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Journal articles on the topic 'Italian politics'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 20 February 2023

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1

Sassatelli, Roberta. "Justice, television and delegitimation: on the cultural codification of the Italian political crisis." Modern Italy 3, no. 01 (May 1998): 108–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949808454795.

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Pier Paolo Giglioli, Sandra Cavicchioli and Giolo Fele,Rituali di degradazione. Anatomia del processo Cusani, Il Mulino, Bologna, 1997, 243 pp., ISBN 88–15–05713–7 pbk, 28,000 Lire.Recent developments in Italian politics, such as the emergence ofForza Italia, became possible only after a much deeper process had taken place, the delegitimation of Italian politicians. In the early 1990s, much of the political class which had dominated Italian politics since the Second World War was publicly exposed and removed from politics. The old parties of government, the Christian Democrats (DC) and the Socialists (PSI), were swept aside. What appeared to be a civilized evolution had its visible peak in the difficult struggle conducted by a few magistrates, the Milan-basedMani pulite(Clean hands) team, against political corruption. The so-calledTangentopoli(Kickback city) investigations have been indicated as the turning point of contemporary Italian politics. They certainly represent the moment when a rhetoric of ‘old’ and ‘new’ was divulged, when the Italian Republic began to be felt as a collapsing venture, giving an opportunity for change and reform which has not yet been grasped.

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2

Hellman, Stephen. "Politics Italian Style." Current History 87, no. 532 (November 1, 1988): 365–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1988.87.532.365.

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3

Savio, Roberto. "Understanding Italian Politics." Development 56, no. 3 (September 2013): 315–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/dev.2014.7.

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4

Cubbe, Giovanni de Ghantuz. "Kontinuität statt Zäsur: Die Entwicklung von Parteien und Parteiensystem in Italien nach den Parlamentswahlen von 2013 und 2018." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 51, no. 4 (2020): 909–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2020-4-909.

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The two general elections held in Italy in 2013 and 2018 were particularly significant: While the anti‑systemic Five Star Movement and the Lega were hugely successful, established parties such as Forza Italia and Partito Democratico fell behind . Numerous scholars regarded the election results as a signal of a radical turning point in Italian politics . However, such an interpretation seems to undervalue the persistence of a number of traditional features within the Italian political system . Taking into consideration the main systemic characteristics over the last 30 years, it is apparent that the rise of the Five Star Movement and the Lega did not radically modify Italian politics . Both parties are a consequence as well as a catalyst of the political crisis and of the Italian “infinite transition” that began in 1992 .

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5

Napolitano, David. "The politics of the Italian Renaissance State: Italian scholarship for non-Italians." Incontri. Rivista europea di studi italiani 29, no. 2 (December 22, 2014): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/incontri.9882.

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6

Donovan, Mark, and James L. Newell. "Centrism in Italian politics." Modern Italy 13, no. 4 (November 2008): 381–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940802367554.

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Recent developments, especially the outcome of the 2008 election, appear to point to the definitive sidelining of centrism in Italian politics. In reality, it remains significant – not least because of the opportunities for influence all bipolar systems give to parties not of the left or right, and because of the possible consequences of reassessments of centrism's historical significance. The term itself has been used to denote a kind of political outlook or ideology and, consequently, a kind of political strategy. A number of party and elite-level strategies called centrist are identified; one of these – transformism – has roots that stretch back at least to the nineteenth century and is not specifically Italian. Transformism has been variously interpreted. Against this background, the articles in this special issue together evaluate the historical importance of centrism and its current significance for Italian politics. As a governing strategy, centrism is practiced differently now than in the past, but it continues to be practiced.

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7

Nicoletti, Michele. "Editorial." Rivista Italiana di Filosofia Politica 1 (December 3, 2021): 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/rifp-1482.

