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Journal articles on the topic 'Israeli Public opinion'
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1
Peretz, Don. "Israeli Public Opinion." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 3 (1997): 98–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538164.
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Musleh, Rami Saleh Abdelrazeq, Mahmoud Ismail, and Dala Mahmoud. "Palestinian State through the Official and Unofficial Israeli Perspective." Asian Social Science 14, no. 3 (February 26, 2018): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v14n3p55.
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The study focused on the Palestinian state as depicted in the Israeli political discourse. It showed that the Israeli strategy is based on denying the establishment of a Palestinian state alongside the Israeli one. Israel's main concern is to protect its national security at all costs. The study showed the Israeli political factions' opposition to the formation of an independent Palestinian state in addition to their refusal to give up certain parts of the West Bank due to religious and geopolitical reasons. To discuss this topic and achieve the required results, the analytical descriptive approach is adopted by the researcher. The study concluded that the Israeli leadership and its projects to solve the Palestinian issue do not amount to the establishment of a Palestinian state. This leadership simply aims to impress the international public opinion that Israel wants peace. In contrast, the Israeli public has shown that it cannot accept a Palestinian state, and the public opinion of the Palestinian state is not different from that of the political parties and leaders in Israel.
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Arian, Asher, Eytan Gilboa, Elia Zureik, and Fouad Moughrabi. "American Public Opinion toward Israel and the Arab-Israeli Conflict." Political Psychology 9, no. 4 (December 1988): 701. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3791536.
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Doob, Leonard W., and Eytan Gilboa. "American Public Opinion toward Israel and the Arab-Israeli Conflict." Political Science Quarterly 102, no. 3 (1987): 526. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151423.
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Ridge, Hannah M. "Jewish Nationalism in Israel: A Measurement." Religions 15, no. 7 (July 17, 2024): 864. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15070864.
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Since Israel’s founding, being a “Jewish state” has been central to its self-representation. However, Israel has struggled to identify what that means. This article examines the strength of Jewish nationalism in Jewish Israeli public opinion. It draws on a recent survey of 200 Jewish Israelis for a qualitative and quantitative investigation of public responses to religious nationalist statements. These findings offer a utilizable survey short scale for measuring Jewish nationalism and to understand how Jewish Israelis are interpreting these statements. This study is a necessary step to empirically evaluating religious nationalism in the “Jewish state”.
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Leep, Matthew, and Jeremy Pressman. "Foreign cues and public views on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 21, no. 1 (November 21, 2018): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118809807.
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As foreign sources in the news might help the public assess their home country’s foreign policies, scholars have recently turned attention to the effects of foreign source cues on domestic public opinion. Using original survey experiments, we explore the effects of domestic (United States) and foreign (Israeli, British, and Palestinian) criticism of Israel’s military actions and settlements on US attitudes towards the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. We find that foreign cues by government officials and non-governmental organisations have modest effects, and are generally not more influential than domestic cues. We also show that individuals might discount foreign criticism of Israel in the context of US bipartisan support for Israel. While our experiments reveal some heterogeneous effects related to partisanship, we are sceptical of significant movement in opinion in response to foreign cues. These findings provide insights into foreign source cue effects beyond the context of the use of military force.
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Peretz, Don. "Israeli Public Opinion: Security Threatened: Surveying Israel Opinion on Peace and War. . Asher Arian." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 3 (April 1997): 98–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1997.26.3.00p0142d.
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Shany, Yuval. "Capacities and Inadequacies: A Look at the Two Separation Barrier Cases." Israel Law Review 38, no. 1-2 (2005): 230–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700012681.
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Comparison between the two decisions of the International Court of Justice and the Israeli Supreme Court on the legality of Israel's West Bank controversial separation barrier illustrates some of the inherent differences between national and international legal proceedings. The note critically assesses these differences and advocates a more comity based framework of cooperation between national and international courts. Specifically, the note argues that the fact-gathering and fact-analysis process demonstrated in the Hague Advisory Opinion is problematic, as were the Court's refusal to show any deference to the Israeli authorities and empathy towards the Israeli public. These deficiencies reduce the persuasiveness of the Opinion and render its acceptance by Israel less likely. At the same time, the failure of the Israeli Supreme Court to address the link between the route of the barrier and the alleged illegality of the settlement detracts from the normative value of the judgment and highlight the political constrains in which domestic courts operate. As a result, resort to a comity-based framework in which the national and international courts strive to draw upon each other's institutional advantages in the fields of fact-finding, compliance-pull and international law expertise would have been beneficial.
