was provided to the bulk of the population. All this strengthened Spain’s international positions and provided it an attractive image. The country attracted millions of immigrants. The world crisis of 2008–2009 stopped the growth of the Spanish economy. Spain was in crisis long six years and only recently began to come out of it basing on a new development model (a “rebound” model). By a number of parameters it is different from the pre-crisis paradigm of the growth. The crisis had serious impact on Spain’s foreign relations. In particular, serious reputational losses challenged Madrid’s efforts to counter the crisis, to reduce the negative effects of external shocks on the international scene and to find opportunities to give additional impetus to the development of the country. These challenges defined new foreign policy agenda: protecting financial and economic interests of Spain abroad, strengthening the positions of the Spanish companies in world markets, coordination of anti-crisis actions with partners in the European Union. Madrid stands for a sort of integration core within the EU, consisting of six founding countries of the European Economic Community (Belgium, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands and France), as well as Spain and Poland. This projected grouping is intended to serve as the vanguard of the movement in the direction of making the EU more effective.
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Varlamova, M. "Cross-cultural aspects of business negotiations." Galic'kij ekonomičnij visnik 72, no. 5 (2021): 103–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.33108/galicianvisnyk_tntu2021.05.103.
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The features of conducting business negotiations with foreign partners, taking into account the influence of cultural factors are investigated in this paper. The systematization of approaches to understanding business negotiations is performed and it is determined that business negotiations are bilateral or multilateral processes of communication, as a result of which a joint decision concerning business interests realization is made. Scientific approaches to the cultures grouping by certain features, particularly, E. Hall, G. Hofstede and R. Lewis, Florence Clachon and Fred Strodbeck, D. Pinto, R. Gesteland, F. Trompenaars and C. Hampden-Turner are considered. Analysis of the manifestation of certain cultural features in relation to the representatives of the countries with which Ukraine currently has the most developed trade and economic relations is carried out. Accordingly, the probability of the need to negotiate the foreign economic activity implementation is rather high. The following countries are selected among them according to 2020 statistics: China, Poland, India, Spain, Italy, Russia, Belarus, Egypt, the Netherlands, Germany, Romania, Turkey, Hungary, USA, Belgium, Israel, Indonesia, Iraq, Moldova, Saudi Arabia, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, France and the Czech Republic. Using Hert Hofstede's approach and his theory of cultural dimensions for the listed countries, the indicators characterizing the manifestation of the distance of power, individualism, masculinity, avoidance of uncertainty, long-term orientation and indulgence are analyzed. The countries which cultures are the closest to Ukraine’s one are identified according to the above mentioned methodology, and, consequently, the construction of communications with their representatives is more understandable and is characterized by lower probability of misunderstandings due to cultural factors. For other countries the cultural features similar and different from Ukraine ones are defined. Taking into account these features, recommendations for planning and conducting business negotiations with representatives of other countries, aimed at increasing the benefits and opportunities for Ukraine in the process of making joint decisions with partners are given.
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Savinova, Anna. "The problem of security of Mediterranean communications in French policy in the spring of 1938." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 4 (April 2020): 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2020.4.33296.
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This article explores the representations of French diplomats and military chiefs on the methods of ensuring security of Mediterranean communications against the background of unfolding Austrian crisis in the spring of 1938. Although national and foreign researchers discusses the existence of a threat to French communications in the Mediterranean, Paris’ position on this problem alongside the change of its approach, have not previously become the subject of separate research. The author attempts to elucidate why Paris resorted to the questions of military cooperation with London in the Mediterranean Region precisely in the spring of 1938. The author relied on the achievements of the realist school of the theory of international relations in defining the concept of security. The conclusion is formulated that consolidation of Italy and Germany in the strategically important areas of the region – Spanish Morocco and Balearic Islands, which took place during the Spanish War, posed a serious threat to French communications in the Mediterranean. French military officers believed that particular danger to Paris’ positions in the region came from Italy. In the course of escalation of the Austrian crisis, the stance of Paris on the defense of communications varied. If in February 1938, the French military chiefs were assumed that security of communications could be ensured by signing an agreement, after the Anschluss they considered conducting military operations in the Mediterranean Region in the instance of the beginning of war. Paris was concerned about consolidation of “axis” powers in the region, and a year ahead of London raised the question on conducting combat operations in the Mediterranean. However, without the support of Great Britain, France was incapable of achieving full protection of its Mediterranean interests.
