Academic literature on the topic 'Italian Free and resistance movements'

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Journal articles on the topic "Italian Free and resistance movements"

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Бычков and Maksim Bychkov. "F. Poletayev and Italian Resistance Movement." Socio-Humanitarian Research and Technology 3, no. 3 (September 10, 2014): 41–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/6229.

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The article considers participation of Soviet soldiers in the Italian Resistance on the example of Fyodor Poletayev. The guerrilla movement which began in Italy is analyzed in the context of the General history of the country in the 1920–1940-s. The fascist regime did not have a wide social base. Despite the apparent inability of the anti-fascist political parties and movements to agree among themselves and to take radical action to overthrow it, Italian people have been able to boldly speak out against it. This is reflected in rapid development of partisan movement, which despite harsh repression by German occupiers and their Italian allies was able to conduct intensive work on the liberation of Italy. Soviet soldiers fought among them. This topic was raised in Soviet historical and political literature, but has unfortunately dropped out of public attention recently and therefore requires a sort of resuscitation. This theme allows identifying the complexity, the diversity of problems faced by the people of the Soviet Union, and at the same time shows the role and importance of a common man on the background of global events.
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Ciccarelli, Roberto. "Expo Milano 2015: The Institutionalization of Working for Free in Italy." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 13, no. 2 (September 30, 2015): 423–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v13i2.703.

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This essay reports on the temporary and unpaid forms of labour around which the 2015 World’s Fair (Expo 2015) in Milan is organized and upon which it depends. The collective agreement supporting Expo 2015 is especially significant, the paper contends, in that it has been seized upon by the government of Matteo Renzi as a blueprint for the future of labour relations in Italy. Expo 2015 ushers in the institutionalization of unpaid work in the crisis-stricken Italian economy—a transformation approved by the major Italian trade unions that signed off on the collective agreement, but forcefully opposed by social movements who have decried the expansion of unpaid work permitted by the contract.
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Piffer, Tommaso. "Realtŕ e rappresentazione della Resistenza italiana nella documentazione delle formazioni partigiane." MONDO CONTEMPORANEO, no. 1 (May 2009): 119–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mon2009-001005.

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- The essay shows the importance of the records of the partisan movements in writing the history of the Resistance in Italy in World War II. Using these records, it seems possible to write a partially different history from that written by the most important authors in the past decades. This essay is focused on the relationships between leadership and ranks in the bands, the political consciousness of the partisans, their relationship with political parties and the strategy of the political leaders. In conclusion, the author suggests the opportunity of a new synthesis of this period based on this material. Key words: Resistance movement in Italy, Italian partisan movement, Italian Resistance historical studies, World War II, political parties and partisan bands, partisan records.
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Piffer, Tommaso. "Office of Strategic Services versus Special Operations Executive: Competition for the Italian Resistance, 1943–1945." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 4 (October 2015): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00596.

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This article explores the relationship between the British Special Operations Executive (SOE) and the U.S. Office of Strategic Services (OSS) in the Italian campaign during World War II. Drawing on recently declassified records, the article analyzes three issues that prevented satisfactory coordination between the two agencies and the impact those issues had on the effectiveness of the Allied military support given to the partisan movements: (1) the U.S. government's determination to maintain the independence of its agencies; (2) the inability of the Armed Forces Headquarters to impose its will on the reluctant subordinate levels of command; and (3) the relatively low priority given to the Italian resistance at the beginning of the campaign. The article contributes to recent studies on OSS and SOE liaisons and sheds additional light on an important turning point in the history of their relations.
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Choudry, Aziz. "Struggles Against Bilateral FTAs: Challenges for Transnational Global Justice Activism." Studies in Social Justice 7, no. 1 (November 19, 2012): 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v7i1.1052.