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In introducing the inspiration behind and aims of the new Rivista Italiana di Filosofia Politica (Italian Journal of Political Philosophy), launched by the Italian Society for Political Philosophy, this editorial explores the relationship between politics and philosophy. As does all philosophy, political philosophy arises from the desire to understand what is new and to question existing reality. Political philosophy is thus political in a twofold sense: on the one hand, it is an act of freedom vis-à-vis existing power or knowledge, and, on the other, it is an attempt to establish social relations based on discursive reasoning, and on open participatory mechanisms for decision-making. This dual political attitude is ever more vital in the face of challenges to contemporary societies, such as climate change, migratory movements, dramatic inequalities, and the apparatus of surveillance. Eschewing a philosophy of distraction and non-engagement, political philosophy (and this Journal) endorses the idea of another, “more civic”, philosophy, one which is committed to the opening of new spaces of personal and collective freedom. This Journal intends to nurture the dialogue between Italian and international philosophical-political communities, showing the richness of Italian discussion, and highlighting some of the most authoritative international scholars.

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8

Nicoletti, Michele. "Editorial." Rivista Italiana di Filosofia Politica 1 (November 30, 2021): 11–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/rifp-1474.

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In introducing the project of the Rivista Italiana di Filosofia Politica (Italian Journal of Political Philosophy), launched by the Italian Society for Political Philosophy, this editorial explores the relationship between politics and philosophy. As with philosophy itself, political philosophy arises from the desire to understand what is new and to question existing reality. Political philosophy is thus political in a twofold sense: on the one hand, it is an act of freedom vis-à-vis existing power or knowledge, and, on the other, it is an attempt to establish social relations based on discursive rationality, and on open participatory mechanisms for decision-making. This dual political attitude is even more essential in the face of challenges to contemporary societies, such as climate change, migratory movements, dramatic inequalities, and the apparatus of surveillance. Avoiding the risk of a “philosophy of distraction or non-engagement”, political philosophy (and this Journal) endorses the idea of another, “more civic”, philosophy, one which is committed to the opening of new spaces of personal and collective freedom. This Journal intends to nurture the dialogue between Italian and international philosophical-political communities, showing the richness of Italian discussion, and highlighting some of the most authoritative international scholars.

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9

Furlong, Paul. "Parliament in Italian politics." West European Politics 13, no. 3 (July 1990): 52–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389008424806.

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10

Konstantinakou, Despina-Georgia. "The Expulsion of the Italian Community of Greece and the Politics of Resettlement, 1944–52." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 2 (December 13, 2018): 316–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418815329.

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At the beginning of the twentieth century, there was a rapid development of Italian communities in Greece, with their members being regarded as integral parts of local societies, especially in the Ionian Islands and the Peloponnese. This changed after the fascist Italian attack against Greece in October 1940 and the subsequent Italian occupation. Members of the Italian community were deemed as de facto enemies, with the Greek authorities deciding to immediately expel them after Greece's liberation. The removal policy, however, would also be extended to the Italians of the Dodecanese after the islands were ceded in 1947. This article will document the Italians' expulsion from Greece after the end of the Second World War by examining the different ways in which mainly the Greek state, but also the authorities in Italy and the Great Allies, handled the Italian community's fate in the unfolding Cold War. At the same time, it will also explore the policy followed and the incentives that led Athens to accept the resettlement of a number of expelled Italians in Greece in 1949.

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11

Piantini, Marco. "Forza Italia und PDS als zentrale Akteure des italienischen Parteiensystems." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 25, no. 98 (March 1, 1995): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v25i98.968.

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The Partita Democratico della Sinistra (PDS) and Forza Italia are the main actors of the Italian party system. Compared to the slow development of political culture of the PCI and its organizationaland social change, the rapid rise of Berlusconi's Forza Italia is characterized as a polyform structure. The hegemony of the Right is not only due to the power of the media but is also an expression of the structural and cultural changes in capitalist states in general and specific Italian factors. Forza Italia represents a modern version of the 'privatization of politics' and is a substitute for a non-existent conservative party.

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12

Maslova, Elena, and Ekaterina Shebalina. "Party-Political System Transformation in Italy." Contemporary Europe 102, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope22021111123.

