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1
Demeshchuk, Аnatolii. "Relations of the Republic of Croatia with EU Countries (1992-1999)." European Historical Studies, no. 12 (2019): 6–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.12.6-27.
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This article considers a development and peculiar properties of relations of the Republic of Croatia with European Union countries from the moment of this state’s international recognition on 15 January 1992 to the first Croatian president Franjo Tudjman’s death on 10 December 1999. The main attention is paid to those Western European countries, that played the most significant role in dealing with the crisis on the territory of former Yugoslavia and that had the most crucial place in Zagreb’s foreign policy during the first decade of Croatian independence: Federal Republic of Germany, Austria, France, Great Britain, Italy, Sweden and Vatican (however, the two last are not EU members). The attitude of these countries towards Croatia’s diplomatic goals during 1990ies and the dynamics of their relations with Croatian government, that weren’t constant, are analyzed in this article. The special attention is focused on the reasons of firm German and Austrian support for Croatia at the very beginning of its independence and their significant humanitarian aid for Croats during the war. From the other hand, there are explained reasons of skeptical and cold French and British position on Croatian question and the role of the history in Italian-Croatian relations after 1990. And, of course, Croatian problems and real obstacles in relations with Western European countries and with prospective of European integration during the presidency of Franjo Tudjman (that were really pessimistic) are also considered in this article. The newest researches of Croatian and other foreign authors on Croatian foreign policy in 1990ies were used for preparing this small research, as well as materials of foreign media, mostly Western and Croatian.
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Štefanac-Nadarević, Vesna, Mihovil Vukelić, and Miroslav Cuculić. "Care for health of foreign tourists in case of medical emergency." Tourism and hospitality management 2, no. 2 (December 30, 1996): 369–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thm.2.2.14.
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The county of Primorje and Gorski kotar is one of the most developed tourist regions in Croatia. The majority of tourists come from the neighbouring countries because of the geographical position of this region and because of good relations that Republic of Croatia has with its neighbours. The objective of our research was to examine health care and morbidity of Austrian, German and Italian tourists who stayed in the Rijeka area from 1987 to 1990 and who asked-for medical help on the basis of insurance certificate-convention. Our research is based on the health and other documentation used by Croatian Institute of Health Insurance for the compensation of the expense of medical treatment. In the examined period the total of 3884 tourists were treated, out of which 400 from Austria (10%), 2796 from Germany (72%) and 688 from Italy (18%). There was 9% of children under the age of 9 and 19% of people over 60. In 519 cases (13%) hospital treatment was needed with the total of 5734 days spent in hospital. The majority of patients needed ambulatory treatment, 3365 (87%). As to morbidity of patients injuries were most represented 868 (22%). To patients who needed help because of chronic diseases of cardiovascular system, of nervous system,of locomotor system and respiratory system belongs 6- 11 %. During the period from 1990 to 1995, 4509 tourists were cured. The results of the research will be shown when the analysis is completed. The results will also be compared with the results of other similar researches. The performed analysis shows that among tourists in our region there is a considerable number of persons who suffer from chronic diseases, and who should be offered a highly professional medical treatment as a part of health - tourism programme, aimed at the prevention, treatment and rehabilitation of a disease.
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Pauluzzo, Rubens. "Foreign Market Entry Strategies in the North-Adriatic Area." International Journal of Information Systems and Social Change 4, no. 1 (January 2013): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jissc.2013010101.
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The consolidation of economic and political relations in the North-Adriatic area and their formalization encouraged by the new institutional structures of Euro-regions are phenomena of central relevance to the actual European economic environment. These conditions have a significant influence on the strategic choices of local firms. In spite of the geographical proximity between Italy, Austria, Slovenia, and Croatia, cultural differences still act as important determinants in leading foreign investment strategies. The current study aims at analyzing the role played by cultural distance between the examined countries in affecting entry mode strategies followed by companies of the Italian region of Friuli-Venezia Giulia. In particular, the analysis suggests that a larger cultural distance, together with specific market characteristics, may force companies to choose entry forms with a lower degree of control, while specific firm characteristics may have an opposite impact on the internationalization strategies.
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Slakoper, Zvonimir. "The CISG and Croatian Courts." Business Law Review 40, Issue 4 (August 1, 2019): 170–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/bula2019022.
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SUMMARY The United Nations Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods (hereinafter: the CISG) is undisputedly one of the most important and successful achievements in the global harmonization and unification of the law of contract. Eighty-nine states became parties to the Convention to support this claim which proves this fact (http://www. uncitral.org/uncitral/en/uncitral_texts/sale_goods/ 1980CISG_status.html.). The CISG had been applied by Croatian courts even before 1991, when the Republic of Croatia became the subject of (public) international law, because Croatia was part of the former Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, that ratified the CISG on 27 March 1985 with entering into force on 1 January 1988. After gaining independence, the Republic of Croatia notified its succession and the CISG entered into force in relation to Croatia on 8 October 1991 (Official Journal of the Republic of Croatia, No. 15/98). Without any exaggeration and based on facts, it can be said that the CISG is a particularly important source of sales law for Croatian companies. This conclusion can be derived from the scope of application of the CISG as defined under Article 1, the number of states that had adopted it, and the fact that companies located in the Member States are the most important foreign trade partners of Croatian companies (According to the data of the Croatian State Statistics Bureau, in 2017 Croatian companies were exporting an overwhelming value of goods to Austria, the Czech Republic, France, Italy, Hungary, the Netherlands, Germany, Slovenia, Great Britain, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Russia, Japan and the USA (https://www.dzs.hr/Hrv_ Eng/publication/2017/04-02-01_01_2017.htm). Although not all of them are Member States of the CISG, the applicable law for sales contracts is regularly the law of the state where the seller is located and this leads to the application of the CISG as the source of Croatian law.). This in turn led Croatian legal literature to pay special attention to the CISG, which resulted in numerous papers dedicated to the CISG (For an exhaustive list of papers published in Croatia see Tepeš, Nina: Mehanizam popunjavanja pravnih praznina u Konvenciji Ujedinjenih naroda o ugovorima o meðunarodnoj kupoprodaji i unifikacija prava meðunarodne kupoprodaje (Gap-filling mechanism in United Nations Convention on Contracts for International Sale of Goods and Unification of Law on International Sale of Goods), u Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta u Zagrebu 62, (1–2) (2012), page 670), but also to the application of the CISG by Croatian Courts. Although court disputes are undesirable, the number of disputes where the CISG was applied is proportional to the number of sales contracts to which the CISG has been applied.
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Bakic, Dragan. "Nikola Pasic and the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, 1919-1926." Balcanica, no. 47 (2016): 285–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1647285b.
