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Journal articles on the topic 'Italian Communist Party'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 10 March 2023

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1

Santoro, Stefano. "Il Partito comunista italiano e i regimi comunisti dell’Europa orientale attraverso la rivista “Rinascita”." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 66, no. 2 (April 13, 2022): 179–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2021.2.09.

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"The Italian Communist Party and the communist regimes of Eastern Europe through the magazine “Rinascita”. The cultural magazine of the Italian Communist Party “Rinascita” was published from 1944 to 1991, thus following the evolution of that party from the post-WWII to its self-dissolution. Through an analysis of the articles published in the magazine, this contribution studies the evolution of the image of the communist regimes of Eastern Europe among the Italian communists, retracing the strategic and ideological changes that characterized the Pci, along a difficult path that from the cult of Stalin eventually came to social democracy. Keywords: Magazine “Rinascita”; Italian Communist Party; Eastern Europe; “Real socialism”. "

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2

Živković, Bogdan. "Inspiring Dissent: Yugoslavia and the Italian Communist Party during 1956." Tokovi istorije 29, no. 3 (December 31, 2021): 171–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.3.ziv.171-198.

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This paper analyzes the relations between the communist parties of Yugoslavia and Italy during 1956, one of the most important years of the history of communism. The dissenting nature of those relations, which were based on the mutual wish to limit the Soviet hegemony within the global communist movement, is in the focus of this analysis. Finally, this paper aims to demonstrate how the roots of the close friendship between the two parties during the sixties and seventies can be traced back to 1956, and how the Yugoslav communists influenced or tried to influence their Italian counterparts.

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3

Sassoon, Donald. "The Italian Communist Party, Wars and Revolutions." Notebooks: The Journal for Studies on Power 1, no. 2 (February 14, 2022): 368–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26667185-01020009.

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Abstract Following the path dependence principle, the article describes the emergence of communism and the role played by wars and revolutions as unrepeatable and extraordinary catalyst factors. According to this view, communist parties can be considered institutions that outlasted the situations that created them and that, to survive, have been constantly forced to adapt to new circumstances such as fascism, the cold war or the clash of ussr. In this framework, the article describes the peculiar path of the Italian Communist Party (pci).

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4

Podemski, Piotr. "Antyamerykańska trauma i nostalgia za komunizmem we włoskiej wojnie o pamięć na przykładzie twórczości Giorgia Gabera." Politeja 18, no. 1(70) (February 1, 2021): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.70.07.

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Anti-American Trauma and Nostalgia for Communism in the Italian Memory War as Presented in Giorgio Gaber’s Work Although the contemporary Italian memory war originally stems from a debate around the trauma of the 1943-1945 civil war between Italian Fascists and the Resistance, it’s almost equally crucial aspect remains that of the two conflicting narratives of the early Cold War period (1945-1948). One of those is the dominant memory pattern, imposed by the ruling Christian Democratic Party (pro-American and anti-Communist), opposed by the alternative and marginalized view promoted by the Communists (anti-American and pro-Communist). Giorgio Gaber (1939-2003), a famous Italian cantautore (singer-songwriter), is one the exponents of anti-American trauma and nostalgia for communism within the latter narrative. In his two famous texts, America and Some used to be Communists, he offers precious insights into these aspects of his generation’s own memory and their ancestors’ post-memory of the post-war period.

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5

Goretti, Leo. "Sport popolare italiano e Arbeitersport tedesco-occidentale (1945-1950)." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 78 (October 2009): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2009-078004.

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- Focuses on the sport policies of the Italian Communist Party and the West German Social Democratic Party in the post-war period. Whereas the Pci leadership decided to build up a flanking sports association (the Unione Italiana Sport Popolare, established in 1948), the Spd abandoned the pre-Nazi tradition of the Arbeitersport (workers' sport). Based on a research undertaken in the archives of the two parties, the article analyses their sport policies in a comparative perspective. Particular attention is paid to the legacy of the Nazi and Fascist regimes and the different political contexts in the two countries after World War II.Keywords: Italian Communist Party, West German Social Democratic Party, Sport, Labour Movement, Leisure.Parole chiave: Partito comunista italiano, Partito socialdemocratico tedesco-occidentale, sport, movimento operaio, tempo libero.

