Relevant bibliographies by topics / Italy – Foreign relations – Germany

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Italy – Foreign relations – Germany'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Italy – Foreign relations – Germany"

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Barlas, Dilek. "FRIENDS OR FOES? DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN ITALY AND TURKEY, 1923–36." International Journal of Middle East Studies 36, no. 2 (May 2004): 231–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743804362045.

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Turkey's foreign policy and relations in the early Republican era, before and during World War II, has been subject to systematic and scholarly research, leading to numerous publications since the 1970s. Although no less significant than Britain, Germany, or the Soviet Union in shaping Turkish inter-war foreign policy and priorities, Italy does not seem to have received a similar degree of attention in this growing literature. Italy is usually treated in the works on Turkish foreign relations only as a threat that Turkey's foreign and strategic policy aimed to counter after 1934.
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Kotova, Elena. "The German Question in the Foreign Policy of the Austrian Empire in 1850—1866." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016050-4.

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For centuries, the House of Austria (the Habsburgs) maintained its leadership in the Holy Roman Empire, and later in the German Union. But in the middle of the 19th century the situation changed, Austria lost its position in Germany, lost to Prussia in the struggle for hegemony. The article examines what factors influenced such an outcome of the German question, what policy Austria pursued in the 50—60s of the 19th century, what tasks it set for itself. The paper traces the relationship between the domestic and foreign policy of Austria. Economic weakness and political instability prevented the monarchy from pursuing a successful foreign policy. The multinational empire could not resist the challenge of nationalism and prevent the unification of Italy and Germany. Difficult relations with France and Russia, inconsistent policy towards the Middle German states largely determined this outcome. The personal factor was also important. None of the Austrian statesmen could resist such an outstanding politician as Bismarck.
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Nesterova, T. P. "France and Attempt to Resolve the Italo-Ethiopian Conflict in Late 1935: the Hoare–Laval Plan." Nauchnyi dialog 1, no. 8 (August 31, 2020): 398–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-8-398-411.

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The article is devoted to the policy of France towards Italy and Ethiopia at the initial stage of the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935—1936. It is shown that in the autumn of 1935, the French government took a position aimed at a peaceful settlement of the Italian-Ethiopian conflict at the expense of Ethiopia, since relations with Italy were much more important for France than relations with Ethiopia, and “real policy” required France to reach an agreement primarily with Italy. It is noted that a similar position was taken by the United Kingdom. It is indicated that this resulted in the formation of a plan for the settlement of the conflict, put forward in December 1935 by the head of the French government, Pierre Laval, and the British foreign Minister, Samuel Hoare. It is proved that the Hoare–Laval plan was an early form of the policy of “appeasement of the aggressor,” which became the leading direction of French and British foreign policy during the collapse of the Versailles system of international relations in 1938—1939. The research is based on publications of Soviet, French, Italian and Canadian diplomatic documents, League of Nations documents, memoirs of political figures of that era, as well as unpublished documents from the Archive of Publicistic Activity (Germany).
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Bederman, David J. "Jurisprudence of the Foreign Claims Settlement Commission: Albania Claims." American Journal of International Law 106, no. 2 (April 2012): 271–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.106.2.0271.

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Albania ranks among the smallest and poorest countries in Europe, located on the Adriatic and Ionian Seas just north of Greece. It gained its independence from the Ottoman Empire in 1912 (accounting for the fact that a majority of the population is Muslim) and subsisted as a monarchy for much of the interwar period. Albania was occupied by Italy (and then Nazi Germany) for all of the Second World War. Communist partisans expelled the Germans in 1944, without the assistance of Soviet forces, and thus began nearly a half-century of a totalitarian, isolationist rule by an extremely repressive Communist regime under the leadership of Enver Hoxha and Ramiz Alia. This regime was definitively overthrown in 1991. Since that time, Albania has been periodically wracked by civil and political unrest, leading to substantial violence in 1997 that was quelled only with the brief deployment of a UN multinational protection force.
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GOMÓŁKA, Krystyna. "ECONOMIC CONTACTS BETWEEN AZERBAIJAN AND THE EUROPEAN UNION." Historical and social-educational ideas 10, no. 6/2 (February 1, 2019): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2018-10-6/2-53-61.