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Throughout the years of the existence of the Italian Republic, the country's political system has been characterized by both periods of stability and turbulence. The article presents a comprehensive analysis of the transformation of the Italian party-political system and political landscape, macrotendencies of Italian politics from the First Republic (1948) to the present. The research highlights the main features of each period. The authors reflect on the possible emergence of the Third Republic in Italy. The study is relevant in view of the growing government crisis in the Italian Republic, aggravated by the epidemiological situation. Among the main trends that characterize the modern political system, the authors underline increasing heterogeneity, the emergence of coalitions that are formed not in accordance with political programs and political values, but with the political situation based on the principle “here and now”; tendency towards personification of parties, and increasing fragmentation of political spectrum. This gives a ground to deliberate on a possible existence in Italy of “liquid politics” (politica liquida) as a state of continuous political system “melting and overflowing” in the absence of a clear ideological delimitation ‒ one of the stages at which a new political reality is being constructed.

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13

Riall, Lucy. "Hero, saint or revolutionary? Nineteenth-century politics and the cult of Garibaldi." Modern Italy 3, no. 02 (November 1998): 191–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949808454803.

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SummaryGiuseppe Garibaldi was the most enduring political hero of nineteenth-century Italy. His political image was inspired by both the romantic movement and religion and, in turn, inspired a new kind of charismatic popular politics. The first part of this article explores the sources and assesses the impact of the cult of Garibaldi during the Risorgimento. The second part examines the use made of Garibaldi's image after Italian unification and, especially, after his death. It finds that government attempts to glorify Garibaldi were relatively unsuccessful while the parallel, republican cult of Garibaldi had a considerable impact. Thus, Garibaldi's extraordinary popularity highlighted the failed official ‘nationalization’ of Italians. At the same time, support for Garibaldi points to the emergence of an alternative sense of Italian national identity

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14

Mavropoulos, Nikolaos. "Italy in East Asia: Colonial Ambitions, Power Politics and Failures." China and the World 03, no. 02 (June 2020): 2050004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2591729320500042.

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The demographic-migration issue was to become a key alibi in Rome’s effort to take colonies, in which Italians were promised cultivable land, opportunities, social stature and advancement. The channeling of the surplus population in other areas constituted one of the pillars of Italian colonial policy and, by extension, reinforced the rhetoric linking the demographic issue with the quest for colonies. This justification of Italian colonialism as an alternative solution to the population problem had a more logical basis compared to the potential economic and raw material benefits of Africa or Asia.

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15

Myers (book author), Lindsay, and Anne Urbancic (review author). "Making the Italians. Poetics and Politics of Italian Children’s Fantasy." Quaderni d'italianistica 33, no. 2 (February 9, 2013): 273–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v33i2.19441.

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16

Cozzoli, Daniele. "Machiavelli: Italian Historiography and Politics." History of Humanities 6, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 327–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/713271.

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17

Newell, James L. "The value of Italian politics." Contemporary Italian Politics 9, no. 3 (September 2, 2017): 223–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2017.1396062.

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18

Bortoluzzi, Maria, and Elena Semino. "Face attack in Italian politics." Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict 4, no. 2 (December 16, 2016): 178–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlac.4.2.02bor.

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The second largest party in the Italian Parliament, the ‘5-Star Movement’, is led by comedian-turned-politician Beppe Grillo. Grillo is well-known for a distinctive and often inflammatory rhetoric, which includes the regular use of humorous but insulting epithets for other politicians, such as Psiconano (‘Psychodwarf’) for Silvio Berlusconi. This paper discusses a selection of epithets used by Grillo on his blog between 2008 and 2015 to refer to Berlusconi and three successive centre-left leaders. We account for the functions of the epithets in terms of Spencer-Oatey’s (2002, 2008) multi-level model of “face” and of Culpeper’s (2011) “entertaining” and “coercive” functions of impoliteness. We suggest that our study has implications for existing models of face and impoliteness and for an understanding of the evolving role of verbal aggression in Italian politics.

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19

Newell, James L. "Italian politics: a new departure." Contemporary Italian Politics 10, no. 4 (November 27, 2018): 301–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2018.1549528.

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20

De Vivo, Benedetto. "Italian quake: science rides politics." Nature 478, no. 7369 (October 2011): 324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/478324c.

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21

Calise, Mauro, and Mark Gilbert. "The Italian Revolution: The End of Politics Italian Style?" Political Science Quarterly 111, no. 1 (1996): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151938.