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6

De Martino, Claudia. "Israel and the Italian Communist Party (1948–2015): From fondness to enmity." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 48, no. 4 (August 14, 2015): 281–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.07.004.

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Based on a wide array of archival sources of the Communist Party of Italy (PCI), the article explores the historical relationship between the Party, Israel and the Jew and focuses on the real motivations behind the current divide between Israel and the European (Communist or former Communist) Left. The articles argues that Communism for Israel has not been lost for the presumed discriminatory attitude of the Jews in the Communist world, nor for historical growing Communist support of Palestinian guerrilla groups, but because of the increasing militarism and nationalism of the Zionist Left and the erosion of Communist and pacifist ideals.

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7

IANDOLO, ALESSANDRO. "Unforgettable 1956? The PCI and the Crisis of Communism in Italy." Contemporary European History 23, no. 2 (April 2, 2014): 259–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777314000046.

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AbstractThe Italian left has always perceived 1956 as an extraordinary year, because of the succession of international events that supposedly shocked many Italian militants and convinced them to abandon communism and the Italian Communist Party. On the contrary, this article claims that the real reasons for the crisis of communism in Italy had little to do with international events and must be found instead in the momentous economic and social changes that Italy was experiencing at the time. Unforgettable 1956 was therefore only a moment in a longer-term process that was destined to change communism in Italy. The article is based on previously unused documents now available at the Italian Communist Party Archive.

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8

Timmermann, Heinz. "Moscow and the Italian communist party." Journal of Communist Studies 3, no. 1 (March 1987): 104–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523278708414854.

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9

C., J. C., and Joan Barth Urban. "Moscow and the Italian Communist Party." Foreign Affairs 65, no. 1 (1986): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042923.

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10

Mišić, Saša. "„Ne može se više ponoviti 1948. godina!“ Jugoslavija i italijanski komunisti i socijalisti 1957–1962." Tokovi istorije 30, no. 2 (August 31, 2022): 153–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2022.2.mis.153-185.

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The paper presents an analysis of relations between Yugoslavia and the two most important parties of the Italian left: the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) at a time when relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union deteriorated again. It is an effort to explain the way in which the dispute between Belgrade and Moscow affected the relations of the Yugoslav communists with those Italian parties.

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11

Castellina, Luciana. "The pci: The Communist Giraffe." Notebooks: The Journal for Studies on Power 1, no. 2 (February 14, 2022): 356–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26667185-01020008.

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Abstract This commentary offers an insight into ‘the Gramsci genome’, the concept typically used to underline Gramsci’s influence on the historical experience of the Italian Communist Party (Partito Comunista Italiano; pci). Drawing on a personal and specific experience of political militancy within the party, this contribution explores how the pci, by assuming the role of a collective subject in Gramscian terms, pursued the Gramscian line of revolution as a protracted process of democratic expansion and conquest of essential forms of power in civil society. The article underlines the pivotal role played in this endeavour by party leadership until the death of Palmiro Togliatti; it assesses the events that led to the end of pci – including Berlinguer’s failed attempt to revive a left alternative after the historic compromise position; and underlines the persistent need for communism (a ‘more robust communism’) in view of the disaster caused by capitalism over the last 40 years.

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12

Pons, Silvio. "Stalin, Togliatti, and the Origins of the Cold War in Europe." Journal of Cold War Studies 3, no. 2 (May 2001): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039701300373862.

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Soviet policy toward the Italian Communist Party (PCI) from 1943 to 1948 exemplified Josif Stalin's complicated relationship with the West European Communist parties and Western Europe in general. For a considerable while, Stalin insisted that the PCI follow a policy of moderation. Palmiro Togliatti, the leader of the PCI, heeded Stalin's orders and tried to ensure that the Italian Communists pursued a policy of national unity and avoided conflicts that might lead to civil war in Italy. But this moderate approach collapsed after the Soviet Union rejected the Marshall Plan in 1947 and thereby forced the West European Communist parties into extra-parliamentary opposition. Not until after the poor showing of the PCI in the 1948 Italian elections was the party able to regain a viable role. Stalin's conflicting advice to the PCI was indicative of his tenuous grasp of the situation in Western Europe.