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After regaining independence in the early 1990s, the Republic of Azerbaijan signed many international agreements. It also established relations with the European Union. Economic contacts between the partners were revived by the partnership and cooperation agreement’s entry into force in 1999. It assumed political dialogue, assistance in building democracy, cooperation in the sphere of economy and investment. In terms of trade in goods and services, the country have granted each other most-favored-nation clauses in the collection of customs duties and charges, transit clearance, composition and transhipment of goods, payment transfers for purchased goods and services. This has led to increased trade between the European Union and Azerbaijan. The most important trade partners of Azerbaijan in the years 2000-2017 were the following members of the European Union: Italy, France and Germany. The exports were dominated by Germany, France, Italy, the United Kingdom and Spain. The opening of the oil and gas sector to foreign companies has contributed to a significant inflow of foreign direct investment. More than 80% of the incoming investment is in the oil sector and the main activities are focused the construction of new gas and oil pipelines. The leading investors in this group in the years 2000-2013 were the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Germany, Italy, France and Cyprus.
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Trunov, Philipp. "Germany’s security and defense policy : transformation in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 1 (2022): 254–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.01.10.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has created significant obstacles to the implementation of national foreign policies, including the reduction of the resource base. This article analyzes the schemes and forms of government activities that can reduce the negative impact of the pandemic factor. The object of the study is the Federal Republic of Germany, which is currently at a turning point in its development: the end of A. Merkel’s «era» (autumn 2021) is accompanied by a large number of unresolved foreign policy tasks that prevent Germany from establishing itself as a world power. The article provides a detailed overview of these tasks and the ongoing efforts to solve them, presented on a problem-geographic principle. Issues related to the restart of relations between Germany and the United States under the Biden administration, the FRG’s involvement in building up the political and military potential of the EU, as well as the dynamics and nature of the FRG’s dialogue with the leading European NATO member states – Great Britain, Italy and especially France – are analyzed in the context of the ongoing pandemic crisis. Particular attention is paid to the problems associated with deepening cooperation within the framework of the German-French tandem. The paper also explores the difficulties that have appeared during the pandemic and new opportunities for expanding the political and military presence of Germany in Libya, «G5 Sahel» countries, Syria and Iraq. The consequences that a decision of the United States to carry out the «deal» with the Afghan Taliban may have for Germany are analyzed. The FRG’s attempts to strengthen its positions in the post-Soviet space and the Far East are presented in the context of deteriorating relations with the Russian Federation and China. In conclusion, an assessment of Germany’s activity in the sphere of security and defense during the first year of the pandemic is given.
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Demeshchuk, Аnatolii. "Relations of the Republic of Croatia with EU Countries (1992-1999)." European Historical Studies, no. 12 (2019): 6–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.12.6-27.

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This article considers a development and peculiar properties of relations of the Republic of Croatia with European Union countries from the moment of this state’s international recognition on 15 January 1992 to the first Croatian president Franjo Tudjman’s death on 10 December 1999. The main attention is paid to those Western European countries, that played the most significant role in dealing with the crisis on the territory of former Yugoslavia and that had the most crucial place in Zagreb’s foreign policy during the first decade of Croatian independence: Federal Republic of Germany, Austria, France, Great Britain, Italy, Sweden and Vatican (however, the two last are not EU members). The attitude of these countries towards Croatia’s diplomatic goals during 1990ies and the dynamics of their relations with Croatian government, that weren’t constant, are analyzed in this article. The special attention is focused on the reasons of firm German and Austrian support for Croatia at the very beginning of its independence and their significant humanitarian aid for Croats during the war. From the other hand, there are explained reasons of skeptical and cold French and British position on Croatian question and the role of the history in Italian-Croatian relations after 1990. And, of course, Croatian problems and real obstacles in relations with Western European countries and with prospective of European integration during the presidency of Franjo Tudjman (that were really pessimistic) are also considered in this article. The newest researches of Croatian and other foreign authors on Croatian foreign policy in 1990ies were used for preparing this small research, as well as materials of foreign media, mostly Western and Croatian.
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Ronzitti, Natalino. "The Treaty of Quirinale between Italy and France." Italian Yearbook of International Law Online 31, no. 1 (November 11, 2022): 253–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116133-03101013.

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Abstract On 26 November 2021, France and Italy signed a Treaty on enhanced cooperation, currently named the Treaty of Quirinale after the residence of the President of the Italian Republic, where the ceremony of signature was held, echoing the Treaty of the Elysée between France and Germany signed by Charles de Gaulle and Konrad Adenauer. However, the Treaty of Quirinale is not aimed at ending any secular conflict like that between France and Germany, which was supplemented by the Aachen Treaty (2019). The French-Italian Treaty is more of a proclamation than a document endowed with rights and duties. The obligatory provisions are mainly those aimed at organising cooperation between the two countries with the establishment of new institutions or enabling the presence of each country in the other’s relevant existing institutions. The cooperation invests the main political sectors of the administration, such as foreign policy, defence, economic and social development, European integration, cultural affairs and neighbour relations. There is not a coordination between the Quirinale Treaty and the Elysée/Aachen Treaty. In case of different views (for instance on the reform of the United Nations Security Council), diplomacy should find the proper solution.
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Sukhodolov, Yakov. "Current State of Russo-Chinese Investment Cooperation." Russian and Chinese Studies 4, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 10–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2587-7445.2020.4(1).10-17.