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This paper looks at Nikola Pasic?s views of and contribution to the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SCS/Yugoslavia after1929) during the latest phase of his political career, a subject that has been neglected by historians. His activities in this field are divided into two periods - during the Paris Peace Conference where he was the head of the SCS Kingdom?s delegation and after 1921 when he became Prime Minister, who also served as his own Foreign Minister. During the peace conference, Pasic held strong views on all the major problems that faced his delegation, particularly the troubled delimitation with Italy in the Adriatic. In early 1920, he alone favoured the acceptance of the so-called Lloyd George-Clemenceau ultimatum, believing that the time was working against the SCS Kingdom. The Rapallo Treaty with Italy late that year proved him right. Upon taking the reins of government, Pasic was energetic in opposing the two restoration attempts of Karl Habsburg in Hungary and persistent in trying to obtain northern parts of the still unsettled Albania. In time, his hold on foreign policy was weakening, as King Alexander asserted his influence, especially through the agency of Momcilo Nincic, Foreign Minister after January 1922. Pasic was tougher that King and Nincic in the negotiations with Mussolini for the final settlement of the status of the Adriatic town of Fiume and the parallel conclusion of the 27 January 1924 friendship treaty (the Pact of Rome). Since domestic politics absorbed much of his time and energy, the old Prime Minister was later even less visible in foreign policy. He was forced to resign in April 1926 on account of his son?s corruption scandal shortly before the final break-down of relations with Italy.
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ČOVIĆ, PAULINA. "FOREIGN STUDENTS AT THE UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE AND THEIR INTEREST IN THE HISTORY OF SOUTH SLAVS (1923–1941)." ISTRAŽIVANJA, Јournal of Historical Researches, no. 30 (December 25, 2019): 197–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2019.30.197-216.
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The paper examines the schooling of foreign students, holders of the scholarships awarded by the Ministry of Education of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia, at the University of Belgrade between the two World Wars. The first competitions were opened mid 1920s, with those countries which aided the schooling of Yugoslav students at their respective universities being eligible to apply. During the 1930s student exchange continued, in an apparently more extensive and organized manner, only to be extended at the end of the period under review to include countries with which the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, in accordance with the change of foreign policy orientation, established close political and economic relations. Thus, in the beginning, students from France, Great Britain, Czechoslovakia and Poland came to study in Belgrade, whereas, during the years before World War II, students also came from Turkey, Germany and Italy. Scholarship holders most often worked on developing their knowledge of Serbo-Croatian-Slovenian, studied literature and Yugoslav culture in general. Many of them chose to study history, whether as part of their undergraduate or specialist studies. They are the particular focus of this study. The paper is based on unpublished archival sources, periodicals and relevant historiographic literature.
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Zametica, Jovan. "Sir Austen Chamberlain and the Italo-Yugoslav crisis over Albania February - May 1927." Balcanica, no. 36 (2005): 203–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0536203z.
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In the Spring of 1927 a major European crisis was developing in the Balkans It concerned the rivalry between Mussolini?s Italy and the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes over Albania in which, though a small and backward country, both Rome and Belgrade claimed to have legitimate political and security interests. At the time, the Italo-Yugoslav crisis was seen by many observers as containing the potential of turning into a war the Italian government in particular insisting that Belgrade was engaged in military preparations in order to launch an invasion of Albania. An important factor that made the Italo-Yugoslav rivalry over Albania possible in the first place was the country?s perennial political instability. Thus the crisis attracted considerable attention in Europe. Given the fact that France and Italy experienced strained relations, and that the Weimar Germany had only recently returned to the mainstream of the affairs of Europe following the treaties of Locarno, it was Great Britain that emerged as the chief player in attempts to defuse the emergency. Historians have paid relatively little attention to this, by now largely forgotten, episode in the diplomatic history of interwar Europe. The existing literature, however mistakenly tends to interpret the efforts of Great Britain as favoring the Italian claims in Albania. This article, which makes extensive use of primary sources from the Foreign Office, demonstrates that Foreign Secretary Sir Austen Chamberlain and all his relevant officials handled the crisis in an even-handed manner throughout and that, at times, if London exhibited any sympathy and understanding at all for either side, it was towards Belgrade rather than Rome.
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Dziubanovska, N. V., V. V. Maslii, Z. B. Lytvyn, and V. I. Bliask. "An Approach to the Analysis of the Intensity of the International Trade Dynamics on the Example of the European Union Countries." Statistics of Ukraine 97, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31767/su.2(97)2022.02.08.
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International trade is an important component of the national economy of any country in the world, as well as a leading form of international economic relations. Changes in the main indicators of foreign trade, such as exports, imports, trade balance, can cause significant imbalances in the parameters of economic growth of the subjects of such relations.The article proposes an approach to analyzing the intensity of dynamic changes in international trade in goods on the example of EU countries during 2004-2021 with using such methodological approaches as grouping, comparison, calculation and analysis of absolute and relative characteristics of dynamics. For this purpose, two groups of countries where distinguished: countries that were members of the EU before 2004 (Austria, Belgium, Great Britain, Denmark, Ireland, Germany, Spain, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, France, Greece, Portugal, Sweden and Finland) and countries that became members of the EU after 2004 (Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Cyprus. Bulgaria, Romania and Croatia). In carrying out the study, the cost indicators of trade transactions of the EU countries were used. With the help of such indicators as specific weight, chain and basic growth rates, coefficients of advance, the intensity of export and import dynamics in terms of selected groups where analyzed. The main trends and determinants of the development of export import activities, under the influence of which there were certain changes in the international trade of the EU countries during the period under study, were identified. These determinants include EU enlargement in 2004, the 2009 financial crisis and the COVID 2019 pandemic. Three periods of development of foreign trade of the member countries of this integration group are distinguished. The 5 largest exporter and importer countries, as well as the largest net exporters and net importers in terms of allocated groups, were identified. The results of the analysis also indicate that the countries that joined the EU after 2004 actively used their membership in the context of the development of foreign economic activity: they rapidly increased the volume of merchandise exports and imports. It has been proved that the proposed approach is effective for analyzing the nature of dynamic changes in international trade of any international organizations, integration associations, etc.
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Zubovic, M. "Republic of Croatia’s Membership in NATO." Post-Soviet Issues 6, no. 4 (January 24, 2020): 390–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2019-6-4-390-397.
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The article discusses the Euro-Atlantic vector of Croatian foreign policy, primarily the historical path of the state into NATO and the advantages of membership in this alliance. The Republic of Croatia in its history experienced a rather difficult period associated with the Croatian War for Independence, which began in 1991 after the state announced its withdrawal from the SFRY. Since then, one of the main goals of Croatian foreign policy has been joining the Euro-Atlantic structures, which was fulfiled in 2009, when Croatia became a full member of NATO. Based on the experience of the War for Independence, for the Republic of Croatia this membership is an important factor in ensuring the country’s security, and it can also help improve interstate relations in the Balkans and strengthen stability in the region. The work will also outline the operations and missions in which Croatia participates within the NATO framework and contributes to the successful implementation of Euro-Atlantic foreign policy.
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Trifković, Srdjan. "Rivalry between Germany and Italy in Croatia, 1942–1943." Historical Journal 36, no. 4 (December 1993): 879–904. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014540.