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22

Hoffmann, Stanley, and Mark Gilbert. "The Italian Revolution: The End of Politics, Italian Style?" Foreign Affairs 74, no. 6 (1995): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047414.

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23

Vannucci, Alberto. "Systemic corruption and disorganized anticorruption in Italy." Civitas - Revista de Ciências Sociais 20, no. 3 (November 13, 2020): 408–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-7289.2020.3.37877.

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TThis paper provides, trough different indicators, empirical evidence on the presumably high relevance of corruption in Italian politics and administration, providing an explanation of how this “obscure” side of Italian politics – a pervasive market for corrupt exchanges – has found its way to regulate its hidden activities within an informal institutional framework, i.e. systemic corruption. A general theoretical framework for the analysis of limits and “windows of opportunity” in Italian anticorruption policies will then be provided, crossing the degree of salience and politicization of corruption issue to explain how in different periods such variables shaped such policy arena. Finally, it will be shown how occasionally this dark side of Italian politics clashed with the clean side of politics, focusing on the reasons of the weak political accountability of Italian politicians involved in corruption scandals in the last decades.

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24

Mete, Vittorio. "Four types of anti-politics: Insights from the Italian case." Modern Italy 15, no. 1 (February 2010): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903477872.

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The wordantipolitica(‘anti-politics’) is widely used in contemporary Italian political debate. The concept of ‘anti-politics’ is also frequently used by social scientists in explaining the Italian political transition that took place during the 1990s and analysing the current political situation. In spite of this wide use, sociopolitical literature does not provide a consensual definition of the term. As result, the semantic field of the concept as yet appears poorly defined. This article provides a detailed look at the use of the term ‘anti-politics’ in the sociopolitical literature. Structuring the analysis around some basic conceptual distinctions, the article proposes a taxonomy of the meanings related to the term ‘anti-politics’, highlighting four different meanings of the concept. Referring in particular to the Italian political system, the article provides examples of the meanings of the concept of ‘anti-politics’ using phenomena occurring in the peninsula during the 1990s – phenomena which were central to the increasing use of the term in Italy during that decade.

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25

Sidoti, Francesco. "The Italian Political Class." Government and Opposition 28, no. 3 (July 1, 1993): 339–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1993.tb01320.x.

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IN MODERN ITALIAN, ‘POLITICAL CLASS’ IS A CONCEPT quite distinct from that of a ruling class. The notion of political class applies to a million people who are in full-time politics. The cream of these professional politicians is part of the ruling class: a term which applies to the people who effectively run the country working in business, finance, administration, politics, and so on.In Italy the history of the changing importance of the political class has always been connected with the weakness of the ruling class, which was evident from the beginning of unification. Italy became a nation-state in 1861, largely thanks to the action of a tiny group of patriots consisting of ambitious aristocrats and romantic intellectuals. While in the same period the Prussian monarchy gave strong leadership to the process of unification in Germany, the Piedmont monarchy led the Italian process of national unification under the discreet partnership, open protection, or direct involvement of other major European states. From 1861 to the present time in Italian history many observers have pointed to the weakness of the ruling class and the interference of foreign powers.

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26

Natale, Edoardo. "Analisi pragmatica e culturale del discorso del Premier Draghi del 17 Febbraio 2021." Revista Italiano UERJ 12, no. 2 (July 13, 2022): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/italianouerj.2021.67580.