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13

Daniels, Philip A. "Seventeenth congress of the Italian communist party." Journal of Communist Studies 2, no. 3 (September 1986): 298–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523278608414825.

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14

Haig, Fiona. "The Poznań Uprising of 1956 as Viewed by French and Italian Communists." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 2 (April 2016): 160–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00641.

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The Poznań uprising of June 1956, coming just a few months after Nikita Khrushchev's landmark “secret speech” at the Twentieth Soviet Party Congress, constituted the first real test of de-Stalinization. The uprising was a turning point in postwar Polish history and the precursor to subsequent bouts of unrest in Poland. Yet, the episode itself and its repercussions that year were overshadowed by more pressing and dramatic developments, especially the revolution in Hungary four months later. The responses of the leaders of the two largest non-ruling Communist parties to the Poznań rebellion have been well documented, but much less is known about how ordinary Communist Party members in Italy and France viewed the unrest. This article draws for the first time on the personal testimonies of more than fifty people who in 1956 were rank-and-file Communists from the federations of Var and Gorizia. The article looks in detail at the contemporary reactions to the anti-Communist rebellion. In so doing, it reveals much about ordinary Communists’ priorities, degrees of critical detachment, and level of commitment to the Soviet Union and the Communist cause.

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15

Forlenza, Rosario. "The Italian Communist Party, local government and the Cold War." Modern Italy 15, no. 2 (May 2010): 177–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903513544.

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The Italian national elections of 18 April 1948 handed power to the Christian Democratic Party. The Italian Communist Party had, however, gained significant municipal control in the local elections of 1946. For the Communists, the local level became the testing ground where administrative practices, political initiatives, social alliances and economic projects were developed. The leaders and the intellectuals worked to outline the cultural framework of a political project which could challenge national politics from town councils. Meanwhile, with a view to making gains in the local elections of 1951–1952, propaganda was used in an attempt to diffuse and proselytise municipal political programmes among different social classes in a divided socioeconomic environment.

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16

Drake, Richard. "The Soviet Dimension of Italian Communism." Journal of Cold War Studies 6, no. 3 (July 2004): 115–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1520397041447355.

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This essay reviews two books that provide diverging views of the relationship between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Soviet Union. The first book, a lengthy collection of declassified documents from the former Soviet archives, provides abundant evidence of the PCI's crucial dependence on Soviet funding. No Communist party outside the Soviet bloc depended more on Soviet funding over the years than the PCI did. Vast amounts of money flowed from Moscow into the PCI's coffers. The Italian Communists maintained their heavy reliance on Soviet funding until the early 1980s. The other book discussed here a memoir by Gianni Cervetti, a former senior PCI financial official seeks to defend the party's policy and to downplay the importance of the aid provided by Moscow. Nonetheless, even Cervetti's book makes clear, if only inadvertently, that the link with the Soviet Union helped spark the broader collapse of Marxism-Leninism as a mobilizing force.

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17

Njølstad, Olav. "The Carter Administration and Italy: Keeping the Communists Out of Power Without Interfering." Journal of Cold War Studies 4, no. 3 (July 2002): 56–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039702320201076.

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From the late 1940s on, the United States did its best to prevent the Italian Communist Party (PCI)from gaining a role in the Italian government. When Jimmy Carter took office in Washington in 1977, the PCI once again was maneuvering for a share of power in Rome. Some observers in Italy speculated that the new U.S. administration would be less averse than its predecessors had been to the prospect of Communist participation in the Italian government. The Carter administration's initial statements and actions created further ambiguity and may have emboldened some senior PCI officials to step up their efforts to gain at least a share of power. Faced with the prospect that Communists would be invited into a coalition government in Italy, the Carter administration dropped its earlier caution and spoke out unequivocally against a “historic compromise” involving the PCI. Although it is difficult to say whether the more forceful U.S. stance made a decisive difference, the ruling Christian Democrats in Italy were able to keep the Communist Party out of the government.

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18

Drake, Richard, and David I. Kertzer. "Politics and Symbols: The Italian Communist Party and the Fall of Communism." American Historical Review 102, no. 4 (October 1997): 1188. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170721.