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China is traditionally a leading foreign trade partner of Russia. And its share in the total volume of foreign trade has a positive dynamics. At the same time, the dynamics of the Russo-Chinese investment cooperation sufficiently lags behind the dynamics of development of the Russo-Chinese foreign trade relations. At present, China considerably lags behind France, Germany, Great Britain and Italy in regard to direct investments in Russia’ economy. The major part of direct investments from China falls upon the mining and petrochemical industries, the wood and paper complex, the agriculture, and the real estate sphere. At the same time, the Chinese investors also implement several investment projects in the machine-building sphere. The Russo-Chinese cooperation has good prospects, especially in the sphere of implementing joint transport-logistic and infrastructural projects, as well as the projects in processing industry.
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Negri, Stefania. "Sovereign Immunity v. Redress for War Crimes: The Judgment of the International Court of Justice in the Case Concerning Jurisdictional Immunities of the State (Germany v. Italy)." International Community Law Review 16, no. 1 (February 3, 2014): 123–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341273.

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Abstract In the judgment delivered in the case concerning Jurisdictional Immunities of the State (Germany v. Italy), the International Court of Justice held that under the present state of international customary law State immunity encompasses all acta jure imperii, regardless of whether they are unlawful. Following the ruling that States are entitled to jurisdictional immunities before foreign courts even if their sovereign acts amount to violations of peremptory norms, the Court found that Italy had violated Germany’s immunity from jurisdiction and enforcement. In rendering such a conservative judgment, the Court missed a double opportunity: to contribute to the development of international law by interpreting the rule on sovereign immunity in harmony with international human rights law and its dynamics, and to finally serve justice for the victims of war crimes.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Italy – Foreign relations – Germany"

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Di, Feliciantonio Susanna. "The Europeanisation of foreign policy : Germany, Italy and the Balkans, 1991-1999." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.616004.

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Hamid, Mahmud Shakir. "US foreign policy and Germany (1933-1949)." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683058.

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Miller, Mark James. "The official East German response to Willy Brandt and Neue Ostpolitik, 1969-1972." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610841.

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Marcuzzi, Stefano. "Anglo-Italian relations during the First World War." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2e1d8ba7-53eb-4c29-8974-d1fa0e36cc65.

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This thesis examines how the newly-born Anglo-Italian alliance operated during World War I, and how it influenced each of Britain's and Italy's strategies. It argues that Britain was Italy's main partner in the conflict: Rome sought to make Britain the guarantor of the London treaty, which had brought Italy into the war on the side of the Allies, as well as its main naval and financial partner within the Entente. London, for its part, used its special partnership with Italy to reach three main objectives. The first was to have Rome increasingly involved in the Entente's global war, thus going beyond the national dimension of the 'fourth war of independence' against Austria-Hungary. Britain aimed in particular to complete the blockade of the Central Powers by securing the Mediterranean. This result was achieved slowly - Italy declared war on Turkey in autumn 1915 and on Germany in summer 1916 - and not without contradictions, such as Italy's persistently self-reliant trade policy. The second British goal was to keep Italy in the war when the Caporetto crisis hit: British financial, commercial and military support was crucial to restore Italian forces and morale, and allow Rome to pursue to fight. Finally, in a wider geo-political sense, Britain took advantage of its good relations with Italy to balance French influence in the Mediterranean and the Middle East. London acted as a mediator in the controversies between Rome, Petrograd and Paris, taking upon it the task of keeping the alliance together. Anglo-Italian relations worsened in 1918. Britain's leadership within the Entente declined and was gradually replaced by American leadership. President Wilson's 'politics of nationalities' produced a significant revision of the London pact: Italy felt betrayed by its main partner, Britain, and this caused a long-lasting resentment towards London which had far-reaching consequences in the post-war period.
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Mason, Andrea 1976. "Opponents of Hitler in search of foreign support : the foreign contacts of Carl Goerdeler, Ludwig Beck, Ernst von Weizsäcker and Adam von Trott zu Solz, 1937-1940." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29516.

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This thesis examines the attempts made by Carl Goerdeler, Ludwig Beck, Ernst von Weizsacker and Adam von Trott zu Solz to obtain the support of the British government in their effort to overthrow the Nazi regime between 1937 and 1940. The circumstances surrounding each mission are detailed, including the degree of readiness on the part of the German opposition for a coup d'etat and the particular form of support sought from the British to increase the chance of success in each case. Consideration is given to the factors which conditioned the British reaction to the resistance emissaries, including the British foreign policy imperatives of the moment, important events in European relations and the attitude and degree of influence wielded by the statesmen to whom the German resistance emissaries addressed themselves.
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Albers, Martin. "The policies of Britain, France and West Germany towards the People's Republic of China, 1969-1982." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708129.

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Cata, Edmond. "Foreign Military Intervention and Democratization: A Comparative Analysis of Germany, Japan, Italy and South Korea." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1342103600.

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James, William Andrew Philip Justin. "Trust and the transformation of the German question, 1960-1970." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609881.

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Van, der Heyden Ulrich Klaus Helmut. "GDR development policy with special reference to Africa, c. 1960-1990." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001860.