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Lustick, Ian S. "Making Sense of the Nakba." Journal of Palestine Studies 44, no. 2 (2015): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2015.44.2.7.
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Zionist claims to rightful rule of most or all of Palestine/the Land of Israel ultimately depend on naturalizing those claims into common sense, for Jews, of course, but also for the international community. Following the 1967 war, Israelis in favor of withdrawing from occupied territories have relied on distinguishing between the justice of the 1949 Armistice Lines, and the process that led to the State of Israel within those lines, versus the injustice of the occupation of territories conquered in 1967 and of their settlement and gradual absorption. But as the truth of the expulsions and forced dispossession of Palestinians in 1948 becomes accepted by wider swaths of both Israeli-Jewish and international public opinion, the traditional narrative distinguishing the justice of 1948 and the injustice of 1967 breaks down. Ari Shavit's book, My Promised Land, can be understood as a response by Israeli two-staters to accusations of hypocrisy by the extreme right.
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Ginat, Rami, and Marwan Abu-Ghazaleh Mahajneh. "Rethinking the Egyptian–Israeli Peace Treaty: Perceptions and Receptions Within Egyptian Society (1977–1982)." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 9, no. 1 (November 10, 2021): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23477989211053524.
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The Egyptian–Israeli peace treaty marked a new era in the history of the Arab–Israeli conflict. Relying methodologically on the history of ideas and diplomatic history, this article sheds light on the diversity of the perceptions and receptions of peace and relations with Israel as manifested by two influential Egyptian public opinion shapers who represented polar approaches—the mouthpiece of the Muslim Brothers—the journal Al-Da‘wa and Rūz al-Yūsuf, the semi-independent liberal weekly with a moderate left bias. The timeframe is 1977–1982—from Sadat’s historical visit to Jerusalem to the Israeli invasion of Lebanon and its impact on the budding Israeli–Egyptian relations.
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Cavari, Amnon, Maoz Rosenthal, and Ilana Shpaizman. "Introducing a New Dataset." Israel Studies Review 37, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2022.370102.
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This article introduces a new dataset to study Israeli politics. Taking an agenda-setting approach, the dataset includes longitudinal series of political outputs—legislative, executive, judicial, and public opinion—as a measure of policy attention in Israel from 1981 to 2019. Each item in each series is hand-coded using the coding scheme of the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP), providing a unified longitudinal overview of the Israeli political agenda. The dataset enables scholars interested in Israeli policy and politics, as well researchers from communication, economy, and law to study agenda dynamics within specific venues, between venues over time, and across countries. It also enables comparative studies that situate Israel among other countries and provides empirical evidence to assess whether, in what, and to what extent Israel is exceptional.
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Tomz, Michael, Jessica L. P. Weeks, and Keren Yarhi-Milo. "Public Opinion and Decisions About Military Force in Democracies." International Organization 74, no. 1 (December 6, 2019): 119–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818319000341.
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AbstractMany theories of international relations assume that public opinion exerts a powerful effect on foreign policy in democracies. Previous research, based on observational data, has reached conflicting conclusions about this foundational assumption. We use experiments to examine two mechanisms—responsiveness and selection—through which opinion could shape decisions about the use of military force. We tested responsiveness by asking members of the Israeli parliament to consider a crisis in which we randomized information about public opinion. Parliamentarians were more willing to use military force when the public was in favor and believed that contravening public opinion would entail heavy political costs. We tested selection by asking citizens in Israel and the US to evaluate parties/candidates, which varied randomly on many dimensions. In both countries, security policy proved as electorally significant as economic and religious policy, and far more consequential than nonpolicy considerations such as gender, race, and experience. Overall, our experiments in two important democracies imply that citizens can affect policy by incentivizing incumbents and shaping who gets elected.
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Chamil, Andika Yulianto, Safiera Amanda Djuanda, and Nurina Septaviana. "A Case Study of the Hashtag #Freepalestine: Cultural Communication and Public Opinion Transformation." Ilomata International Journal of Social Science 4, no. 4 (January 18, 2024): 787–803. http://dx.doi.org/10.52728/ijss.v4i4.1069.