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19

Grand, Alexander De, and David I. Kertzer. "Politics and Symbols: The Italian Communist Party and the Fall of Communism." Political Science Quarterly 112, no. 4 (1997): 726. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2657726.

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20

Hoffmann, Stanley, and David I. Kertzer. "Politics and Symbols: The Italian Communist Party and the Fall of Communism." Foreign Affairs 75, no. 6 (1996): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047865.

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21

Minicuci, Maria. "Politics and Symbols: The Italian Communist Party and the Fall of Communism." American Ethnologist 25, no. 3 (August 1998): 540–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1998.25.3.540.

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22

Furlong, Paul. "The Last Congress of the Italian Communist Party." Government and Opposition 26, no. 2 (April 1, 1991): 267–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb01138.x.

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23

Costantini, Emanuela. "Relations between the PCI and the league of communists from the second post-war period to the mid-1960s." Balcanica, no. 53 (2022): 243–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2253243c.

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The relations between Tito and Togliatti and their respective parties were conditioned by the omnipresent influence that Communist party of Soviet Union had on both partners. During the period of Stalin?s rule, the Italian communist were staunch Stalinists, thus Tito?s split with Stalin and the issue of Trieste were the main obstacles in bilateral relations. Khrushchev?s destalinization process opened new possibilities for inter party relations across the Adriatic, which however continued to be conditioned by the strategy of their Soviet comrades. Khrushchev?s lessening of the control over ?sister? parties give more space for Italians to learn more about Yugoslav path to communism. Nevertheless, the PCI continued to follow the Moscow line, while PCY looked to create its own based on nonaligned movement and self-management, which continued to be closely watched but not applied by PCI during Togliatti?s time in office.

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24

Lee, Joanne. "Political utopia or Potemkin village? Italian travellers to the Soviet Union in the early Cold War." Modern Italy 20, no. 4 (November 2015): 379–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1353294400014836.

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Situated on the border between the capitalist West and Communist East, and with the largest Communist party in Western Europe, Italy found itself at the centre of global ideological struggles in the early Cold War years. A number of Italian writers and intellectuals who had joined the PCI (Partito Comunista Italiano) during the Resistance had hoped that the party would play a central role in the post-war reconstruction of Italy and were attracted to the Soviet Union as an example of Communism in action. This article centres on accounts of journeys to the USSR by Sibilla Aleramo, Renata Viganò and Italo Calvino. It will argue that although their writings portray a largely positive vision of the USSR, they should not be dismissed as naive, or worse, disingenuous travellers whose willingness to embrace Soviet-style Communism was based on a wholescale rejection of Western society and its values (see P. Hollander's 1998 [1981] work, Political Pilgrims: Western Intellectuals in Search of the Good Society). Rather, the article shows how their accounts of the USSR shed light on the writers' relationship with the PCI and argues that the views expressed in the travelogues emerge from the writers' personal experiences of war and resistance, a fervent desire to position themselves as anti-Fascist intellectuals, and their concerns regarding the direction that Italian politics was taking at a pivotal moment in the nation's history.

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25

Cella, Elisa, Maja Gori, and Alessandro Pintucci. "The trowel and the sickle. Italian archaeology and its Marxist legacy." Ex Novo: Journal of Archaeology 1 (December 31, 2016): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/exnovo.v1i0.399.

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During the second post-war period (1945-1960s), the Italian Communist party was a hub of intellectuals, and as such influenced the development of Italian archaeology as well. Marxist ideology indeed was perceived as means to enfranchise the discipline from the old academia. Focusing on of the so-called “Roman school” of archaeology, this paper analyzes the influence of communist and Marxist ideologies on the discipline’s development. In particular we will present two prominent and charismatic archaeologists Renato Peroni and Andrea Carandini. It is argued that while the Marxist research trajectories were characterized by an initial innovative and driving force that revolutionized Italian archaeology, the collapse of the Italian Communist Party and the resulting downfall of its intellectual tradition determined the exhaustion of the discipline’s innovative potential.

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26

Groppo, Bruno. "The Italian communist party and the CGIL: A survey." Journal of Communist Studies 6, no. 4 (December 1990): 52–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279008415054.