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This thesis explores the political, economic and theoretical underpinnings of the German Democratic Republic’s (GDR’s) development policies towards the Third World between c.1960 and 1990. Particular attention is paid to Africa. Case studies of assistance to SWAPO and the ANC further focus the attention of the reader on southern Africa in particular. Aspects of both military and civilian aid are considered, including both development initiatives overseas in Africa, and development training for Africans within the GDR itself. Since German “reunification”, the GDR’s history has been explored largely from a West German perspective. The present work attempts to provide a more balanced view of successes and shortcomings of the GDR’s policies towards, and interaction with, African countries and liberation movements. It also aims to bring to the attention of English-speaking readers German archival sources, other primary sources and published works which they would otherwise have been unlikely to encounter. From its formation, the GDR made strenuous efforts to develop relations with countries which were either free from colonial dependency or were struggling for freedom. Over the course of thirty years, it followed a number of different approaches, and developed diverse objectives. These were shaped in the wider context of the cold war, the Hallstein doctrine (which established that the FRG – and, in effect, its allies - would not establish or maintain diplomatic relations with any state that recognised the GDR), the relationships between the GDR and partner socialist states, and the economic difficulties faced by the GDR. Arising from this complex situation, from time to time, both internally in the GDR and in terms of its foreign affairs, tensions and discrepancies arose between theoretical objectives and political and economic reality. Despite these severe constraints, during the period under review, the volume and range of the GDR’s relationships with developing countries increased dramatically. For example, between 1970 and 1987, the number of developing countries with which the GDR had foreign economic relations on the basis of international agreements grew from 23 to 64. Viewed within its economic context, the state was arguably far more committed to development aid than the Federal Republic of Germany. In addition, there is a great deal of evidence that “solidarity” with developing nations and the oppressed enjoyed a considerable degree of popular support.
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Condren, John. "Louis XIV et le repos de l'Italie : French policy towards the duchies of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, 1659-1689." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8259.

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Between 1659 and 1689, northern Italy was generally at peace, having endured almost three decades of continuous war from the 1620s. The Peace of the Pyrenees of November 1659, between the French and Spanish crowns, seemed to offer the young Louis XIV an opportunity to gradually subvert Spanish influence over the small princely families of the Po valley. The Houses of Farnese, Este, and Gonzaga-Nevers, respective rulers of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, had all been allies of France at various points in the Franco-Spanish War (1635-1659), but had gained scant reward for their willingness to jeopardise their own relationships with the king of Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor, despite the promises of material and diplomatic support which Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin had extended to them. As a consequence, they were reluctant to agree to again participate in alliances with France. This thesis examines how Louis XIV gradually came to lose the friendship of these three ruling families, through his arrogant disregard of their interests and their ambitions, and also by his contempt for their capabilities and usefulness. This disregard was frequently born out of the French monarch's unwillingness to jeopardise or to undermine his own interests in Italy – in particular, the permanent retention of the fortress of Pinerolo, in Piedmont, as a porte onto the Po plain. But although the principi padani comprehended the reasons for Louis's unwillingness to act as a benevolent patron, they resented his all-too-palpable distrust of them; his entrenched belief that they were unreliable; and his obvious love of war. The rulers and élites of the Italian states believed that Louis would undoubtedly seek, at some point in his reign, to attack Spain's possessions in Italy, and dwelt in perpetual dread of that day. This thesis provides the account of French policy towards the small Italian states after 1659 which is still absent from the historiography of Louis XIV's foreign policies.
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Books on the topic "Italy – Foreign relations – Germany"

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Hungarian-Italian relations in the shadow of Hitler's Germany, 1933-1940. Boulder, Colo: Social Science Monographs, 2003.

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Dinger, Dörte. From friends to collaborators: A constructivist analysis of changes in Italo-German relations with the end of the Cold War. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2013.

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Dinger, Dörte. Zwischen Furcht und Bewunderung?: Italienische Haltungen zur neuen deutschen Aussenpolitik. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 2006.

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Podmore, Will. Britain, Italy, Germany and the Spanish Civil War. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 1998.

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Fascist ideology: Territory and expansionism in Italy and Germany, 1922-1945. London: Routledge, 2000.

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Melchior, Luca. Sù pes Gjermaniis: Zwischen Dissoziation und Integration : Kommunikationsräume friaulischer Einwanderer in Bayern. Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 2009.

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Knox, MacGregor. Common destiny: Dictatorship, foreign policy, and war in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2000.

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Deutschland-Italien, 1949-1961: Die diplomatischen Beziehungen. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1994.

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Frank, Baasner, ed. Die Mylius-Vigoni: Deutsche und Italiener im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert. Tübingen: M. Niemeyer, 1992.

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Klinkhammer, Lutz. L' Occupazione tedesca in Italia: 1943-1945Lutz Klinkhammer. Torino: Bollati Boringhieri, 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "Italy – Foreign relations – Germany"

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Morina, Engjellushe. "Kosovo–Germany Relations." In Kosovo’s Foreign Policy and Bilateral Relations, 159–74. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003371588-8.

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Gramer, Regina U. "Relations with Italy and Nazi Germany." In A Companion to Franklin D. Roosevelt, 636–52. Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444395181.ch32.

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Chiocchetti, Elena, and Isabella Stanizzi. "La terminologia della salute e sicurezza sul lavoro in tedesco per l’Alto Adige." In Proceedings e report, 71–82. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-364-2.08.