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Остапович, Игорь, and Igor Ostapovich. "JUDICIAL AUTHORITIES OF CONSTITUTIONAL CONTROL AS “NEGATIVE LEGISLATOR” IN MODERN PRACTICE IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 1, no. 4 (October 29, 2015): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/14265.
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In the modern context judicial authorities actively participate in the creation of legal norms acting as a negative legislator (repealing operation of an unconstitutional bill or abrogating a by-law). The article consistently reveals peculiarities of carrying out by judicial authorities of constitutional control over the “negative legislator’s” functions in the frame of Anglo-Saxon, American and European model. This activity is directly linked both with the right to interpret the provisions of the state’s Constitutional law, and the right to make decisions on compliance of legal norms with that law. Difference is possible in relation to the volume of interpretation, consequences of decision-making as part of the subsequent constitutional control, and also different roles of judicial bodies. The article analyzes in detail constitutional and legal sources of such countries as Great Britain, the USA, Germany, Austria, Italy, Spain, Japan, Israel and Switzerland. The article also investigates various points of view of Russian and foreign scientists on this topic. Investigation of peculiarities in the process of building-up and development of the constitutional justice institute in Islamic states is of particular interest. It is noted in the study that it is not only Kelsen model (constitutional courts) that act as a “negative legislator”, but also other traditional models of bodies of constitutional control. The “negative legislator’s” functions performed by a body of constitutional control are inherent to any well-known model of its implementation, they have common features and at the same time certain particularities, conditioned by the structure of a national legal framework.
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Värk, Juhan. "Russia between China and the European Union: Friends or Foes?" Baltic Journal of European Studies 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2013-0003.
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AbstractFor a long time Russia has regarded the European Union and China as its main economic and trade partners, giving preference to the EU. A sudden change occurred in October 2008, when as a response to the EU’s sharp criticism of the Kremlin over the Georgian-Russian military conflict, Russia decided to re-orient its foreign economic and trade policy from the EU to China and partially also to India. At the same time Russian-Chinese military and energy cooperation started to grow. Russia sold China oil and gas at low price and supplied it with advanced weaponry, which has increased China’s aggression toward its neighbours. Russia also started to politically and militarily support China’s activities in Syria and Iran, which, in turn, worsened Russia’s relations with several EU Member States, including Germany, France and Italy, with whom Russia was planning to cooperate in the developing of the Nord Stream gas pipeline project. However, Russian President Vladimir Putin still declares a great continuing friendship and solidarity with China and is hoping to see the worsening of China’s conflict with the US, which, Putin claims, could avert China’s direct conflict with Russia. Several leading Russian military and political experts describe this hope as unrealistic. At the same time, the volume of EU-Russian mutual trade was almost 395 billion US dollars in 2011, which exceeds in volume the Chinese-Russian trade volume by more than four times. It shows that Russia’s trade reset from the EU to China has been negligible. Also, it is bad news for Russia and China that Iran today stifles cooperation with Georgia and Chinese separatist Uyghurs, and Syrian Bashar al-Assad’s regime is developing cooperation with al Qaeda, and does not explain Russia’s and China’s current similar foreign policy toward Iran and Syria.
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Bikkinina, Dzhamilya. "The Discourse of Family Policy in Sociological Research." Социодинамика, no. 1 (January 2023): 28–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7144.2023.1.39299.