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27

Drake, Richard. "Italian Communism and Soviet Terror." Journal of Cold War Studies 6, no. 2 (April 2004): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039704773254768.

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The declassification of materials from the Russian archives has provided a good deal of new evidence about the relationship between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Soviet Union both before and after World War II. Two newly published collections of documents leave no doubt that, contrary to arguments made by supporters of the PCI, the Italian party was in fact strictly subservient to the dictates of Josif Stalin. The documents reveal the unsavory role of the PCI leader, Palmiro Togliatti, in the destruction of large sections of the Italian Communist movement and in the tragic fate of Italian prisoners of war who were held in the Soviet Union during and after World War II. Togliatti's legacy, as these documents make clear, was one of terror and the Stalinization of the PCI.

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28

Dragisic, Petar. "The Yugoslav perspective on Italian Eurocommunism in the second half of the 1970s." Balcanica, no. 53 (2022): 301–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2253301d.

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The article outlines the key elements of the Yugoslav perceptions of the Italian Communist Party?s (PCI) ideological and political orientation during its Eurocommunist phase. In addition, it investigates the relationship between the League of Communists of Yugoslavia and PCI in the latter half of the 1970s. The article is primarily based on an analysis of Yugoslav archival sources and press materials.

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29

Lange, Peter, Cynthia Irvin, and Sidney Tarrow. "Mobilization, Social Movements and Party Recruitment: The Italian Communist Party since the 1960s." British Journal of Political Science 20, no. 1 (January 1990): 15–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005688.

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Political life in the advanced industrial democracies since the Second World War has been characterized by periods of mass mobilization and protest followed by years of relative quiescence and institutional dominance. The individual phases have prompted extensive reflection. Far less attention, however, has been devoted to how developments in one phase might influence the subsequent one. Using data from a 1979 survey of activists of the Italian Communist Party, this article examines how the cycle of protest which swept Italy in the late-1960s and early-1970s was reflected in the distribution of attitudes towards dissent within the different generations of party activists. Our findings clearly suggest that participation in social movements had independent effects on the presence of particular tolerance attitudes and that phases of mobilization affect the distribution of politically salient attitudes among party activists during a subsequent phase of institutionalization. This, in turn, has possible implications for processes of change in the Italian political system.

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30

Sidoti, Franceso. "Italy: A Clean‐up after the Cold War." Government and Opposition 28, no. 1 (January 1, 1993): 105–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1993.tb01309.x.

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In These Pages We Will Discuss The Thesis That in order to understand the present problems of Italy, one must look back on an era of international politics dominated by the bipolar and conflictual relationship between East and West. This came to an end finally after the failed Moscow coup in mid-1991.From 1946, without interruption, in a Europe divided by the iron curtain, Italy was the frontier country where the cold war was most bitterly fought, because the Italian Communist Party (PCI) was the strongest communist party in the world outside the Soviet empire. From many viewpoints, the Italian Communists were ordinary politicians peacefully involved in cooperatives and in the trade unions. Their management of some important regions and municipalities was judged very favourably by many scholars. In public declarations they stated their preference for a peaceful way to socialism, conversion to liberty, independence from Soviet influence, and acceptance of a democratic system. In fact they shared Moscow's orientations in every international problem where East and West were opposed. Now we understand why: they were heavily financed, directly and indirectly, by the Soviets. But after Yeltsin had thrown out many skeletons from the Kremlin closets, we had the proof that the staunch anti-communists were right. The big lie about Bolshevism concerned Italy also, where the PCI had been helped from Stalin to Gorbachev. This is why still in 1985 the Italian Communists declared the USA to be the only imperialist state in the world.

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31

Baroni, Walter Stefano. "Paradoxes of the self: the autobiographical construction of the subject in the Italian Communist Party and in Italian neo-feminism." Modern Italy 23, no. 1 (January 22, 2018): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2017.68.