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The paper deals with the German language terminology of occupational health and safety (OHS) in South Tyrol, Italy, where the minority language has official status next to the national language. The South Tyrolean German legal language is developed along two main lines, i.e. through secondary term formation based on translations of Italian terms or by adopting terms already established in the German-speaking countries. The examples given in the paper show the presence of terminological gaps in South Tyrolean German, the influence of Italian, the delicate relation with the legal terminology of the foreign German-speaking legal systems and the difficulty of disseminating an unambiguous terminology in the domain of OHS at local level. The final part explains the currently adopted development and dissemination strategies.
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Tüselmann, Heinz-Josef, Frank McDonald, Arne Heise, Matthew M. C. Allen, and Svitlana Voronkova. "Overview of Employee Relations in Germany and the United Kingdom." In Employee Relations in Foreign-Owned Subsidiaries, 14–24. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230592001_2.

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Krotz, Ulrich. "Historical Construction, International Relations Theory, and Foreign Policy." In History and Foreign Policy in France and Germany, 24–40. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230353954_3.

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Giovannetti, G., and F. Luchetti. "Trade and Foreign Direct Investment: Italy, Germany, and the New Europe." In The EU and the Economies of the Eastern European Enlargement, 73–84. Heidelberg: Physica-Verlag HD, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-7908-2034-8_4.

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Marsden, David. "Institutions and Labour Mobility: Occupational and Internal Labour Markets in Britain, France, Italy and West Germany." In Labour Relations and Economic Performance, 414–38. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11562-4_17.

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Acar, Aslı Beyhan, and Güven Ordun. "The Importance of Temporary Work Agencies in Turkish Labor Market and a Comparative Study with Spain, Italy and Germany." In Labor and Employment Relations in a Globalized World, 231–51. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-04349-4_11.

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Cesa, Marco, and Sonia Lucarelli. "Introduzione. Umberto Gori e le Relazioni Internazionali in Italia." In Studi e saggi, 7–15. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-595-0.01.

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Umberto Gori has held the first chair of International Relations in Italy and has been the first scholar to address a series of central topics in the analysis of foreign policy and international politics. Those who browse, even if only rapidly, his rich bibliography cannot but be struck by the great variety of the topics examined: from the first works of a predominantly legal nature, we move on to studies centered on methodological and epistemological issues, relations between states, analysis of foreign policy in general and Italian foreign policy in particular, Peace Research, strategic affairs, intelligence, and finally the impact of the information and digital revolution on international politics and contemporary strategy. What holds together so many different issues is, firstly, a constant attention to methodology and, secondly, a clear preference for a predominantly operational approach, in the belief that knowledge must always be functional to decision and action. These basic attitudes are reflected not only in his strongly characterized research agenda, but also in the twofold nature of his teaching commitment: on the one hand, Gori taught outside the university classrooms, at military and governmental institutions, for decades; on the other hand, he introduced issues traditionally reserved to diplomacy and security institutions into the Italian academic context. Such a propensity to build bridges between different worlds - academic, military, technological, diplomatic, financial - and a research vocation that has never failed make Umberto Gori a figure indissolubly linked to the birth and development of International Relations in Italy.
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Boschiero, Nerina. "Jurisdictional Immunities of the State and Exequatur of Foreign Judgments: A Private International Law Evaluation of the Recent ICJ Judgment in Germany v. Italy." In International Courts and the Development of International Law, 781–824. The Hague, The Netherlands: T. M. C. Asser Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-894-1_57.

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Conference papers on the topic "Italy – Foreign relations – Germany"

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Mozgovaya, O. S. "THE FOREIGN POLICY SITUATION ON THE EVE OF KHRUSHCHEV'S ULTIMATUM OF 1958." In Культура, наука, образование: проблемы и перспективы. Нижневартовский государственный университет, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/ksp-2021/16.

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After the Second World War, the issue of German unity and the status of West Berlin remained on the agenda of international politics. The most striking example of solving these problems was the ultimatum of the Soviet Union in 1958 to the Western powers, which strained relations between the allied countries, the USSR and Germany.
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Ragulskaya, M., and E. Tekutskaya. "Solar-terrestrial relations: solar activity and the COVID-19 pandemic." In ASTRONOMY AT THE EPOCH OF MULTIMESSENGER STUDIES. Proceedings of the VAK-2021 conference, Aug 23–28, 2021. Crossref, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51194/vak2021.2022.1.1.130.