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ABSTRACT: The intent of this article is to analyze the first speech of Prime Minister Mario Draghi during the motion of confidence request in the Italian Senate on February 17, 2021. This analysis intends to use the methodological tools present in the Principles of Cooperation (Grice, 1975), the speech acts categories (Searle, 1965), the politeness linguistic of Brown and Levinson (1987) with the addition of Schartz's concept of "collective face" (1992) and intercultural communication (Hofstede, 2011). The originality of this work consists in the use of a method of analysis usually used in a "sociological-statistical" key into a purely linguistic corpus such as political discourse in order to bring out some elements of correlation between speech acts and cultural dimensions. This article seeks to offer a useful interpretative tool to describe some speech acts formulated by Prime Minister Draghi with a "representative" value but with the intention of being instead of "directive" and "declarative" speech acts. This illocuctive force passage requested by Draghi could only be possible with the presence of a broad adhesion on the part of Italian politics to a cultural dimension of a "collectivism" due to the very delicate historical moment with the Covid-19 health crisis.Keywords: Cultural dimension. Political discourse. Speech acts. Politics. Italian culture RESUMO: O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar o primeiro discurso do primeiro-ministro Mario Draghi durante o pedido de confiança no Senado italiano em 17 de fevereiro de 2021. Esta análise pretende utilizar as ferramentas metodológicas presentes nos princípios da cooperação (Grice, 1975), as categorias de atos de fala (Searle, 1965), a cortesia linguística de Brown e Levinson (1987), além do conceito de " collective face " de Schartz (1992) e a comunicação intercultural (Hofstede, 2011). A originalidade deste artigo consiste na utilização de um método de análise usualmente empregado em uma chave "sociológico-estatística" em um campo puramente linguístico como o discurso político, para trazer à cena os elementos de correlação entre atos de fala e dimensões culturais. Em última análise, este artigo oferece uma ferramenta interpretativa útil para descrever alguns atos de fala formulados pelo primeiro-ministro Draghi com um valor caracterizado como "representativo", mas com a intenção de serem atos de fala "diretivos" e "declarativos". Essa passagem de força ilocutiva só poderia ser considerada possível com a presença de uma ampla adesão por parte da política italiana a uma dimensão cultural de tipo "coletivismo" devido ao momento histórico muito delicado com a crise sanitária.Palavras-chave: Dimensão cultural. Discurso político. Atos de fala. Política. Cultura italiana. ABSTRACT: L'intento di questo lavoro è di analizzare il primo discorso del premier Mario Draghi durante la richiesta della fiducia presso il Senato italiano il 17 Febbraio 2021. Questa analisi intende adoperare gli strumenti metodologici presenti nei principi di cooperazione ( Grice, 1975), le categorie degli atti linguistici ( Searle, 1965 ), la cortesia linguistica di Brown e Levinson ( 1987) con l'aggiunto del concetto di "faccia collettiva" di Schartz ( 1992) e della comunicazione interculturale ( Hofstede, 2011). L'originalità di questo lavoro consiste nell'utilizzo di un metodo di analisi adoperato solitamente in chiave "sociologico-statistico" in un ambito prettamente linguistico come il discorso politico per fare emergere gli elementi di correlazione tra gli atti linguistici e le dimensioni culturali. In definitiva, questo articolo offre uno strumento interpretativo utile per descrivere alcuni atti linguistici formulati dal premier Draghi con valore di tipo " rappresentativi" ma con l'intenzione di essere invece degli atti linguistici di natura " direttivi" e " dichiarativi". Questo passaggio di forza illocuttiva potrebbe dirsi possibile soltanto con la presenza di un'ampia adesione da parte della politica italiana ad una dimensione culturale di tipo " collettivismo" dovuta al momento storico molto delicato con la crisi sanitaria. Parole chiave: Dimensioni culturali. Discorso politico. Atti linguistici. Politica. Cultura italiana

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27

C. Martino, Simone. "POLITICS AND RELIGION IN ITALY: A CATHOLIC HISTORY." POLITICS AND RELIGION IN EUROPE 9, no. 2 (December 27, 2015): 233–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0902233m.

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The paper looks at the historical and contemporary role of Catholic Church in Italian politics. Over the last sixty years Catholicism has played an important role in Italian society. The paper identify three ways in which Catholicism interacts with Italian public life: as a peculiar version of “civil religion”, through Catholic inspirited political parties and the Church intervening directly in specific public debates. After identifies the change of political role of the Catholic Church in the last decades the paper recognize the main challenges for this particular relationship in the next future

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28

Choate, Mark I. "Sending States' Transnational Interventions in Politics, Culture, and Economics: The Historical Example of Italy." International Migration Review 41, no. 3 (September 2007): 728–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2007.00092.x.