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This article compares the autobiographical practices used by the Partito Comunista Italiano (PCI) in the aftermath of the Second World War with those developed by Italian neo-feminism from the late 1960s onwards. The former involved a repeated injunction for activists to write about and express themselves upon joining the party, in what amounted to self-criticism. The latter, meanwhile, took shape as a result of self-consciousness exercises practised by feminist groups in various cities across Italy. The terms of comparison of this article aim to describe what changed and what remained the same in the technologies used to produce the political self within the Italian Left in the twentieth century, beginning from its split in the 1960s. In this context, the paper reveals that the communist and feminist experiences were supported by the same discursive mechanism, which hinged on a paradoxical enunciation of the self. Communist activists and feminists thus faced the same difficulty in political self-expression, which was resolved in two different ways, both equally unsatisfactory. In conclusion, examining the communist autobiographical injunction allows a radical critical reappraisal of the idea that the use of the first person and the political affirmation of subjectivity are determining features exclusively bound to the feminist experience.

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32

DE GRAND, ALEXANDER. "‘To Learn Nothing and To Forget Nothing’: Italian Socialism and the Experience of Exile Politics, 1935–1945." Contemporary European History 14, no. 4 (November 2005): 539–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002754.

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As the Italian anti-fascist exiles reorganised after the establishment of a full dictatorship in 1925, they were confronted by a series of difficult issues that no longer could be dealt with in the national context. The overriding need to heal the divisions within the Italian left now would be conditioned by choices made on the international level. The abdication of the Western democracies at Munich meant to many on the left that the Soviet Union was the essential bulwark against fascism. Within the Italian Socialist Party Pietro Nenni defended the alliance with the Communist Party and support for the Soviet Union. Alternatives offered by Angelo Tasca questioned both the exclusive alliance with the Communists and unquestioning support for the Soviet Union. Tasca also developed a European perspective which tended to marginalise the Soviets both ideologically and diplomatically. These positions put him at odds with Nenni. Tasca's position was complicated by his parallel membership of the French SFIO, his French citizenship and, in 1940, his decision to support Vichy. Tasca's defection and Nenni's triumph made the Italian Socialist Party more hostile after the fall of fascism to new thinking on European unity and alternatives to unity of action with the Communists.

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33

DAVIDSON, ALASTAIR. "Tendencies Towards “Reformism” in the Italian Communist Party, 1921-63." Australian Journal of Politics & History 11, no. 3 (April 7, 2008): 335–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1965.tb00442.x.

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34

Colombo, Furio, and Joan Barth Urban. "Moscow and the Italian Communist Party: From Togliatti to Berlinguer." Political Science Quarterly 102, no. 1 (1987): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151529.

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35

Bull, Martin J. "Perestroikais catching: The Italian communist party elects a new leader." Journal of Communist Studies 5, no. 1 (March 1989): 79–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523278908414956.

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36

Cassata, Francesco. "The Italian Communist Party and the “Lysenko Affair” (1948–1955)." Journal of the History of Biology 45, no. 3 (June 24, 2011): 469–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10739-011-9286-4.

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37

MANNHEIMER, RENATO. "Electoral trends and the Italian Communist Party in the 1970s." European Journal of Political Research 15, no. 6 (November 1987): 635–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1987.tb00897.x.

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38

Nicewicz, Ewa. "Formare l’homo sovieticus. L’influsso dell’ideologia comunista sulle prime traduzioni polacche delle filastrocche di Gianni Rodari." Italica Wratislaviensia 13, no. 2 (2022): 149–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/iw.2022.13.2.07.

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Gianni Rodari’s works first appeared in Poland when he was yet little known, if not rather unpopular, in his homeland. In the 1950s, Italian criticism ignored Rodari’s literary efforts as a ‘militant’ communist, his works only reached a narrow circle of readers, and it would take some years until he garnered popularity in his homeland. Meanwhile, what the Italians failed to appreciate appeared to be gaining an almost instant recognition in the USSR and the Eastern Bloc countries. As a member of the Italian Communist Party, the Editor-in-Chief of the children’s magazine Pioniere, and an eager supporter of communism, Rodari won favour with the authorities of the Polish People’s Republic. The earliest translations of Rodari’s poetry were published in the Polish press as early as in 1953. They were based on Russian translations by Samuil Marshak, whom the Polish authorities notably considered a perfect children’s writer. Both Russian and Polish versions of Rodari’s poemst tend to differ greatly from the original texts and to bear a heavy ideological imprint. My argument in this article seeks to answer the following questions: Which of Rodari’s poems were translated into Polish in the 1950s and by whom? How are they different from the Italian originals? What was their reception in Poland? How was Rodari portrayed in Poland at the time?