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COVID-19 pandemic took the start at the lows of the 11-year and quasi-century solar cycle. The genogeographic character-istics of the population have become one of the significant factors determining the development of the local epidemics. Thelargest number of victims per 1 million inhabitants is recorded in the territories with a dominant haplogroup R1b: Italy,Spain, France, Belgium, Great Britain, and the United States. The R1a haplogroup is characterized by the rapid develop-ment of the COVID-19 pandemic with low mortality and a large number of asymptomatic patients (Russia, Germany, andIran). The level of herd immunity achieved through vaccination also depends on the genetic makeup of the population andsolar activity. Its value is highest for countries with a dominant haplogroup R1b (about 80% for haplogroup R1b versus40% for haplogroup N). The resulting effect can be associated with the generation of reactive oxygen species and affectedhuman adaptive capabilities.
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Mansur, Daria. "ON THE ISSUE OF FOREIGN POLICY RELATIONS OF THE REPUBLIC OF ITALY AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION OVER THE LAST 20 YEARS." In 6th SWS International Scientific Conference on Arts and Humanities ISCAH 2019. STEF92 Technology, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sws.iscah.2019.1/s08.003.

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Карташов, Михаил, and Mikhail Kartashov. "The proceedings and practical skills of the Advocate's activity for international Law in foreign state." In St. Petersburg international Legal forum RD forum video — Rostov-na-Donu. Москва: INFRA-M Academic Publishing LLC., 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/conferencearticle_5a3a6faadf26b4.76299302.

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In modern conditions of global information space and comprehensive expansion of foreign economic relations shaped society demand for lawyers with skills of applying the conflict rules of private international law and practices in foreign countries. Buying legal services in a foreign country significantly expands the composition of the legal means of advocacy and provides access to local infrastructure and communication. Mastering the skills of applying the conflict rules of national and international law entails: 1) conduct advocacy at a high level; 2) expansion of the market of legal services; 3) the development of new legal technologies. 4) full participation in international cooperation networks of advocates; 5) professional development. The author of this article refers to the number of lawyers authorised to practice law in Germany and in Russia, so many suggestions are based on my own experience of the author.
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Скворцова, Татьяна Александровна, and Павел Игоревич Рыбалко. "GOVERNMENT SUPPORT FOR THE POPULATION AND BUSINESSES DURING THE PANDEMIC (THE CASE OF CHINA AND GERMANY)." In Образование. Культура. Общество: сборник избранных статей по материалам Международной научной конференции (Санкт-Петербург, Февраль 2021). Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/ecs295.2021.33.28.008.

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Предметом данной статьи является анализ зарубежного законодательства (на примере Китая и Германии) в сфере оказания государственной поддержки населению и бизнесу в период распространения новой коронавирусной инфекции COVID-19. В исследовании анализируются правоотношения, связанные с поддержкой бизнеса, а также предоставлением пособий по временной нетрудоспособности, пособий по безработице, защите прав работников, выплате единовременных и ежемесячных сумм семьям, имеющим детей в период пандемии. The subject of this article is the analysis of foreign legislation (on the example of China and Germany) in the field of providing state support to the population and business during the spread of the new coronavirus infection COVID-19. The study analyzes legal relations related to business support, as well as the provision of temporary disability benefits, unemployment benefits, protection of workers ' rights, payment of one-time and monthly amounts to families with children during the pandemic.
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Auziņa, Anita, Silvia Benini, Ireta Čekse, Marta Giralt, and Liam Murray. "Foreign Language Teachers’ Activities to Develop Students’ Digital Citizenship Competences: Findings of the Dice. Lang Project." In 80th International Scientific Conference of the University of Latvia. University of Latvia Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/htqe.2022.27.

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he extreme situation connected with the outbreak of the pandemic coronavirus has forced foreign language teachers worldwide to challenge their teaching competences and approaches when teaching remotely. Now, more than ever, foreign language teachers are forced or encouraged to implement digital materials, learning objects and environments. Meanwhile, foreign language teachers’ knowledge, skills and attitudes related to Digital Citizenship Education (DCE) are tested and challenged, too. The aim of this paper is to explore how confident and knowledgeable about DCE foreign language teachers are in order to offer activities that can enhance the development of language learners’ digital citizenship competences. This study presents the survey findings of the ERASMUS+ project: “Digital Citizenship Education and Foreign Language Learning” (Dice.Lang), which brings together five European partner universities: University of Munich, University of Aveiro, University of Latvia, University of Limerick, and Siena Italian Studies. There were 627 foreign language teachers (312 pre-service teachers and 315 in-service teachers) in total who participated in the online survey representing Germany, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, and Portugal. The findings highlighted the needs foreign language teachers have to develop and apply their expertise on DCE in their language lessons. The authors of the paper present their vision to address the teachers’ needs, providing and analysing samples of a comprehensive set of open educational resources (OER) available in English and additional European languages. These OER, which have been designed by the Dice.Lang consortium and confirmed by the questionnaire results, aim at developing language learners’ digital citizenship competences. The resources intertwine the five DCE strands created by the consortium (Critical Digital Literacies; Intercultural and Transcultural Perspective on Digital Exchanges; Identity-oriented Component; Content-oriented Perspective and Critical and Meta-reflective Component) with the existing European theoretical frameworks.
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Densmaa, Oyuntsetseg, Gerelchimeg Kaliinaa, Norovsuren Nanzad, and Tsogzolboo Otgonbayar. "MONGOLIA’S “THIRD NEIGHBOR POLICY”." In Proceedings of the XXV International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25012021/7365.