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This article uses archival evidence to study in depth the historical policies of Italy as a classic sending state. Most of the mass migrations of a century ago came from multinational empires, but Italy was a recently formed independent state. Ambitious to benefit from emigration while assisting and protecting emigrants, Italy reached out to “Italians abroad” in several ways. For example, the state opened a low-cost channel for remittances through a nonprofit bank; promoted Italian language education among Italian families abroad; supported Italian Chambers of Commerce abroad; and subsidized religious missionary work among emigrants. Italy's historical example of political innovation and diplomatic negotiation provides context, comparisons, and possibilities for rapidly changing sending-state policies in the twenty-first century.

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29

Minca, Claudio. "Italian Studies, Italian Theory and the politics of trans-lation." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 34, no. 5 (July 26, 2016): 822–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263775816656526.

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30

Maccaferri, Marzia. "Intellectuals, journals, and the legitimisation of political power: the case of the Italian intellectual group of Il Mulino (1950s and 1960s)." Modern Italy 21, no. 2 (May 2016): 185–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2016.6.

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This article explores the intellectual discourse of Il Mulino’s intellectual group in relation to the transformation of Italian politics during the period leading up to the centre-left governments. First, it investigates Il Mulino’s cultural project of overcoming the hegemony of idealism by endorsing the empiricist approach favoured by Anglo-American social sciences, while establishing a new role for intellectuals. Then, it focuses on the group’s political agenda aimed at rationalising Italy’s ‘imperfect two-party system’. We argue that, within the Italian intellectual-political scenario, Il Mulino’s intellectual discourse sought to establish a new relationship between culture and politics. It tried to do so both by anchoring Italian political culture to the liberal- and social-democratic European tradition and by contributing to the stabilisation of Italian democracy, while proposing a reduction in the number of political parties.

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31

Di Scala (book editor), Spencer M., and Vincent Della Sala (review author). "Italian Socialism: Between Politics and History." Quaderni d'italianistica 17, no. 2 (October 1, 1996): 141–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v17i2.10170.

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32

Furlong, Paul. "Italian politics: a review. Vol. 3." International Affairs 66, no. 3 (July 1990): 609. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623137.

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33

Daniels, Philip. "Italian politics: ending the first republic." International Affairs 71, no. 4 (October 1995): 879–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2625169.

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34

Irving, R. E. M. "Italian politics: a review: Vol. 2." International Affairs 64, no. 4 (1988): 692–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2626106.

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35

Superti, Chiara. "Italian politics: technocrats in office. 2012." Contemporary Italian Politics 6, no. 3 (September 2, 2014): 300–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2014.966980.

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36

Duggan, C. J. H. "The Politics of Italian National Identity." English Historical Review 117, no. 472 (June 1, 2002): 749–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/117.472.749.

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37

Pasquino, Gianfranco. "Italian politics: no improvement in sight." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 12, no. 3 (September 2007): 273–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545710701455627.

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38

Pasquino, Gianfranco. "Making sense of recent Italian politics." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 13, no. 2 (June 2008): 259–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545710802011006.

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39

Hughes, H. Stuart. "Doing Italian history: Pleasure and politics." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 1, no. 1 (September 1995): 94–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545719508454908.

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40

Pederzoli, Patrizia, and Carlo Guarnieri. "The judicialization of politics, Italian style." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 2, no. 3 (September 1997): 321–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545719708454956.

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41

Derfler, Leslie. "Italian Socialism: Between Politics and History." History: Reviews of New Books 26, no. 1 (October 1997): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1997.10525290.

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42

Friguglietti, Mark, and Carl Levy. "Italian Regionalism: History, Identity and Politics." Italica 76, no. 2 (1999): 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/479761.

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Zucchini, Francesco. "The Oxford handbook of Italian politics." West European Politics 40, no. 2 (November 29, 2016): 489–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2016.1260877.

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Furlong, Paul. "The constitutional court in Italian politics." West European Politics 11, no. 3 (July 1988): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402388808424691.

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Pasotti, Eleonora. "Institutional Overshooting in Italian Urban Politics." South European Society and Politics 12, no. 2 (June 2007): 183–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608740701306268.

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D'Amore, Ciro. "Italian Politics and the Cattaneo Institute." South European Society and Politics 15, no. 1 (March 2010): 151–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608741003683172.