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ABSTRACTThe Independent State of Croatia (Nezavisna Država Hrvatska, NDH), which came into being during Hitler's Blitzkrieg against Yugoslavia in April 1941, was nominally included in the Italian sphere of influence in the Balkans. It soon turned into an uneasy condominium, however, between its formal Italian mentors and the Germans. Italian influence was largely symbolic, while German officers, experts of all profiles, businessmen and officials were prominent in Zagreb from the outset. Mussolini was deeply mistrustful of German intentions, and suspected that Germany sought a leading role in Croatia in spite of Hitler's assurances to the contrary. Nevertheless, the Italians could not devise a strategy to bring their nominal Croatian protégés to heel.While there is no evidence of a German ‘grand design’ to undermine Italy's aspìrations in the Balkans, it is certain that the Germans never intended to give up their leading role in the economic sphere. By early 1942 they secured control over all key natural resources of the NDH and most of its industrial capacity, often acting behind their Italian partners' backs in pursuit of their objectives.Also in 1942 the Wehrmacht made a strong bid to bring Croatian armed forces under its command and control. While this caused some intra-German disputes, and was resisted by the foreign ministry, it proved ultimately successful due to the rise of insurgency which threatened strategic interests of the Axis. Again, Italian claims to precedence were disregarded.The most serious dispute between Italy and Germany in the NDH concerned large joint antiinsurgency operations in the first half of 1943, and the Italians' refusal to give up their links with the Četniks. The breakdown of Italo-German military co-operation in the NDH reflected a deeper malaise of the intra-Axis relationship. It was founded upon different assumptions and objectives, but such differences remained unstated. The rivalry between Germany and Italy in Croatia vividly reflected this deeper schism between the ultimate objectives of Mussolini and his brutal Teutonic friend.
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Šlogar, Helena, Krešimir Jerin, and Milan Papić. "Preview of BPM6 Methodology and Analysis of Foreign Direct Investment in 2015 in Croatia." Acta Economica Et Turistica 3, no. 1 (June 27, 2017): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aet-2017-0008.
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Abstract Foreign direct investments include equity capital, reinvested earnings and debt relations between ownership-related residents and non-residents. Since 31 October 2014, the Croatian National Bank has started to publish information in the field of statistics Relations (balance of payments, foreign debt and the IIP) in accordance with the methodology prescribed by the sixth edition of the Manual on Balance of Payments (Eng. Balance of Payments and International Investment Position Manual, BPM6), thus changing the presentational form of direct investment. Direct investments are not classified according to the so-called direction of investments (Eng. directional principle) on direct investment in Croatia and direct investment abroad anymore, but according to BPM6 apply the socalled principle of assets and liabilities (Eng. Assets / Liabilities principle). The aim is to point out the differences between the standards BPM5 and BPM6 and determine which activities and which countries are the most represented in the structure of direct investments in Croatia. By identifying relevant activities and countries in the structure of foreign direct investment, relevant information is obtained about the macroeconomic state of the Republic of Croatia and about the opportunities and potential dangers that certain activities and countries provide.
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Barlas, Dilek. "FRIENDS OR FOES? DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN ITALY AND TURKEY, 1923–36." International Journal of Middle East Studies 36, no. 2 (May 2004): 231–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743804362045.
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Turkey's foreign policy and relations in the early Republican era, before and during World War II, has been subject to systematic and scholarly research, leading to numerous publications since the 1970s. Although no less significant than Britain, Germany, or the Soviet Union in shaping Turkish inter-war foreign policy and priorities, Italy does not seem to have received a similar degree of attention in this growing literature. Italy is usually treated in the works on Turkish foreign relations only as a threat that Turkey's foreign and strategic policy aimed to counter after 1934.
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Saideman, Stephen M. "Explaining the International Relations of Secessionist Conflicts: Vulnerability Versus Ethnic Ties." International Organization 51, no. 4 (1997): 721–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081897550500.
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With the end of the Cold War, many observers expected that international conflict would be less likely to occur and easier to manage. Given the successful resolution of the Gulf War and the European Community's (EC) efforts to develop a common foreign policy, observers expected international cooperation to manage the few conflicts that might break out. Instead, the disintegration of Yugoslavia contradicted these expectations. Rather than developing a common foreign policy, European states were divided over how to deal with Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia. Germany pushed for relatively quick recognition of Croatia and Slovenia, whereas other members of the EC wanted to go slower. Some observers expected Russia to fall in line with the West because of its need for investment and trade, but instead it supported Serbia. It is puzzling that Europe failed to cooperate regardless of whether greater international cooperation could have managed this conflict. How can we make sense of the international relations of Yugoslavia's demise? Since secession is not a new phenomenon, we should study previous secessionist conflicts to determine if they share certain dynamics, and we should consider applying to Yugoslavia the arguments developed to understand such conflicts.
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Yakovina, Tvtrko. "CROATIAN POLITICS: SYMBOLS AND INACTIVITY." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.05.
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The article is devoted to a comprehensive analysis of the foreign policy of the Republic of Croatia in close connection with its domestic policy. The author examines the balance of political forces in the country on the eve, during and after the presidential elections in 2019/2020, as well as the elections to Sabor (parliament) in July 2020. He describes in detail the situation in the party that won the elections to Sabor, - the Croatian Democratic Union, - and the internal party struggle between representatives of the centrist and right-wing nationalist groups. Largely thanks to the current leader and prime minister of Croatia A. Plenković, it ended in 2020 with the victory of the centrists. At the same time, the presidential elections in December 2019 - January 2020 were won by the candidate of the left-center - Social Democrat Z. Milanović, who defeated the CDU representative K. Grabar-Kitarović, who held this post. The author believes that in Croatia, as a result of the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2019/2020, a situation has developed in which the president and the prime minister, representatives of the left and the right centers respectively, can, through joint efforts, pursuing their own political goals, update Croatia’s domestic and foreign policy, including in the Balkan / South-Eastern Europe region. The previous policy of Croatia, according to the author, was unsuccessful. The previous leadership of Croatia, using as a basis the ideology of nationalism and fearing that Croatia would be historically associated with Yugoslavia and the Balkans, pursued a policy of self-isolation in the very region in which Croatia could play an important role. The balance of power formed in Croatia in 2020 makes it possible to intensify Croatia’s policy in the region, on the basis of a possible normalization of relations with the Serbian community of the country as well as through the process of improving relations with Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Without this transformation, the final stabilization in the Balkans / South-Eastern Europe region is impossible.
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Horopakha, Serhii. "Key milestones of the negotiating process on the accession of Croatia to the EU in 2007 – 2008." European Historical Studies, no. 11 (2018): 8–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.11.8-27.
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On 1st July 2013, the Republic of Croatia officially became the 28th member of the European Union. This event marked the fulfillment of a foreign policy goal, along with joining NATO in 2009, as a major step forward in the country’s long-term consolidation process. The article therefore analyzes the key events of the Croatia – EU relations in 2007-2008, which moved this Balkan country closer to implementing its Euro-integration course. Particular attention is paid to the peculiarities of the pre-accession negotiations with the European Union, as well as to internal and foreign policy factors that had a direct impact on the Euro-integration dialogue between Croatia and the European Union. In this context, emphasis is placed on problem issues that slowed down the dynamics of the negotiation process to a certain extent, in particular the unilateral application by Croatia of the Ecological and Fisheries Protection Zone, and measures taken by the Croatian authorities to settle them. Significant achievements of Croatia in the negotiation process with the European Union are highlighted, in particular, progress of the country in meeting the European Union criteria as well as a date determination the of pre-accession negotiations completion as an important political sign of the European Union readiness to accept a new member in future.
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Zubovic, M. "«The Three Seas Initiative»: Perspectives of Energy Sector Development within the Croatian Foreign Policy." Post-Soviet Issues 6, no. 1 (April 11, 2019): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2019-6-1-84-91.