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Geographically Mongolia has two neighbors. Mongolia’s existence today depends largely on mutually friendly relationships with two big neighbors. The main pillars of Mongolia’s new international strategy were incorporated in Mongolia’s National Security Concept adopted on June 30, 1994. This document, approved by the Mongolian Parliament, emphasizes a balanced policy towards the country’s two giant neighbors, underlines the importance of economic security in protecting Mongolia’s national integrity, and warns about too much dependence on any one country for trade. In today’s world of globalization and interdependence, Mongolia has to engage with other countries beyond these two neighbors, Russia and China. This is fundamental thing of the Mongolia’s searching third neighbor. Mongolia needs more friends to ensure its national security interests and achieve economic prosperity its ‘Third Neighbor Policy’1 is a policy of extending its friends all around the world. Two immediate neighbors of Mongolia, Russia and China, remain the foreign policy priority and this priority is not contradictory to the policy of having more friends. Mongolia is becoming an arena of clashes of economic interests of developed countries, multinational corporations due its rich mining deposits. Mongolia's Third Neighbor Policy is aimed to leverage the influence of neighboring countries in the national security issues of Mongolia. In contrast with other satellite states of the former Soviet Union, Mongolia concurrently instituted a democratic political system, a market-driven economy, and a foreign policy based on balancing relations with Russia and China while expanding relations with the West and East. Mongolia is now pursuing a foreign policy that will facilitate global engagement, allow the nation to maintain its sovereignty, and provide diplomatic freedom of maneuver through a “third neighbor” policy. 2 This policy is very much alive today but there is no reason to claim that its implementation is satisfactory. Mongolia has major investors from the US, Japan, Germany and France from the EU, for example. There are many universal conventions related to landlocked country. For Mongolia, access to sea via our two neighbors, means promoting economic ties with the third neighbors, as an important factor conducive to reinforcing the material foundations of Mongolia’s third neighbor policy.
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Ivanova, Anna, and Svetlana Popova. "EFFICIENCY OF STATE SUPPORT MEASURES OF POPULATION INCOME DURING THE PERIOD OF CONSTRAINTS: A COUNTRY APPROACH." In Manager of the Year. FSBE Institution of Higher Education Voronezh State University of Forestry and Technologies named after G.F. Morozov, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.34220/my2021_82-89.

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This article is devoted to the research of the COVID-19 pandemic affected the economy of the Russian Federation and other countries of the world and its consequences on society. Today, the social policy of the Russian Federation and the whole world is experiencing great stress. The crisis, which arose due to the imposed restrictive measures to ensure the isolation regime in order to prevent the spread of COVID-2019 by foreign governments, revealed previously existing gaps in the provisions of social protection. The ways of formation and improvement of state support of incomes of the population during a crisis situation all over the world are considered. In the conditions of the crisis, the load on the social system has increased many times over, due to the increase in the number of poor citizens. Funding has been introduced for various measures, methods and ways to improve livelihoods and prevent the closure of Micro-Enterprises, SMEs of all types, self-employed and workers, in order to prevent unemployment caused by the global situation. The analysis of the gross domestic product and the effectiveness of the implemented additional measures of state support of the population’s income has been carried out. For example, the leading countries of the world were considered, such as: Russia, Austria, Canada, France, Germany, Israel, Italy, Japan, Spain, Sweden, United Kingdom, USA.
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Cieślik, Ewa. "THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN ECONOMIES IN THE ERA OF INDUSTRY 4.0 AND CHINESE DIGITAL SILK ROAD." In Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2022.0018.