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Messina, Patrizia. "Opposition in Italy in the 1990s: Local Political Cultures and the Northern League." Government and Opposition 33, no. 4 (October 1998): 462–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1998.tb00462.x.

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SINCE 1989 THE NATURE OF OPPOSITION IN SEVERAL WESTERN democracies has been subject to change, and Italy is no exception. But the Italian case is distinct because the changes which occurred in Italy after 1989 amount to a revolution compared to the traditional political equilibrium. The Italian political scene was dominated, from the post-war years (1948) to the 199Os, by two political parties: the DC (Christian Democracy) and the PCI (Italian Communist Party), which respectively occupied the positions of ruling party and opposition party for over forty years.

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Prospero, Michele, and Francesco Marchianò. "From the ‘New Party’ to the Party of Nuovismo: The Decline of the Political and Institutional Culture of Italian Communists." Notebooks: The Journal for Studies on Power 1, no. 2 (February 14, 2022): 270–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26667185-01020004.

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Abstract This article uses a comparative framework to study the two party models that characterised the early years of the Italian Communist Party and its dissolution: the ‘New Party’ outlined by Palmiro Togliatti and the ‘nuovismo’ introduced in the 1980s by the post-’68 leadership. The analysis focuses on the aspects of political culture, the idea of party organisation, the role of the party within the democratic system, the concept of democracy in the Italian political system, and the role of the party leadership. This analysis brings to light the great foresight of Togliatti, in addition to the constructive role entrusted to the party within the democratic system and the destructive role of later leaders of the party, which resulted in a broader collapse of the Italian political system and the total marginalisation of the heirs of Gramsci.

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Barceló, Joan. "Re-examining a modern classic: does Putnam's Making Democracy Work suffer from spuriousness?" Modern Italy 19, no. 4 (November 2014): 457–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2014.969215.

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What makes democratic institutions work efficiently? Robert Putnam argued in Making Democracy Work that a mixture of political participation and immersion in associative and social networks in the community, conceptualised as ‘civic community’ or ‘social capital’, is the explanation. Ever since its publication, many questions have arisen about the validity of Putnam's theory. Among the most relevant concerns stands the influence of the Italian Communist Party on Putnam's empirical tests. This paper aims to fill the gap left in the literature by testing Putnam's hypothesis against the political party in the regional government and the PCI's electoral support. Supporting Putnam, this paper finds that variations in the quality of democratic governments in Italy's regions are a function of civic community even after adjusting for the presence of the Italian Communist Party.

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Bespalova, Kseniya A. "Areas of Activity of the Agents of the Comintern in Europe in 1921–1925 (Based on the Materials from French Archives)." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v151.

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This article dwells on the topic little studied in Russian and foreign historiography, namely, the intelligence work of foreigners in European countries in favour of the Communist International. The research involved documents from the Historical Service of the French Ministry of Defence and the French National Archives, in particular, the court cases of three French activists (J. Sadoul, A. Guilbeaux and R. Petit). The materials of the court cases were formed on the basis of the information gathered by the French intelligence about the activities of these people in European countries. The author of the paper, having analysed the above court cases, determined the chronological framework of this activity (1921–1925) and identified six areas of the Bolshevik agents’ work aimed to promote the communist movement in European countries. These areas included campaigning through organization and distribution of the Soviet press abroad; restoration of the cultural ties between the countries of Western Europe and Soviet Russia; propaganda measures in the occupied territories of Germany; establishment of additional contacts with representatives of the French Communist Party; attempts to revitalize the communist movement in Czechoslovakia and Turkey; and establishment of a link between the Comintern and the Italian and Swiss communists. The author comes to the conclusion that the agents’ activities in these areas had positive results. This example of cooperation between the European communists and leaders of the Comintern through French agents is a new page in the history of communism. It demonstrates the collaboration between the Bolsheviks and representatives of the opposition parties in France, Germany, Italy and Switzerland, actively mediated by French citizens, and personifies this aspect of the development of the world communist movement.