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The article revolves around the Three Seas Initiative, a project launched in 2015 by the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Poland, aimed at the development of cooperation and international relations between its 12 member states in the sphere of energy, digitalization and transport. Special emphasis is put on the development of Croatia’s foreign policy in the energy sector within the aforementioned Initiative, which can be achieved through the country’s participation in the construction of an LNG terminal on the island of Krk in Croatia. Moreover, both positive and negative aspects of the Initiative are presented in the article, considering the fact it has attracted not only the attention of western EU countries, but also the United States and Russia. Croatia’s participation in the projects of the Three Seas Initiative as one of its founders is considered to be one of the biggest steps in the country’s recent foreign policy, and if successfully put into practice, the Initiative could provide Croatia an opportunity to strengthen its geopolitical position in Europe.
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Koneva, Natal'ya, and Ana Zalović. "A Nationally Oriented Russian Language Textbook for Foreigners (RFL) in Croatian Audience. What Should It Be Like?" Scientific Research and Development. Modern Communication Studies 9, no. 2 (April 10, 2020): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-9103-2019-29-34.
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The topicality of the stated topic is due to the lack of nationally oriented Russian language textbooks in Croatia. Russian-Croatian relations from the XVIII century to the present day are briefly reviewed in the article and attention is paid to the history of Russian language learning in Croatia. The paper touches upon the topic of intercultural communication, which is particularly important for the organization of educational process, in which the teacher of Russian as a foreign language must take into account the national and cultural students’ characteristics. A survey among teachers of Russian as a foreign language and language school students in Croatia was conducted by the authors of this article in order to substantiate prerequisites for creating a nationally oriented Russian language textbook. Russian language teachers’ methodical preferences, aims of studying Russian language and possible factors which can increase students’ motivation are shown; most often difficulties linked to mastering the Russian language are revealed, the same as teachers’ and students’ recommendations regarding a creation of nationally oriented Russian language textbook for elementary level.
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Kupchyk, O. "ITALY IN THE FOREIGN TRADE OF SOVIET UKRAINE, 1921-1923." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 141 (2019): 14–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.141.3.
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The circumstances under which the Soviet Ukraine established trade relations with the Kingdom of Italy in the early 1920s are revealed. The contractual basis, organizational forms of trade activity of Soviet Ukraine in Italy have been clarified. Persons of sales representatives were established (V. Vorovskyi, A. Feinstein). The role of the Ukrainian SSR Trade Representation in Rome in the foreign trade activities of Soviet Ukraine is revealed. The place of the Italian market in export and import operations of Soviet Ukraine has been determined. After studying national historiography, it was found that the trade relations of the Ukrainian SSR in the early 1920s with the Kingdom of Italy were not the subject of scientific study in contemporary Ukrainian historians. In turn, it was found that in trying to forge trade relations with Italy, the Ukrainian adviser noted that she sought to rebuild the international influence, lost after the First World War through Great Britain and France. It was informed that after the conclusion of the Preliminary Trade Agreement on December 26, 1921, Soviet Ukraine and Italy exchanged trade representatives. The duties of Soviet Ukraine’s sales representative in Italy were first performed by Russian Trade Representative V. Vorovskyi and then by Russian Trade Representative A. Feinstein. There were 5 people employed in the Ukrainian SSR’s sales office in Italy. They thoroughly explored the Italian markets (Genoa, Milan, Roman). The article shows the interest of Italian traders in Ukrainian timber, coal, scrap metal, linen cake. It is noted that the sales representatives of Soviet Ukraine initially studied the possibility of selling on the Italian market of guts, skin, horse hair, wool. They then explored the possibility of selling cattle, wheat, barley, corn, caustic soda and soda ash. It was noted that together with Russian and Italian traders the Russian-Italian Trading Company was created, which had the task not only for export-import of goods, but also for obtaining concessions by the Italian entrepreneurs in Ukraine. It has been reported that Italian workers sent food aid (sowing grain) to Ukraine for the money raised.
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Magaš, Damir. "Razvoj geografskog i geopolitičkog položaja Hrvatske." Geoadria 2, no. 1 (June 1, 1997): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/geoadria.241.
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Croatia, with an area of 56.538 km2 and 4,8 million inhabitants is one of 22 recently recognized European countries. It is considered to be one of the new European states, although it existed as an independent state in the early Middle Ages. Its territorial sovereignty has been again consolidated recently. It is the result of internationally recognized borders, the successful resistance of Croat people to the Serb aggressor as well as its political and institutional relations with the International community, Croatian emigration and Bosnian entity.The geographical site of Croatia is significant because it occupies a unique position in a contact area between Central Danubian basin and the Central Mediterranean. It is here that the narrowest and the lowest relief barrier between the Central Danubian basin and the Northern Adriatic is found, connecting Central and Eastern Europe to the Mediterranean.Situated between Western European countries Austria, Slovenia, Italy, and Eastern European countries Hungary, Yugoslavia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia plays an important geopolitical and traffic role in Europe.
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JOZIĆ, Jugoslav JOZIĆ, and Robert BARIĆ BARIĆ. "PROSPECTS FOR DEVELOPMENT OF THE GEOPOLITICAL POSITION OF THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA." Obrana a strategie (Defence and Strategy) 22, no. 2 (December 16, 2022): 019–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3849/1802-7199.22.2022.02.019-035.
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This article analyses to what extent the Republic of Croatia has so far been able to use its favourable geographical position and other geographical features of its territory to improve its own geopolitical position. The article uses the method of neoclassical geopolitics. The conducted analysis shows that the geopolitical agents are aware of the potential of the Croatian territory and that some geopolitical goals are defined in the National Security Strategy. Consequently, Croatian transport infrastructure is constantly being built, modernized, and partly connects to the network of pan-European corridors. Croatia has been able to use its favourable geographical position in defining and implementing its foreign policy goals.
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JOZIĆ, Jugoslav, and Robert BARIĆ. "PROSPECTS FOR DEVELOPMENT OF THE GEOPOLITICAL POSITION OF THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA." Obrana a strategie (Defence and Strategy) 22, no. 2 (December 16, 2022): 019–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3849/10.3849/1802-7199.22.2022.02.019-035.
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This article analyses to what extent the Republic of Croatia has so far been able to use its favourable geographical position and other geographical features of its territory to improve its own geopolitical position. The article uses the method of neoclassical geopolitics. The conducted analysis shows that the geopolitical agents are aware of the potential of the Croatian territory and that some geopolitical goals are defined in the National Security Strategy. Consequently, Croatian transport infrastructure is constantly being built, modernized, and partly connects to the network of pan-European corridors. Croatia has been able to use its favourable geographical position in defining and implementing its foreign policy goals.
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KENZHALINA, Gulsum, Aliya KUSSAINOVA, Duman AITMAGAMBETOV, and Moldir BOLYSBEKOVA. "The role of cultural diplomacy in relations between Kazakhstan and Italy." Public Administration and Civil Service, no. 3 (September 28, 2020): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.52123/1994-2370-2020-74-3-57-66.