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The past decade has seen major movements and mobilizations against the new crop of bilateral free trade and investment agreements being pursued by governments in the wake of the failure of global (World Trade Organization) and regional (e.g. Free Trade Area of the Americas) negotiations, and the defeat of an attempted Multilateral Agreement on Investment in the 1990s. However, in spite of much scholarly, non-governmental organization (NGO) and activist focus on transnational global justice activism, many of these movements, such as the major multi-sectoral popular struggle over the recently-concluded US-Korea Free Trade Agreement, are hardly acknowledged in North America and Europe. With a shift in emphasis pushing liberalization and deregulation of trade and investment increasingly favouring lower-profile bilateral agreements, this article maps the resistance movements to these latest shifts in global free market capitalist relations and discusses the disconnect between these (mainly Southern) struggles and dominant scholarly and NGO conceptions of global justice and the global justice movement as well as questions of knowledge production arising from these movements.
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Cameselle-Pesce, Pedro. "Italian-Uruguayans for Free Italy: Serafino Romualdi's Quest for Transnational Anti-Fascist Networks during World War II." Americas 77, no. 2 (April 2020): 247–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2019.107.

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AbstractIn 1941, the well-known international Cold War actor Serafino Romualdi traveled to South America for the first time. As a representative of the New York-based Mazzini Society, Romualdi sought to grow a robust anti-fascist movement among South America's Italian communities, finding the most success in Uruguay. As Romualdi conducted his tour of South America, he began writing a series of reports on local fascist activities, which caught the attention of officials at the Office of the Coordinator for Inter-American Affairs (OCIAA), a US government agency under the direction of Nelson Rockefeller. The OCIAA would eventually tap Romualdi and his growing connections in South America to gather intelligence concerning Italian and German influence in the region. This investigation sheds light on the critical function that Romualdi and his associates played in helping the US government to construct the initial scaffolding necessary to orchestrate various strategies under the umbrella of OCIAA-sponsored cultural diplomacy. Despite his limited success with Italian anti-fascist groups in Latin America, Romualdi's experience in the region during the early 1940s primed him to become an effective agent for the US government with a shrewd understanding of the value in shaping local labor movements during the Cold War.
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Ledermann, Jonathan A. "Benefits of Enhancing the Platinum-Free Interval in the Treatment of Relapsed Ovarian Cancer: More Than Just a Hypothesis?" International Journal of Gynecologic Cancer 21, Supp 1 (May 2011): S9—S11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/igc.0b013e318217b30b.

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There is some evidence from in vitro studies as well as case series that patients with documented platinum resistance will respond to platinum after a nonplatinum drug. In addition, retrospective case studies have demonstrated the difficulty in determining if delaying second platinum is detrimental or beneficial. For that reason, a prospective Italian randomized trial conducted by the Multicenter Italian Trials in Ovarian Cancer (MITO) Group (MITO-8), comparing nonplatinum with platinum-based therapy is being performed to assess the effects of delaying platinum on survival.
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Vinthagen, Stellan. "Power as Subordination and Resistance as Disobedience: Non-violent Movements and the Management of Power." Asian Journal of Social Science 34, no. 1 (2006): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853106776150207.

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AbstractThis text synthesizes non-violent resistance theory (Sharp, 1973) and late modern power theory (Foucault, 1974), in an attempt to understand resistance to power. Contemporary non-violence research focuses on the power relation between the (free) Citizen and the (centralised) State, and does not consider the power which disciplines people's perception and behaviour in accordance with "truth-regimes", or non-violent activists. Hence, a modification of the consent theory is needed to destabilize its Cartesian assumption of a (non-violent) Subject with a free, autonomous and conscious will. At the same time, in opposition to prevalent interpretations of Foucault, I will argue that incorporated forms of power imply cooperative subordination. The actor still has a precarious space to choose or resist. This in turn, opens new space to understand resistance, which is indicated in the conclusion.
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Scheidel, Walter. "Human Mobility in Roman Italy, I: the Free Population." Journal of Roman Studies 94 (November 2004): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4135008.