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The subject of the study is approaches to assessing the effectiveness and principles of implementing family policy in developed countries such as the United States of America, Germany, Japan, South Korea, Italy, Spain, Finland, etc. The main objective of this article is to compare the views of foreign authors and discourses of family policy, taking into account the diversity of approaches to family policy. Priority directions of family policy research in selected publications of foreign researchers were considered. For the analysis, the principles that allow to represent the discourse of family policy are identified. In this regard, the tasks were set to identify the concepts of family policy in the reviewed foreign articles for the formation of tools that allow: 1) to determine the general characteristics and features of various approaches to family policy of the modern welfare state, highlighted in the works of foreign authors, 2) to assess the unity of positions in the field of family policy. A methodological model called "semantic-structural" analysis was used, which is based on a combination of content analysis and the method of information-target analysis. The analysis of scientific articles by foreign authors allows us to conclude that there is a unified approach to family policy in the welfare states of Western Europe, Asia and North America. A common place in modern studies of family policy is the emphasis on the importance of economic measures associated with the work of family members, the possibility of strengthening the relationship between parents and children through the implementation of social policy measures. The conclusions of the study showed the ambivalence of family policy due to the lack of opportunity to form a unified doctrinal idea of evaluating the effectiveness of family policy measures. The question of assessing the effectiveness of appropriate measures, the priority of a "broad" approach in relation to solving problems within the family remains debatable.
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Shaykhutdinov, Evgeniy M. "Legal Regulation of Insolvency (Bankruptcy): a Brief Historical Digression." Rossijskoe pravosudie, no. 12 (November 25, 2022): 40–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.37399/issn2072-909x.2022.12.40-49.
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The institution of insolvency (bankruptcy) is known to all modern legal systems, regardless of the specifics of the economic formation. The bankruptcy mechanisms implemented in the Russian Federation are not effective enough, while the number of bankruptcy cases is steadily growing. Further reform of the institution of bankruptcy in the Russian Federation implies the need to study the historical experience of legal regulation of bankruptcy both in foreign countries and in pre-revolutionary Russia. All the main methods of scientific cognition, in particular historical and comparative methods, were used in the preparation of the article. The article examines the origin and evolution of the institution of bankruptcy (bankruptcy law), identifies the beginnings of bankruptcy law in Roman law, touches on its development in the legal systems of Italy, France, Germany, Great Britain, USA, Russia. The concepts of non-payment and insolvency are analyzed, as well as the ratio of the institutions of enforcement proceedings and competition law. Conclusions are formulated about the exclusivity of bankruptcy in terms of economic consequences, the need to distinguish commercial bankruptcy from consumer bankruptcy, the importance of the criterion of good faith in relation to the debtor and creditors.
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Yushkevych, Volodymur. "Refugees from the Baltic states in the camps of Central and Western Europe in the context of the American «non-recognition policy» in the second half of the 1940’s." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 22, no. 2 (April 22, 2019): 80–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/171925.
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The article covers one of the problematic aspects of US-Soviet relations in the first post-war years - the issue of «the controversial refugees», appeared due to non-recognition by the United States of Soviet annexation of the Baltic States and the conduct of forced repatriation by the USSR. American diplomacy during the presidency of Franklin Delano Roosevelt adhered to the «non-recognition policy», concluded in the Stimson Doctrine (January 7, 1932) and the Welles Declaration (July 23, 1940). However, declared foreign policy acts did not lead to a decrease of the level of official relations with the aggressor state. At the same time, the official Washington did not consider the Balts as citizens of the USSR and retained the diplomatic missions of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia in the United States. Under the administration of President Harry Truman, the course of non-recognition of the «voluntary entry of the three Baltic republics into the USSR» continued.It was researched that after the end of the Second World War, refugees and displaced persons from the Baltic-occupied Soviet Union were located in Austria, Italy, France and Switzerland. The large contingent was within the limits of the American occupation zone in Germany, the vast majority were immigrants from Lithuania. The attention was paid to the factors that led to the mass exodus of Lithuanians, Latvians, Estonians from 1943 to 1944. It is outlined the special place of American diaspora civic organizations in collecting of financial assistance and coordination of their activities with the US State Department. It is also defined the role of representatives of the Catholic and Protestant national churches.The researched paper contains an analysis of correspondence between the leaders of the American diplomatic missions of Lithuania (Povilas Žadeikis), Latvia (Alfrēds Bīlmanis) and Estonia (Johannes Kaiv) with the US Department of State. Baltic diplomats constantly emphasized the need to confront the Soviet propaganda machine with regard to the denial of the «voluntary Sovietization of the Baltic» and the practice of sweeping accusation of refugees in «betrayal» and «cooperation with the Germans». In turn, they pointed to the need to extend the jurisdiction and mandate of international organizations on Baltic refugees, to determine their legal status and to prevent their recognition as the Soviet citizens in some European countries.The article deals with the documental potential of the diplomatic correspondence of the US foreign policy department. Attention is drawn to the analysis of this issue in the research works of foreign historians.During the first post-war years in matter of refugees’ problem and displaced persons, it was found that American diplomacy was in search of consensus between humanitarian reasons for ensuring human rights to asylum and the fulfillment of allied obligations in course of the activities of Soviet repatriation missions. However, «Baltic refugees» were a separate category, which Americans tried not to extradite from their occupied territory to the USSR cause of their non-recognition policy of Soviet annexation of Baltic states.