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At the present stage, cultural diplomacy plays an important role in relations between countries. The implementation of cultural diplomacy contributes not only to the promotion of the country's interests abroad in the field of cultural policy, but also can create favorable conditions for the effective achievement of the country's foreign policy goals in other areas (for example, economic). The article deals with the bilateral cultural diplomacy of Kazakhstan and Italy. Cultural contacts between the two countries, starting from the early Middle Ages, are consistently examined and analyzed, on the basis of which a conclusion is drawn about the effectiveness of certain aspects of foreign cultural policy in creating bilateral relations. An attempt was also made to answer the question of how cultural methods can contribute to the harmonization of relations between Kazakhstan and Italy at the present stage, and whether they can significantly affect the current state of their political and economic cooperation.
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Monzali, Luciano. "A difficult and silent return Italian exiles from Dalmatia and Yugoslav Zadar/Zara after the Second World War." Balcanica, no. 47 (2016): 317–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1647317m.
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The aim of this essay is to offer a brief analysis of the political activity of the Italian exiles from Dalmatia after the Second World War and their relations with their mother?land and their hometown of Zadar/Zara. Their activities failed to bring about a change of the Italian-Yugoslav border established by the 1947 Treaty of Peace with Italy, but they displayed great activism and a strong determination to keep their cultural traditions alive not only in Italy but also in Yugoslav Zadar. After much effort the Italian exiles eventually succeeded in setting up a public Italian club in Zadar in 1991, after the end of communist Yugoslavia and the creation of independent Croatia.
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Spahija, Fidane. "The Investment and Net Interest Margin: Case Study Commercial Banks in Kosovo." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 1, no. 2 (April 30, 2016): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v1i2.p117-126.
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In Kosovo, but in all developing countries, the foreign investment is the locomotive of the country that considered as the most important economic sectors. In general it can be concluded that most of the investment originates from developed countries and that these investments return to these places. Origin of investments in Kosovo mainly comes from countries such as Austria, Germany, Slovenia, Great Britain, Switzerland, Turkey, the Netherlands, Albania, Serbia, USA, France, Macedonia, Croatia, Cyprus, Norway, Italy, Greece etc. The banking sector in Kosovo has been very attractive to the foreign investors. A total of nine commercial banks, seven are foreign owned. Foreign investments are primarily generated as investments in shares of foreign shareholders from different countries of the world. Investments in securities have increased by the banking sector in 2014. With the change of the interest rate it has also changed net interest margin of the banking sector. Interest on loans and deposits has continued to decline. Especially interest rates on deposits in 2014 have fallen to 1. 1%. This linked to the investment bank in securities of our government as the initiator in this area but cannot be denied to the investment of foreign governments. With the decrease of credit interest rate will be the development of sustainable economic growth and boost investment.
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Iversen, Nina M., Leif E. Hem, and Ulf H. Olsson. "Willingness to buy US products in three Southeast European countries: The effects of cognitive, affective and conative components of country-of-origin image." Journal of East European Management Studies 27, no. 3 (2022): 487–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0949-6181-2022-3-487.
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The objective of this research is to present results from a survey conducted in Croatia, Serbia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina, addressing the negative influence of warfare by USA upon consumer behavior in the region. The results show that perceptions generated from USA’s general country image influence consumers’ intentions to buy American-made products. Furthermore, country “goodwill” and “bad-will” create cognitive and affective ambivalence, which concurrently promote and hamper consumers’ willingness to buy foreign products. Facets of USA’s general country image create mixed emotions, which influence approach and avoidance behavior towards US imports. USA’s country image concurrently impacts product-specific perceptions, ethnocentric tendencies, animosity, and admiration/affinity, influencing the propensity to buy American-made products among consumers in Croatia, Serbia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina.
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Coralluzzo, Valter. "Italy and the Mediterranean: Relations with the Maghreb countries." Modern Italy 13, no. 2 (May 2008): 115–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940801962017.
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After outlining the trends of Italian Mediterranean politics, this article examines the relationship between Italy and the Maghreb region. As a result of its central geographic position, acting as a natural bridge between Europe and Africa, Italy is undoubtedly more exposed and vulnerable than other countries to any critical developments in the political and economic situation of this area, so it is understandable that it occupies an increasingly important position in Italian foreign policy. Italy has especially considered it in its national interest to make it a specific, high priority to contribute to stabilising this region through multilateral and bilateral initiatives aimed at reinforcing political dialogue and economic cooperation with the coastal countries on the southern shore of the Mediterranean. The aim has been to create a safety net around Italian maritime borders against the risks posed by an uncontrolled increase in migration (to which Italy is more exposed than other countries), the instability of North African energy resources and Islamist terrorists infiltrating Italian territory. Apart from examining the concerns regarding the Maghreb region that have become crucially important for Italian national interests (security, immigration, development, energy), the article analyses the salient elements of bilateral relations between Italy and the Maghreb countries, particularly Libya.
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Vuković, Ivan. "Development of European Union and joining perspective of Croatia." Tourism and hospitality management 13, no. 2 (June 2007): 507–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thm.13.2.7.
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In this paper we researched European Union starting with the Agreement from Maastrich from year 1992, even though the European Union has a long traditional history and its origin is founded on regulations of economical integrations in Europe beginning from the 1950’s through the Roman treaty from year 1957 and the forming of the European Union Committee in year 1965. Further we follow her expansion and introduction of the European economic and monetary policy, to last, the joining perspective of Croatia. According to the Agreement from Maastrich, European Union lies on three posts: 1) Legal-political and regulative post, 2) Economical post, where the forming of European economical and monetary policy is in the first plan, especially the introducing of Euro as the unique European currency, 3) Post of Mutual foreign security policy within European Union. In that context we need to highlight the research conducted here and in European Union, including the world, regarding development of European Union and its economical, legal, political and cultural, as well as foreign diplomatic results, which are all perspectives of European Union. All the scientists and researches which were involved in exploring the development of EU with its modern tendencies and development perspective, agree that extraordinary results are achieved regards to economical, legal, political, foreign-security and diplomatic views, even tough many repercussions exist in progress of some particular members and within the EU as a whole. The biggest controversy arises in the perspective and expanding of European Union regarding ratification of the Constitution of EU from particular country members, but especially after the referendum was refused from two European countries, France and Netherlands. According to some estimates, the Constitution of EU would have difficulty to be adopted in Switzerland and some other Scandinavian countries, but also in Great Britain and other very developed countries. However the European Community and European Union were developing and expanding towards third European countries, regardless of Constitutional non-existence, where we can assume that if and when the Constitution of EU will be ratified, the EU will further develop as one of the most modern communities. This will enable economical development, especially development of European business, unique European market and free trade of goods and services, market of financial capital and labour market in free movement of labour. Being that EU has become one of the most largest dominating markets in the world, it offers a possibility to all new members to divide labour by using modern knowledge and high technology which insure economical, social and political prosperity. This results to forming a society of European countries which will guarantee all rights and freedom of development for all nations and ethnic groups. As well as, all European countries with somewhat less sovereignty, but in international relations will be stronger and significant, not only in sense of economics, but also in politics and military diplomatic relations. Therefore, Croatia has no choice and perspective if she does not join the European Union till year 2010, but until than it needs to create its strategy of economical and scientific-technological development, including demographic development, which will insure equal progress of Croatia as an equal member of European Union.
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Walston, James. "Italian Foreign Policy in the ‘Second Republic’. Changes of Form and Substance." Modern Italy 12, no. 1 (February 2007): 91–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940601134916.