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How did the relentless spread of Roman power change people's lives? From military mobilization, urbanization, slavery, and the nexus between taxation and trade to linguistic and religious change and shifting identities, the most pervasive consequences of empire all had one thing in common: population movements on an unprecedented scale. Yet despite its pivotal role in social and cultural change, the nature of Roman mobility has never been investigated in a systematic fashion. In this study, I develop a comprehensive quantitative model of population transfers within, to, and from Italy, from the late fourth century B.C. to the first century A.D. Owing to the diverse and complex character of these movements, I develop my argument in two steps. The present paper deals with the demographic context, scale, and distribution of the migration of free persons. I argue that the total population of Italy in the early imperial period was of the order of five to six million rather than fourteen to twenty million (Section II); that state-sponsored re-settlement programmes dramatically increased overall levels of mobility on three occasions (during the Italian wars in the late fourth and early third centuries B.C., in the aftermath of the Second Punic War in the early second century B.C., and in the period of constitutional transition from the 80s to the 10s B.C.) (Section III); and that in the last two centuries B.C., colonization programmes and urban growth in Italy required the permanent relocation of approximately two to two-and-a-half million adults (Section IV).
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Dalcher, Christina Villafaña. "Consonant weakening in Florentine Italian: A cross-disciplinary approach to gradient and variable sound change." Language Variation and Change 20, no. 2 (July 2008): 275–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394508000021.

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ABSTRACTFew acoustic studies of the intervocalic consonant lenition in central Italian dialects (a process known as Gorgia Toscana) have been undertaken. This study examines speech data from Florentine Italian in order to describe the process of Gorgia Toscana quantitatively and to assess the roles of physiological, perceptual, phonological, and social factors in the process. Results of acoustic and statistical analysis indicate gradient and variable output, with certain patterns occurring in the variation. The observations that emerge from the data cannot all be accounted for if Gorgia Toscana is characterized as a purely phonetic, phonological, or socially driven process of sound change. Rather, different aspects of the process are attributed to different motivators: gradience and velar preference to articulator movements, resistance of nonvelar lenition to perceptual constraints, targeting of a natural class and categorical weakening to abstract featural representations, and intersubject variation in velar lenition to external social factors.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Italian Free and resistance movements"

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Hidalgo, Luis F. "Neoliberal globalization and its critics : theory, practice and resistance in the Americas." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=31114.

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This paper advances a theoretical construct entitled "neoliberal globalization" to explain the transformations in state form since the late 1970s which have been inspired by neoliberalism, an ideology privileging market mechanisms for capital accumulation and social organization. The essay will then examine the phenomenon of Canada's and Quebec's integration into the North American and the hemispheric economies since the mid-1980s. The following section will focus on the impact of neoliberal globalization on Quebec's idiosyncratic modalities of state organization and social integration. Lastly, the essay will investigate a transnational resistance movement in the Americas opposing neoliberal hemispheric integration, as well as recent mutations on Quebec's social and political left. The growth of cross-border coalitions opposing the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) and transformation of left politics in Quebec will be accounted for by reviewing theories of social movement internationalism.
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Books on the topic "Italian Free and resistance movements"

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For love and country: The Italian Resistance. Lanham: University Press of America, 2003.

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Slaughter, Jane. Women and the Italian resistance, 1943-1945. Denver, Colo: Arden Press, 1997.

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Wilhelm, Maria de Blasio. The other Italy: Italian resistance in World War II. New York: Norton, 1988.

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Wilhelm, Maria. The other Italy: Italian resistance in World War II. New York: Norton, 1988.

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Wilhelm, Maria de Blasio. The other Italy: Italian resistance in World War II. New York: Ishi Press International, 2013.

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Lewis, Laurence. Echoes of resistance: British involvement with the Italian partisans. Tunbridge Wells, Kent: Costello, 1985.

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Orebaugh, Walter W. Guerrilla in striped pants: A U.S. diplomat joins the Italian resistance. New York: Praeger, 1992.

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Weitz, Margaret Collins. Sisters in the Resistance: How women fought to free France, 1940-1945. New York: J. Wiley, 1995.