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Pons, S. "Documents - Meetings between the Italian Communist Party and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Moscow and Rome, 1978-80." Cold War History 3, no. 1 (October 2002): 157–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713999974.

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DAVIDSON, ALASTAIR. "The Russian Revolution and the Formation of the Italian Communist Party." Australian Journal of Politics & History 10, no. 2 (April 7, 2008): 355–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1964.tb00766.x.

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Rothenberg, Nina. "The Catholic and the Communist Women's Press in Post-War Italy—An Analysis of Cronache and Noi Donne." Modern Italy 11, no. 3 (November 2006): 285–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940600937053.

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This article aims to provide a systematic, comparative analysis of two of the main women's mass publications in order to trace continuities and changes in the development of women's role in the public sphere in Italy. The analysis begins with an elaboration of the social and political context, which is crucial for the understanding of media texts in general. It shows how the existence of only limited political spaces in post-war Italian society due to the polarisation of Catholicism and communism delayed both an open political discourse on women's conditions and the gradual development of an autonomous and lay feminist movement. Noi Donne of Union Donne Italiene (UDI) was closely aligned with and financed by the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and lacked any substantial autonomy until the early 1970s, while Cronache of the Catholic women's organisation Centro Italiano Femminile (CIF) was a faithful instrument for the propagation of those Catholic concepts of femininity that were redefined and reinforced by the Vatican in the Catholic publication Civiltà Cattolica.

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Dell’ Agata, Giuseppe. "Moral and Political Ideology in Georgi Markov’s Sharp Criticism of Bulgarian Totalitarianism." Sledva : Journal for University Culture, no. 40 (April 7, 2020): 74–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33919/sledva.20.40.13.

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The task of this text by the is to outline the main political and ethical ideas that Georgi Markov (Bulgarian writer and dissident, murdered in exile by the Secret Services) maintains in his constant and often radical criticism towards Bulgaria regime during the years. Italian professor Giuseppe Dell’ Agata’s main point is related to Markov’s unshattered conviction that the Bulgarian regime created by the Communist Party had nothing to do with the communism or the socialism but was simply an example of state capitalism.

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Bull, Martin J. "Whatever happened to Italian communism? Explaining the dissolution of the largest communist party in the West." West European Politics 14, no. 4 (October 1991): 96–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389108424878.

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Cossu, Andrea. "Commemoration and processes of appropriation: The Italian Communist Party and the Italian Resistance (1943–48)." Memory Studies 4, no. 4 (October 2011): 386–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698011408183.

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Vetta, Valerio. "The école barisienne: a cultural and political endeavour after 1968." Modern Italy 21, no. 3 (July 27, 2016): 273–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2016.27.

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The ‘école barisienne’ refers to a group of intellectuals, active between the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 1980s, who brought their academic and political activity together in order to bring the cultural heritage of Italian communism up to date and to construct a new theory of the revolution. Interpreting the student movement of 1968 as the historical agent of a social and political revolution, their intention was to transform the Italian Communist Party (PCI) into a ‘partito-società’ (‘party-society’) that could take hold of the new generation’s demand for democracy and overturn the hegemony of Christian Democracy, understood as the ‘partito-Stato’ (‘party-state’). This article retraces the life of this intellectual grouping, from the education of its proponents, marked by the Southern Question as a national question, through to the demise of their project. Specifically, it examines the relationship between the research activity of the école, highlighting some significant analytical categorisation used in its historiographical output, its political activity, and the national position of the PCI.

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Tronti, Mario. "Words for Being and Acting: The pci and Its History." Notebooks: The Journal for Studies on Power 1, no. 2 (February 14, 2022): 349–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26667185-01020007.

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Abstract Starting from a personal intellectual and political militant position in the Italian Communist Party (pci), this contribution addresses some of the criticisms of the pci on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of its founding. The text offers an insight into the relationship between the party, its political strategy and the action of each communist militant. It stresses the relevance of the language developed within the pci and its importance as a direct expression of a way of being, thinking, communicating and acting as a ‘communist’, as well as the need to return to the revolutionary passion that was masterfully expressed in the young Gramsci’s writing style and form of thought.

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