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The birth of the ‘Second Republic’ was at least partially due to the changes in international relations in Europe and the rest of the world. The instablity in the Balkans forced Italy to face security issues close to home, while instability in the Middle East meant that Italy had to reconsider its energy security policy as well as military security in the region. The change in the form of government in Italy under both the centre-right and centre-left has involved the Prime Minister taking on a much more important role in foreign policy. The two traditional pillars of Italian foreign policy—Atlanticism and an attachment to the European institutions—have remained largely unchanged, but their relative importance and emphasis have altered markedly with the alternation of administrations. During the course of the Second Republic we can therefore conclude that Italy has moved from being a ‘consumer of security’ to being a ‘producer of security’ due to a combination of external necessities and internal reforms.
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Gorshkova, Elena. "Diplomacy of A.А. Gromyko in the Context of the Soviet-Italian Relations in 60–80s." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS, no. 18 (December 1, 2020): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran62020103111.
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Thе article considers some key episodes of Andrej A. Gromyko’s diplomacy, as the Minister of foreign affairs of the USSR, in the sphere of the Soviet-Italian relations in the 60–80s. The main attention is focused on such aspect of his work as cooperation of the USSR and Italy in establishment of the European collective security system. Under examination are the visits of A. A. Gromyko to Rome in 1966 and 1970 which were important links in the preparatory process for the Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe (СSCE) and in the development of bilateral Soviet-Italian relations. The source corpus of the article contains secret documents of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union published in Italian language, official documents edited by the Ministries of foreign affairs of USSR and Italy, and the memoirs of the diplomat as well. Analysis of these sources allowed to evaluate personal contribution of A. A. Gromyko to the development of Soviet-Italian relations and to reveal some principles of his work dealt with adjustment of a peace dialogue between the USSR and Italy. Among his achievements there was launching of the Soviet project of the CSCE in the course of the negotiation process with Italy. As the result of his efforts contacts between the USSR and Italy went beyond the channels within the communist parties of both countries, and the Soviet-Italian relations advanced to higher level in different spheres. Besides, agreement between two countries on some important issues of international relations was achieved. The author believes that the principles put in the basis of the Soviet-Italian relations by of A. A. Gromyko retain their relevance in the modern international context.
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Rafailovic, Jelena. "Yugoslav-Italian foreign trade relations 1919-1939 and the Yugoslav industry: The import of textile products from Italy." Balcanica, no. 53 (2022): 167–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2253167r.
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Yugoslav-Italian relations between two world wars, besides the diplomatic-political, also had a very significant economic aspect. Italy was one of the most important foreign trade partners of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and this paper will explore the trade exchange between the two countries, especially the import of materials necessary for the textile industry, which substantially contributed to the positive balance of trade. Beside a quantitative analysis of statistical data regarding foreign trade, the paper also looks at the impact of political and economic events on the trade relations between the two countries, as well as the relation between the industrialization of Yugoslavia and changes in foreign trade.
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Zamparutti, Louise. "The Basovizza monument: Constructing memory and identity." Research in Social Change 11, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/rsc-2019-0013.
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Abstract The Foiba di Basovizza monument in northeast Italy commemorates victims of mass killings instigated by communist partisans at the end of World War II. These killings are known as “foibe” in the Italian literature. This word has come to signify the “ethnic cleansing” of Italians by Yugoslavians, despite evidence indicating that the majority of victims of these killings were from Slovenia and Croatia and that the killings were politically motivated. The Foiba di Basovizza was designated a national monument in Italy in 2007 and the narrative of “ethnic cleansing” it presents has been accepted throughout Italy as a legitimate version of history. Nationalistic comments made by European Parliament president Antonio Tajani at the monument’s annual commemoration on 10 February 2019, however, sparked international outcry and revealed that the site is still a vortex for longstanding discursive battles over territorial rights and victimhood contests. This paper argues that the Basovizza monument outmaneuvers questions of historical and scientific accuracy by constructing an exclusive notion of Italian identity that galvanizes nationalism and fuels fear of foreign infiltration. My analysis is a case study that investigates how productions of public memory can be used politically to influence the formation of national, ethnic, and cultural identity.
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De Simone, Carolina. "Foreign policy, domestic politics and international relations: the case of Italy, by Elisabetta Brighi." Contemporary Italian Politics 6, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 105–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2014.885256.
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Behar, Joseph. "Diplomacy and Essential Workers: Official British Recruitment of Foreign Labor in Italy, 1945–1951." Journal of Policy History 15, no. 3 (July 2003): 324–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2003.0015.
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The recruitment of about seven thousand Italian migrant workers by the postwar British Labour government is an interesting study in the use of foreign labor recruitment as a diplomatic policy. Foreign labor recruitment has generally been regarded as primarily an economic policy, with political ramifications entering into the picture in the form of domestic issues around integration, racism, labor relations and so on. However, the various British schemes to recruit Italian migrant workers from 1945 to 1951, and the discussion around the movement of migrant workers in postwar Europe carried on in various inter-European bodies, illustrate that foreign labor recruitment can be a much more complex phenomenon.
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Nesterova, T. P. "France and Attempt to Resolve the Italo-Ethiopian Conflict in Late 1935: the Hoare–Laval Plan." Nauchnyi dialog 1, no. 8 (August 31, 2020): 398–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-8-398-411.
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The article is devoted to the policy of France towards Italy and Ethiopia at the initial stage of the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935—1936. It is shown that in the autumn of 1935, the French government took a position aimed at a peaceful settlement of the Italian-Ethiopian conflict at the expense of Ethiopia, since relations with Italy were much more important for France than relations with Ethiopia, and “real policy” required France to reach an agreement primarily with Italy. It is noted that a similar position was taken by the United Kingdom. It is indicated that this resulted in the formation of a plan for the settlement of the conflict, put forward in December 1935 by the head of the French government, Pierre Laval, and the British foreign Minister, Samuel Hoare. It is proved that the Hoare–Laval plan was an early form of the policy of “appeasement of the aggressor,” which became the leading direction of French and British foreign policy during the collapse of the Versailles system of international relations in 1938—1939. The research is based on publications of Soviet, French, Italian and Canadian diplomatic documents, League of Nations documents, memoirs of political figures of that era, as well as unpublished documents from the Archive of Publicistic Activity (Germany).
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Tiutiunyk, Inna, Wojciech Cieśliński, Andrii Zolkover, and László Vasa. "Foreign direct investment and shadow economy: One-way effect or multiple-way causality?" JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 15, no. 4 (December 2022): 196–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.14254/2071-8330.2022/15-4/12.
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The article examines the relationship between the size of the shadow economy and indicators of the investment market development. Net inflow of foreign direct investments, volume of net investments in non-financial assets, volumes of portfolio investments, and net outflow of foreign direct investment were used as parameters characterizing the development of the investment market. The dependence between the indicators was analyzed using the regression equation, Shapiro-Wilk test. Research results demonstrate that the increase in the inflow and outflow of foreign direct investments leads to an increase in the size of the shadow economy without a time lag in Ukraine, Poland, Slovenia, Romania, Croatia, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, and with a time lag of 1 year in Slovakia and Hungary. The largest impact on the size of the shadow economy is made by the volume of inflow and outflow of direct foreign investments, while the volume of portfolio investments has a less significant effect. Consequently, it was concluded that the processes of inflow and outflow of direct foreign investments require enhanced control by specialized state executive bodies given the scale of their potential destabilizing impact on the macroeconomic stability of the country.