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Romagnoli, G. Franco. The bicycle runner: A memoir of love, loyalty, and the Italian resistance. New York: Thomas Dunne Books, 2009.

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Hinks, Peter P. To awaken my afflicted brethren: David Walker and the problem of antebellum slave resistance. University Park, Pa: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997.

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Book chapters on the topic "Italian Free and resistance movements"

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Ayoub, Joey. "Songs for Free Syria and Regional Cross-Border Solidarity." In Edition Politik, 66–73. Bielefeld, Germany: transcript Verlag, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/9783839470558-009.

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Joey Ayoub's contribution explores the songs of the 2011 Syrian revolution, that was crushed by Assad, survived and are sung today in movements of resistance all over the Middle East and Northern Africa, from Palestine to Sudan and Algeria. It argues that chants, alongside visual creations such as protest signs, memes, music videos, and so on, are important tools of non-violent resistance, especially during times when taking to the streets becomes too dangerous. Often they are more lasting than the political movements they emerge from, reappearing in new forms adapted for the local context, and inspiring new moments of resistance.
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"Free Blacks and Resistance." In Black Movements in America, 53–74. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203948132-8.

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Corsín Jiménez, Alberto, and Adolfo Estalella. "Free Neighborhoods." In Free Culture and the City, 23–41. Cornell University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501767173.003.0002.

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This chapter traces the history of autonomous movements in Madrid and their entanglement with the struggles for housing rights and neighborhood politics of squatted social centers. It looks at the ties that university students established with Italian autonomia collectives in their fight against precarity in the 1990s. It also cites Manuel Castells' The City and the Grassroots that famously described the vibrancy of the associative, neighborhood, and libertarian movements in Madrid. The chapter talks about the citizen social movement that took to the streets in the 1970s and is considered as the most powerful and innovative neighborhood movement of any European capital. It mentions that the Madrid Citizen Movement epitomized for Castells the capacity of social movements to vindicate specific rights or resources and to produce qualitative changes in the urban system, local culture, and political institutions.
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Porta, Donatella della, Francis O’Connor, Martín Portos, and Anna Subirats Ribas. "Expanding the comparison: the water referendum in Italy." In Social Movements and Referendums from Below. Policy Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447333418.003.0005.

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This chapter examines the 2011 water referendum in Italy, focusing on the appropriation of opportunities, resource mobilisation, and the framing of the campaign by social movements and civil society organisations. It shows that some of the characteristics of the referendums from below that were observed in Scotland and Catalonia also fit the Italian case. In terms of appropriation of opportunities, the referendum against the privatisation of water supply was far from a single-issue campaign, instead emerging from long-lasting struggles that made use of a multiple and varied repertoire of contention, including institutional and unconventional forms of action. The chapter also discusses how the closing down of opportunities at the national level and the availability of political allies at the local level prompted the use of forms of direct democracy. Finally, it demonstrates how the provision of water became a symbol of resistance to neoliberalism and austerity policies in Italy.
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della Porta, Donatella. "Framing the Anti-vax Protests." In Regressive Movements in Times of Emergency, 102–40. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198884309.003.0004.

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Abstract The chapter addresses collective framing by anti-vax organizations and activists. The analysis of the framing processes in the Italian anti-vax campaigns identifies the diagnostic frame in the expansion of the powers of a (hidden) elite through various global plots aimed at exercising total control over citizens. The prognostic solution is the defence of (assumed) previously existing liberties, primarily related with freedom, defined in a negative sense as the primacy of individual choice over the collective good. Oppositional frames targeted what was seen as a large global conspiracy, carried out by politicians, corporations, and Big Pharma, which aimed at establishing a sanitary dictatorship. The identity-framing involved a call for individual freedoms, which were considered as being jeopardized by an international elite of politicians, scientists, and journalists with the intention of imposing a global order, pointing to the resistance of a persecuted population of enlightened and critical individuals fighting against a powerful global elite, supported by loyal serfs (such as journalists and experts) and a mass of vaccinated ‘zombies’. As the comparison with the German and Greek cases confirms, different strands present at the beginning of the mobilization tend to be bridged through the spreading of conspiracy thinking.
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Greble, Emily. "“Back to Islam!”." In Muslims and the Making of Modern Europe, 213–30. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197538807.003.0009.