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Derzhaliuk, M. "The Treaty of Trianon as a Source of Instability in the Central-Eastern Europe (Part 3)." Problems of World History, no. 14 (June 10, 2021): 26–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-14-2.
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The article notes that the Trianon Peace Treaty of June 4, 1920 between the Entente countries and Hungary, as a result of the First World War, turned out to be, like all the other six treaties of the Versailles system, mostly unfair. Forcibly the territory of Hungary decreased by 2/3, the population decreased 2,7 times, a third of the Hungarian ethnic group became part of neighboring states.
It is noted that during 1920-2020. In Hungary, there were no powerful political forces of various trends and trends that would recognize the Trianon Peace Treaty as just. At the same time, the ruling political elites of the neighboring states of Hungary considered and still consider the conditions of the Trianon fair. Such opposite assessments of the consequences of Versailles engendered antagonism, making it impossible to reach a compromise between the countries of Central-Eastern Europe.
Attention is drawn to the fact that during the domination in Europe of the coalition of countries led by Germany of the Versailles Peace Treaty, including the Trianon, were dismantled, a new order was introduced, in which opponents of Versailles – Germany, Italy, Japan, the USSR, Hungary, Bulgaria. played an active role.
It is noted that the winners of the World War ІІ restored the borders of the countries of Germany’s allies in Europe, in accordance with their own geopolitical interests, which corresponded by 70% to the borders established by the Entente after the World War І. The Trianon borders were restored over Hungary by the Paris Peace Treaty of February 10, 1947. The USSR, Great Britain, France and the United States acted from a hegemonic position, were guided by the right of the winner and in many respects imposed on the defeated countries the conditions of the Versailles system were discredited, did not draw proper conclusions and did not build international relations on principles close to justice, but preserved the complicated territorial contradictions of the past with the corresponding treaties.
It is indicated that the threat of assimilation and disappearance of foreign Hungarians is one of the main reasons for the revitalization of modern Hungary. Measures to overcome the syndrome of the dismemberment of the Hungarian nation in Central-Eastern Europe have been going on for centuries with little results; The rate of decline in the number of Hungarians in neighboring states over the past century is the highest, so Budapest believes that there is no time to delay the introduction of autonomy for foreign Hungarians, because in the next 25 years the very need for it will disappear through their disappearance.
It is emphasized that the level of ensuring the rights of the Hungarian minority in Transcarpathia especially affects the relationship of Hungary with Ukraine. The improvement of relations between Hungary and Ukraine has minimal chances, since the positions of the parties on the procedure for the application of educational and language laws in Transcarpathia do not coincide.
Taking into account the decisive activity of Hungary and the Hungarian foreign communities in 2020 (the century of the signing of the Trianon Peace Treaty on June 4, 1920), it is concluded that this problem will not lose its relevance, but will significantly increase.