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Sarlin, Simon. "Fighting the Risorgimento: foreign volunteers in southern Italy (1860–63)." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 14, no. 4 (December 2009): 476–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545710903281987.
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Colucci, Michele. "Foreign immigration to Italy: crisis and the transformation of flows." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 24, no. 3 (May 27, 2019): 427–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2019.1605721.
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Iammarino, Simona, Francesca Sanna-Randaccio, and Maria Savona. "The perception of obstacles to innovation. Foreign multinationals and domestic firms in Italy." Revue d'économie industrielle, no. 125 (March 15, 2009): 75–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rei.3953.
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Shaidaeva, Marina Rakhmanovna. "Political-legal framework of international cooperation of the regions of Italy." Международные отношения, no. 3 (March 2020): 67–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2020.3.33612.
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The object of this article is the foreign affairs of Italian regions with other countries and their territorial entities. Despite the unitary state structure, Italy is a bright example of “regionalistic” country, within the framework of which the individual administrative-territorial units receive high level of autonomy in different spheres, including international relations. Therefore, de facto Italy can be regarded as “quasi-federation”. Analysis is conducted on the historical peculiarities of foreign activity of the Italian regions. The author examines the norms of Italian legislation on the division of powers between the state and the regions, as well as refers to the statutes of separate regions of Italy in the aspect of regulation of international cooperation. The novelty of this research consists in the analysis of legal framework with regards to the activity of Italian regions as the subjects of international cooperation, their legal capacity in the context of the conducted in Italy policy of decentralization policy. The article determines the key prerequisites for the devolution process in Italy, including contradictions between the South and North of the country, rise of popularity of regionalistic political parties and movements in the 1980s – 1990s, as well as the policy of EU institutions aimed at the establishment of direct contacts between the regions of the European states. The conclusion is made that granting extended autonomy to the Italian regions in sphere of international relations testifies to the erosion of sovereignty towards subnational level, which in turn, allows us resolving the tasks of socioeconomic development of the territories, as well as establishment of cultural and humanitarian connections with foreign countries, including Russia. ,
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Kołsut, Bartłomiej. "NATIONAL ASSOCIATIONS OF MUNICIPALITIES IN EUROPE – DIFFERENT MODELS OF INSTITUTIONALIZED POLITICAL COOPERATION." GEOGRAPHY, ENVIRONMENT, SUSTAINABILITY 11, no. 4 (January 4, 2019): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24057/2071-9388-2018-11-4-39-55.
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The article endeavours to identify and characterise selected national associations of municipalities across Europe, as well as to provide typical models of municipalities being associated into large groups representing their interests in relations with central government. A study that addressed 26 European countries has helped identify four principal organisational models of associations of local structures. These are as follows: (1) the consolidated model (existing in Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, Greece, Latvia, Lithuania, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden), (2) the bipolar model (in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Estonia, Italy, Slovakia, Slovenia, and Switzerland), (3) the federative model (in Austria, Belgium, Germany, Spain), and (4) the fragmented model (to be found in France, United Kingdom, Poland, Hungary, and Romania).
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Spinosa, Claudia, Laura Angioletti, and Michela Balconi. "Health care of immigrant patients in Italy: the perspective of health professionals." Medicina e Morale 70, no. 2 (July 26, 2021): 183–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/mem.2021.936.
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Within a multicultural society, healthcare professionals (HPs) need to implement specific care pathways to meet the needs of patients with different cultural backgrounds who regularly present themselves in healthcare facilities in Italy. This study intends to examine the experiences and representations lived by HPs who deal with the care and management of foreign immigrant patients living in Italy, with chronic diseases. For this goal, a survey was conducted on a sample of 54 HPs recruited in hospital and outpatient facilities. The survey was analyzed with a quantitative analysis method. The results underlined that it is necessary to provide specific training paths to work with chronic immigrant patients, standardizing the training of medical staff both in hospitals and clinics, and providing for other types of professionals specialized in relations with foreign patients, to respond to all requests from foreign users, and not just healthcare ones. This study proposes a new survey model aimed at obtaining in-depth information on the representation of HPs towards the health and well-being of chronic immigrant patients, to provide concrete answers to the needs of the foreign population, providing for the collaboration of several specialised professionals.
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Pilipenko, Gleb. "Multilingualism in Enlightenment Europe." Slovene 9, no. 1 (2019): 543–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2019.8.1.21.
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[Rev. of: Rjéoutski V., Frijhoff W., eds., Language Choice in Enlightenment Europe: Education, Sociability, and Governance, Amsterdam, 2018, 233 pp.] The book under review is an English-language collective monograph called “Language Choice in Enlightenment Europe: Education, Sociability, and Governance”, written by authors from the Netherlands, Italy, Russia, Estonia, and Croatia (edited by Vladislav Rjéoutski and Willem Frijhoff). The subject of the monograph is the language choice in the European countries of the 18th century. This is the sixth book in the Languages and Cultures in History series, and it includes an introduction, eight articles by the international team of authors, and an alphabetical index of names and places mentioned. The Enlightenment was marked in Europe by the gradual abandonment of Latin in education and public administration and its replacement by vernaculars. At the same time, there are peculiarities in every country, particularly in the Russian Empire and Croatia. Archival materials (private letters, memoirs, official questionnaires, statistics) make this book extremely valuable. The authors analyse the linguistic situation in France, the Netherlands, Central Germany, the Estonian Governorate, Croatia, the Hungarian Kingdom, and the Russian Empire. Language choice is discussed at the micro-level (e.g. within one family) as well as at the macro-level (e.g., in education, public administration, among the nobility or clergy). The book will be of great interest to historians, linguists, sociologists, anthropologists, as well as to specialists in international relations.
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Poljanec, Kristijan, and Tomislav Jakšić. "Safeguarding Croatian Strategic Industries Within the Scope of the EU Foreign Direct Investment Regime." Central European Journal of Comparative Law 1, no. 2 (December 9, 2020): 123–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.47078/2020.2.123-149.
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A European Union (EU)-wide screening regime entered into force in October 2020, marking the turning point in the Member States’ investment relations with third countries, most notably, the emerging economies of the Far East. Most Central and Eastern European (CEE) states have recently embraced novel screening solutions; some legislative proposals are still pending in a few states. These regulatory changes are the result of the socio-economic turmoil caused by the COVID-19 epidemic, which threatens a major fire sale of resources that are deemed critical for the Member States’ national security and public order. In this paper, the authors examine the existing screening mechanisms regarding foreign direct investment (FDI) in five EU countries: Austria, Germany, Hungary, Slovenia, and Poland. Given the apparent lack of comprehensive FDI screening mechanisms in Croatia, the authors consider that the findings of this comparative analysis could help Croatian legislator establish a comprehensive legal regime for FDI pouring into Croatian strategic industries. This paper argues that Croatia should introduce novel screening mechanisms along the lines of the Germanic legal tradition, most notably, the CEE and the German foreign trade and payments law. The authors suggest potential solutions de lege ferenda that would fit the scope and objectives of the screening regulation. Following the introduction, the second section of the paper glances through FDI screening mechanisms in four CEE countries. In the third section, the paper revisits the existing Croatian legislation on FDI control. The fourth section considers possible amendments thereof within the context of the German foreign trade and payments law. The fifth section summarises and concludes the paper.