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In April 1941, the Axis powers attacked, occupied, and dismembered Yugoslavia. A multi-sided civil conflict broke out within the international war. Balkan Muslims fought on many different sides: as Ustashas, members of the Croatian army (domobrani), two different Waffen SS units, the Wehrmacht, and various Italian divisions; they also fought against the Axis as members of communist resistance armies (Partisans), national resistance armies (Chetniks and Ballists), and different Muslim militias and bandit groups. Muslims were both perpetrators and victims in regional campaigns of mass violence and genocide. This chapter traces Muslim responses to these complex wartime dynamics. It reveals how some Muslims hoped that Hitler’s New European order would undo decades of European policy that had subverted Islamic legal autonomy and Muslims’ confessional rights under the guise of bureaucratic and legal reform. Armed with languages of political Islam and the tools of revivalist mass movements, some Muslims fought to enshrine Islamic law in domestic codes and use wartime conditions to re-Islamicize society. Other Muslims became attracted to promises of brotherhood and liberation espoused by socialist resistance movements, seeing socialism as the best path forward for Muslim equality in Europe. The war created both hardship and opportunity.
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Piffer, Tommaso. "The Communist Movement on the Offensive." In The Big Three Allies and the European Resistance, 135–64. Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198826347.003.0007.

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Abstract At the beginning of 1943, the Red Army’s victory at Stalingrad and the approach of the Soviet spring offensive disrupted the geopolitical balance within the Grand Alliance: Moscow was asserting its role as a European power and commencing its bid for Eastern Europe. Both in Czechoslovakia and Poland, Stalin moved cautiously, manoeuvring Beneš into the Soviet orbit and blaming the Polish Government-in-exile for the inevitable break in relations with Moscow. In order to increase the room for manoeuvre of the communist parties, the Comintern was disbanded and replaced by the Department of International Information. The situation in the Balkans remained uncertain. After the Italian surrender in September 1943, the Greek and Albanian communist-led resistance groups tried to seized power and move onto the offensive against their internal enemies. Moscow had put its weight behind Tito, and Stalin was infuriated when Tito entered on a collision course with the Yugoslav Government-in-exile. The impasse was solved by Churchill, who in December 1943 decided to give full British support to Tito and spared Stalin the choice between the communist movements and the Yugoslav Government-in-exile.
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Gabriëls, René. "A geometry of crises, criticism and collective action." In Combating crises from below: Social responses to polycrisis in Europe. Maastricht University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.26481/mup.2301.02.

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This chapter discusses the need for an alternative to neoliberalism, which has convinced many people that there is no alternative to free-market capitalism. The experiences of people suffering from the consequences of neoliberal policies, such as poverty and environmental pollution, are depoliticized, and there is a democratic deficit when politicians do not listen to them. Social movements and collective action are necessary to combat the transnational geometry of crises in Europe, and a sense of injustice is an essential driver of political resistance. The article explores the relations between the socio-economic, ecological, and crisis of democracy and the possibilities of political opposition to this geometry of crises.
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Beck, Colin J., Mlada Bukovansky, Erica Chenoweth, George Lawson, Sharon Erickson Nepstad, and Daniel P. Ritter. "The Violence-Nonviolence Dichotomy." In On Revolutions, 59–84. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197638354.003.0004.