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Over the recent decades, the changes in the paradigm of international trade have been observed. As the result of decreasing of trade barriers as well as the reduction in trade costs allowed companies to divide their production into stages and to locate it in different countries according to their competitive advantage. Eventually, the production process has become more fragmented, both geographically and vertically. It means that intermediate products are shipped across boarders many times and every exporting economy provides some value added according to its competitive advantage. As a result, global value chains have become one of the most important feature of international trade. Following (Gereffi & Fernandez-Stark, 2011), in this study global value chains are defined as “the full range of activities that firms and workers do to bring a product from its conception to its end use”. Humphrey and Schmitz (2002) pointed out four types of upgrading in global value chains: product, process, functional and chain. Product and process upgrading involve companies retaining their positions in global value chains by enhancing productivity gains through adopting new product processes or “new configurations of product mix”. Thus, functional upgrading involves a slicing up the global value chains into new activity which generates higher value added, e.g. own brand manufacturing. In turn, chain upgrading involves a going up to new activity, which needs higher skills and capital and value added. Milberg and Winkler (2013) offered similar classifications of upgrading. Production fragmentation has caused a rapid increase in trade in intermediate goods as often companies offshore an intermediate stage of production process. Offshoring production has been typical to manufacturing (Timmer, et al., 2012), however, services have been often overlooked, but play a major role, especially in supporting global value chains (Kommerskollegium 2013). In turn, Digital Silk Road, announced in 2015, has become a significant part of Chinese Belt and Road Initiative strategy. China has implemented this strategy as a part of its long-term technological plan, under which China provides support to its exporters, including many well-known technology companies and builds a network of cooperation with selected countries in the field of technology, including ICT infrastructure, services, 5G networks, e-commerce, etc. China's rapid technological changes must not go unnoticed by trading partners, including analysed European countries, which, to maintain international competitiveness, are increasing the technological advancement and enhancing market protection against Chinese technology. Until recently, the value added from China to European countries was concentrated mainly on medium technology industries and value added from Europe to China focused more on advanced goods and services. Nowadays, there is a redirection of Chinese value added to high-tech activities (including service activities), which reflects China's ambition to build an economy that leads to innovation and industry 4.0. The transition of the CEE states’ economic and political systems initiated in the early 1990s, earned them the EU membership in 2004. The accession to the EU’s structures meant that these countries achieved the free-market economy status and they should be treated as the full member of the global business networks. Moreover, the decline in trade costs (transport and transaction), greater openness of their market and the removal of trade barriers have all helped the CEE states to join global value chains. Hence, the CEE economies are going to be more heavily involved in global production linkages. Many empirical studies have presented the close and dynamic integration of these countries with the EU market (especially the EU-15) and in a more limited scope with the whole global economy as well (Behar and Freund 2011). Generally, democratisation, the strengthening of political and economic relations (particularly with the EU), and the modernisation of many sectors (including financial sector, more advanced industries), were common elements of the CEE countries long-term development policies. One of their priorities was the redirection of foreign trade towards the EU and joining the global production linkages where China has become the core producer. Recently, the role of the economy in global value chains is more determined by the advancement of value added that it offers. Companies move toward services and innovations in the business model (Nenenen & Storbacka, 2010) and introduce industry 4.0 (Bundesministerium fur Bildung und Forschung, 2016). A symptom of these novelty is a concept of servicification of manufacturing (Neely et al. 2011) and cross-sectoral connections, which have reconstructed traditional global value chains (Naude et al. 2019) and, together with Industry 4.0, is expected to change the landscape of global manufacturing. As a result of facilitation of manufacturing, economies placed in the downstream market can improve their role in global value chains. In Europe, this can be an opportunity for most Central and Eastern European countries. Analyzing changes in CEE’s role in technological global value chains, we should take into account its two most important value-added suppliers: China and Germany, as well as their most important value-added buyer - Germany. These three economies established a sort of value added flows triangle. The regional supply chains built by Germany in the CEE allowed it to maintain a comparative advantage in sectors important for the economy, while helping the CEE countries join global value chains, positively influencing economic growth, but also reducing them to entities operating in less advanced stages of production (Jacoby, 2010; Fortwengel, 2011). Today, Germany also cooperates strongly with China (as a result of Digital Silk Road), and the CEE economies (especially the Visegrad Group) are increasingly dependent on Chinese value added, still linked to German value added. The most visible connections can be found in automotive and electronics. Hence, the question is: how strong are these links in servicification of manufacturing and whether there are visible trends in value-added flows in between this triangle in the era of industry 4.0 and Chinese Digital Silk Road. The research question seems to be relevant, thus in the subject literature, little is known about the mentioned relations (Roland Berger, 2021). The research method based on the analysis of data from the OECD Trade in Value Added databases, containing the world input-output tables for the period 2005–2018. The system of balance equations in the input-output model for one economy has been adopted to a multi-economy model. The model is described in more detail in (Koopman et al. 2013 or Hummels et al, 2001) and is based on the decomposition of gross exports. The method includes not only estimates of total value added in global value chains, but also calculations at both the mezoeconomic level and cross-sectoral flows of value added (including servicification of manufacturing). The results of analysis showed that most relations between economies continued to deepen the imbalance in flows of value added. The CEE economies are making their manufacturing increasingly dependent on advanced services (both from Germany and China). On the other hand, the share of CEE services to Chinese and German manufacturing is decreasing or remains steady. However, some trends could be observed in the last years, especially between Germany and China. German manufacturing is starting to rely more on Chinese value added (information and communication technologies services and the subgroup computer programming, consultancy and information services activities in manufacturing, information and communication technologies services' value added in transport equipment), although previously Germany provided more of these services to China. In telecommunications in manufacturing between CEE and Germany, the trend has turned against CEE. However, there was no direct compensation between pairs of economies, but the decrease in German value-added flows to China resulted in a much larger increase in value-added from China in German manufacturing. If the presented changes in flows were to reflect the effectiveness of Chinese industry 4.0 and Digital Silk Road. These strategies serve their purposes and increases not only the advancement of Chinese value-added exports, but also makes important economies dependent on this added value. On the contrary, the industry 4.0 strategy in CEE has not improved its position in the triad. Germany has still a strong position as a provider of value added, but its dependence on foreign value added is high, which derives from the links with CEE.
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Reports on the topic "Italy – Foreign relations – Germany"

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Allan, Duncan, and Ian Bond. A new Russia policy for post-Brexit Britain. Royal Institute of International Affairs, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784132842.

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The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.
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