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Andrlić, Mladen, Iva Tarle, and Suzana Simichen Sopta. "Public Diplomacy in Croatia:Sharing NATO and EU Values with the Domestic Public." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 7, no. 4 (2012): 483–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341234.
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Summary In a globalized world, with dynamic flows of information and communication, public diplomacy also supports internal understanding of international values and relations. The sharing of international standards, democratic changes and market reforms in Central, Eastern and South-East Europe has become more effective by communicating with the domestic public. This has also been experienced in Croatia, which has long been considered as one of the more advanced transition countries. Croatia’s strategic goal of becoming a functional market democracy has always been in line with NATO and EU values, although the costs and benefits of accession were, and still are, to be discussed both abroad and with the domestic public. Creating pluralistic, well-structured and institutionalized platforms for permanent public dialogue is a multifaceted activity that allows all segments of society to practise democracy. The lessons learned in Croatia confirm that a government — if and when it develops a domestic dialogue — not only gains public support for its foreign policy goals at home and abroad, but also becomes better articulated internationally.
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Psychogiopoulou, Evangelia. "Judicial Dialogue in Social Media Cases in Europe: Exploring the Role of Peers in Judicial Adjudication." German Law Journal 22, no. 6 (September 2021): 915–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2021.57.
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AbstractThis Article aims to examine the social media jurisprudence of national courts in a selected set of EU Member States by focusing on judicial dialogue specifically via references to the case law of other courts. Do judges in social media cases engage with the case law of peers, and if so how and to what extent? The analysis investigates whether national judges draw on the jurisprudence of higher domestic courts, foreign courts and/or European supranational courts—the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR)—and explores the use of such jurisprudence. It is based on 147 cases from the constitutional and/or supreme courts of Bulgaria, Croatia, Greece, Italy, Latvia, Slovakia, and Slovenia. Although judicial dialogue is generally limited in the cases under study, the analysis illustrates the different ways in which courts interact with the rulings of peers and informs on the latter’s contribution to judicial assessment.
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Smaçi, Etleva. "Overview of Italian Government’s Stance on Albania’s Withdrawal from Warsaw Treaty de Facto in 1961 and de Jure in 1968." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 2 (March 28, 2017): 155–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5901/mjss.2017.v8n2p155.
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Abstract This article tries to analyze Italian government’s stance after Albania’s de facto withdrawal from the Warsaw Treaty in 1961 and de jure denunciation of this treaty in 1968. The retreat of Soviet troops from Vlora Naval Base had a considerable impact on Italy’s foreign relations with Albania in many regards. Concerning internal interests, Italy had a close relationship with Albania and had always demonstrated the willingness to enhance her influence in this respect. On the other hand, for Italy being a NATO member country, Albania’s withdrawal from the Warsaw Treaty was an enormous relief. The possibility that the two superpowers clash on the Adriatic Sea was considerably minimized. This led to a genuine interest in Albania. Albanian political immigrants in Italy played a major role in enhancing this attention. Nevertheless, because of the communist regime in Albania, the rapprochement wanted by Italy remained merely a desire which did not exceed bilateral economic relations. Viewed as an opportunity for Albania to open up to the West, this effort constitutes another chance deliberately “missed” by the regime at home.
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Romanenko, S. A. "Doctrinal foreign policy documents of the post-Yugoslav states 2014–2021." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2022): 50–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.02.03.
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The article analyses the content of doctrinal documents on the development of post-socialist states in a special sub-region in Southeast Europe – the post-Yugoslav space. The author examines the concepts of foreign policy, national security and defence. Based on the consideration of internal political development of the post-Yugoslav states separately, the evolution of relations between them within the special subregion and the process of international relations in general, three stages can be distinguished in the development of relations between Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina and Euro-Atlantic and European structures: 1991–1999, 1999–2014 and from 2014 to the present. During these years, a new national-state agenda was formed in each of the aforementioned countries, which at different stages reflected national versions of liberalism, conservatism, social democracy, which resonated in doctrinal documents – strategies for national security, foreign policy and defense. After constitutions were adopted in the 1990 s, and the first versions of doctrinal documents aimed at NATO and EU accession in the 2000 s, the post-Yugoslav states joined NATO and to a lesser extent the EU in 2000–2013.Thus, the intra-regional configuration of the Western Balkans has gradually changed and will probably continue to change, the conceptual vision of the worldview, political-ideological and practical dimensions in these countries has been transformed and will continue to be transformed – namely, the attitude to Europeanisation, to overcoming conflicts and conflictogenic factors. The aforementioned strategic documents make it possible to answer the question of the essence, forms and methods of foreign policy of post-Yugoslav states in the situation in the region, Europe and the world after February 24, 2022.
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Tsivatyi, V. "The European Model of Diplomacy and National Features of the Foreign Service of Spain, Italy and France Concerning the Early Time of Modern Period (XVI-XVIII centuries)." Problems of World History, no. 4 (June 8, 2017): 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-4.
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The basic directions of foreign policy and diplomacy features of formation models in France, Italy and Spain in the early Modern period (XVI-XVIII century) are analyzed in the article. Particular attention is given to institutional development, achievements, problems and prospects of French, Italian and Spanish diplomatic services in the context of European development of the studying period. Attention is paid to the peculiarities of national diplomacy and foreign policy of Spain, Italy and France, which have centuries-old historical traditions and stages of institutional development. In the history of the diplomatic services of these States and institutional development in the history of their external relations diplomacy has always been regarded as part of the political culture, as one of the most important means of protecting the state’s interests in the process of state building and socio-cultural development of societies.
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Wank, Solomon. "The Archduke and Aehrenthal:The Origins of a Hatred." Austrian History Yearbook 33 (January 2002): 77–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800013825.
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Archduke Francis Ferdinand's aversion to Foreign Minister Baron (after 1909 Count) Alois Lexa von Aehrenthal is well known. The heir to the throne's biographers cite policy differences with regard to Hungary and Italy, and the worsening of relations with Russia after the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina in October 1908 as the reasons for this antipathy. These policy differences certainly existed. However, the recently published private correspondence between the two men from the time when Aehrenthal was foreign minister (1906–12) provides clues to other causes of their estrangement.
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Shumilov, M. M., and O. I. Shmidt. "South Tyrol Issue as a Factor of Interstate Relations between Italy and Austria." Administrative Consulting, no. 6 (August 8, 2020): 64–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2020-6-64-81.
Full textAbstract:
The research highlights the ethnopolitical conflict within the European Union (using the example of the South Tyrol autonomy). The article states the reasons for the formation of separatist sentiments on the territory of this region, considers in detail the foreign policy activities of the Republic of Austria and the relationship between Austria and Italy. This paper discusses the historical background and the current state of the ethnopolitical conflict in the South Tyrol region. The purpose of the study is to disclose the nature and manifestations of the conflict, policy statements, documents, reasons and actions of Austrian and Italian officials, aimed at escalating as well as settlement of the conflict. Taking into consideration the objectives and preferences of the local population, the authors question the possibility of further autonomization of the Italian province and its political self-determination. However, they do not exclude the future aggravation of the conflict and exacerbation of the Austria-Italy relations in the context of the European Union transformation.