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Chapter 3 argues that the violence-nonviolence dichotomy is problematic for two reasons. First, many revolutionary movements make strategic shifts over time. It is not uncommon for an unarmed movement to take up weapons against the state, just as it is not uncommon for armed guerrillas to lay down their weapons to embark on civil resistance campaigns. The same revolution may be violent in one stage and nonviolent in another. To illustrate how, why, and when such strategic shifts occur, two cases are discussed: the Northern Ireland Civil Rights movement, which eventually declined in favor of the armed revolt of the Provisional Irish Republican Army, and the West Papua Liberation movement, which turned from armed struggle to civil resistance. The second problem with the violence-nonviolence dichotomy is that movements rarely adhere strictly to one set of tactics or another. Violent revolutionaries often make use of nonviolent actions, such as boycotts or general strikes, using these tactics in tandem with armed struggle. And nonviolent civil resisters sometimes damage buildings or police vehicles, which some consider to be violent. Although a movement may predominantly rely on one strategy or another, there are messy areas that blur the violent-nonviolent boundaries. When researchers break free of this dichotomous way of thinking, they are able to explore when, where, and why these strategic shifts occur and what the impact is of including violent tactics in a nonviolent movement and vice versa.
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"The Survival of the Jews in France: A Multifactorial Approach." In The Survival of the Jews in France, 1940-44, translated by Jacques Semelin, Natasha Lehrer, and Cynthia Schoch, 259–78. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190939298.003.0006.

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No single element explains the high rate of survival of the Jews in France; in fact, a wide range of factors must be taken into account. The author does not claim that 75% of the Jews in France were rescued, but argues instead that they survived, which is not at all the same thing. Although survival implies intentional acts of rescue and self-rescue, it also depends on broader factors. These are structural and contextual in nature, having to do with the Nazis’ strategic objectives in Europe, the existence of a Free Zone in France, the evolution of Vichy policy and public opinion, the creation of the Italian zone, the rise of the Resistance, the failures and limits of repressive measures, the evolution of the international context and the military front.
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Conference papers on the topic "Italian Free and resistance movements"

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Zhang, Junfeng, Reza Mohammadi, and Daniel Y. Kwok. "Droplet Movements and Continuous Flows in Rough and Hydrophobic Microchannels." In ASME 3rd International Conference on Microchannels and Minichannels. ASMEDC, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icmm2005-75171.

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In this paper, we have studied the droplet movements and continuous flows confined between two rough and hydrophobic surfaces. A recently proposed mean-field free-energy lattice Boltzmann model was employed. The movement of contact point over a well-patterned rough surface displays a periodic sticking-jumping-slipping behavior; while the dynamic contact angle changes accordingly from maximum to minimum values. These complex varying behaviors are totally different from those on flat surfaces and implies more carefulness is necessary in interpreting measured contact angles on rough surfaces. Two regimes were found of the droplet velocity changing with the surface roughness: first decreasing and then increasing; and qualitative analysis was given. We have also studied the continuous flow rates and two cases, with and without vapor trapped, were compared. Simulation results show the vapor trapped can indeed reduce the resistance to fluid motion from the channel surfaces, and such information could be useful for microfluidic applications.
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Gobbi, Massimiliano, Gianpiero Mastinu, Stefano Melzi, Giorgio Previati, Luca Ronconi, and Edoardo Sabbioni. "A Driving Simulator for UN157 Homologation Activities." In ASME 2022 International Design Engineering Technical Conferences and Computers and Information in Engineering Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/detc2022-89909.

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Abstract UN157 Regulation is devoted to the homologation of SAE Level 3 automated vehicles. The research and development activities related with the Regulation may require an extensive usage of driving simulators. Developing a sickness-free driving simulator is crucial for extensive tests to be performed with ordinary drivers. The paper presents the technical features of the new driving simulator of the Politecnico di Milano. A number of biometric set of signals is recorded, namely, forces and moments at each single hand at the steering wheel, heart rate variability, skin resistance potential, eye movements. A matching of the objective monitoring of the driver is compared with the subjective psychological status. An initial population of 30 subjects has been investigated. The new driving simulator has shown a good acceptance by ordinary drivers. Both objective and psychologic subjective assessment agree to state that the new driving simulator may be used to test ordinary driver behavior in a motorway scenario.
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