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D’Arma, Alessandro. "Global media, business and politics." International Communication Gazette 73, no. 8 (December 2011): 670–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048511420095.

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This article presents a comparative analysis of News Corporation’s entry strategy and rise to dominance in the British and Italian television markets through its satellite pay-TV operations, BSkyB and Sky Italia respectively. As well documented, News Corporation’s strategy in the UK has been heavily dependent on Rupert Murdoch’s cultivation of political connections. By contrast, in Italy Murdoch has been unable to influence local politics to further his business interests, as evidenced by the several regulatory setbacks suffered by Sky Italia. Thus, in order to explain News Corporation’s success in Italy, this article argues that emphasis must be placed primarily on the managerial and financial resources that the company has been able to mobilize. The analysis aims at broadening our understanding of how News Corporation operates in different national contexts, and should also prove valuable for the broader question concerning the shifting balance of power between transnational and national actors in today’s globalizing media landscape.

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Galeotti, Giulia. "Farsi beffe delle elettrici: la satira nel biennio 1945-1946." MONDO CONTEMPORANEO, no. 1 (May 2009): 151–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mon2009-001006.

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- The satire that in the years 1945 and 1946 commented the enfranchising of the Italian women replicated most of the themes emerged since the reunification of the country, in the year 1861: their lack of interest in politics, their political naiveté and therefore their asserted easy manipulability. The study of articles, short stories, riddles and cartoons of the time seems to confirm that the Italian society was not ready for women's entry into politics, beyond political and cultural differences. The author underlines however the surprising absence of a theme which had played a big role in the debate of the pre-Fascist years: the old concern that women's new political rights would have broken up the traditional balance inside family life. The author suggests that the main target of the time (in a kind of political maturation) were not women voters as such, but other subjects, along the same line followed by Aristophanes: when he presented Athens governed by women, his target were not female malice and luxury, but instead men's incapacity to govern a city in decline. The same happened at beginning of the foundation of the Italian Republic: the political satire invested the two main political parties that strongly supported the universal suffrage and were expected to gain most from it, the Christian Democratic Party and the Communist Party. Key words: political satire, women enfranchising, Bonomi Act January 1945, Italian elections 2 June 1946, the crises of politics, women and politics.

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Albertazzi, Daniele. "Conference report: Joint panels of the ‘Italian Politics Specialist Group’ with the ‘French Politics and Policy Specialist Group’ and panels of the ‘Italian Politics Specialist Group’ at the 53rd Annual Conference of the Political Studies Association (‘Democracy and Diversity’), 15–17 April 2003, University of Leicester." Modern Italy 8, no. 2 (November 2003): 219–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1353294032000131256.

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The ‘Italian Politics Group’ of the Political Studies Association (PSA) convened for the second time at the organization's annual conference, held this year at the University of Leicester. Co-ordinated by Felia Allum (Bath) and Jim Newell (Salford), the group provides a forum for debating Italian politics and generating collaborative publications among scholars largely, but not exclusively, based in the United Kingdom. This year, apart from its own panels, the group organized joint discussions on ‘decentralization’ and ‘presidentialism’ with the PSA's specialists in French politics.

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Sæbø, Øystein, Tommaso Federici, and Alessio Maria Braccini. "From protest to parliament: The role of digital technologies within an online community." Journal of Information Technology Teaching Cases 10, no. 1 (March 13, 2020): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2043886920910434.

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Our teaching case introduces the story of how the Italian Five Star Movement used digital technologies in the growth from a personal blog discussing politics back in 2005 to the most voted party in the Italian election in 2018, becoming part of the government. The Italian Five Star Movement is among the largest eParticipation initiatives globally. It is (almost) totally organized through the use of digital platforms. Members form online communities and are continuously invited to discuss and make decisions that end up into Italian politics. Adopting a chronological perspective, we describe the development of the Italian Five Star Movement, focusing on their use of digital technologies at various stages and for various purposes. The case illustrates the growth of online communities and the advent of a social movement organization within the political sphere, and how to organize for members to discuss and make political decisions online. Furthermore, it demonstrates the growth of online communities and opportunities and challenges faced with such a quick progress.

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