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This study involves an in-depth analysis of Cultural Communication and Public Opinion Transformation through a case study of the hashtag #FreePalestine on social media. The Israeli-Palestinian controversy sparked a significant shift in public opinion, and these hashtags became an important instrument in weaving complex online narratives. This research aims to understand the impact of Cultural Communication through the hashtag #FreePalestine in transforming public opinion. Her focus includes online mobilization, influence on policy, changing international perceptions, and the formation of activist movements. This research method uses a mixed approach, namely combining qualitative and quantitative analysis. Data collection was carried out on 6 – 25 December 2023. Social media analysis was carried out to track trends, sentiment and relationship networks, while interviews and surveys were used to gain a deeper understanding of the influence of opinion transformation in the real world. This research shows that the hashtag #FreePalestine not only creates changes in online opinion but also mobilizes real action and shapes global narratives that influence policy and business. Cultural communication on social media is key to understanding further impact, with image visualization and visual solidarity being key elements in changing public opinion. The real-world implication of these findings is the importance of understanding the role of social media in shaping public perceptions and opinions regarding global conflict. In the future, this can serve as a guide for policy makers, activists and researchers to design more effective communication strategies in addressing sensitive issues such as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
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Shamir, Jacob, and Khalil Shikaki. "Public Opinion in the Israeli-Palestinian Two-Level Game." Journal of Peace Research 42, no. 3 (May 2005): 311–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343305052014.
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Shamir, Michal, and Asher Arian. "Competing Values and Policy Choices: Israeli Public Opinion on Foreign and Security Affairs." British Journal of Political Science 24, no. 2 (April 1994): 249–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400009807.
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Value hierarchies structure people's position on specific issues when values are in conflict. This general proposition is tested using surveys of Israeli public opinion on issues relating to the Israeli–Arab conflict. Value priorities are shown to be politically and ideologically structured, and not random, with certain value combinations more prevalent and more enduring than others. Most importantly, we establish that people's value hierarchies significantly structure policy preferences and changes therein. The more salient or acute the value conflict, the greater the correspondence between hierarchy and preference. This value trade-off approach presents a picture of Israeli public opinion which is very different from that usually portrayed: of a population firmly supporting a Jewish majority in their state, with a very strong desire for peace. The values of land and democracy are shown to be much less important.
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Kressel, Neil J. "Elite Editorial Favorability and American Public Opinion: A Case Study of the Arab-Israeli Conflict." Psychological Reports 61, no. 1 (August 1987): 303–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1987.61.1.303.
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The correspondence between trends in the mass media and trends in public opinion has important practical, theoretical, and methodological implications—even if we cannot untangle the causal relationships involved. The present study attempts to clarify empirically the aggregate-level mass media—public opinion connection for one major political issue, the Arab-Israeli conflict. Mass media data came from a content analysis of 867 elite newspaper editorials on the dispute (1972–1982); public opinion data came from the frequently asked Middle East “sympathy” question. Favorability measures for editorials, mass public opinion, and college-educated public opinion were highly intercorrelated, in part as a result of a common time trend. When this time trend was partialled out, significant relationships remained between editorial opinion and public opinion. In addition, events heavily covered in mass media tended to crystallize opinion among the college educated but not among the mass public.
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Barzilai, Gad, and Efraim Inbar. "The Use of Force: Israeli Public Opinion on Military Options." Armed Forces & Society 23, no. 1 (October 1996): 49–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x9602300103.
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Vigoda, Eran, and Fany Yuval. "A National Assessment Project of Public Administration: Theoretical Framework and Preliminary Findings from Israel." Public Administration Quarterly 28, no. 4 (December 2004): 508–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/073491490402800405.
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This paper reports on a new venture for the study of public sector performance and on its implementation in Israel. The Israeli study is part of the “European Assessment Project of Public Administration” (EAPPA) that is aimed at a cross-cultural and cross-sectional examination of public administration agencies in various European countries using attitudinal-behavioral methods and tools. A sample of 345 citizens was used to assess the performance of the Israeli public administration and to draw conclusions about the levels of satisfaction with, trust in, and general attitudes towards public policies and personnel. The main findings of the study indicate that Israeli citizens are deeply critical of public institutions and governmental agencies. A correlation analysis further shows a strong and stable relationship between satisfaction and three separate constructs of citizens' trust: (1) trust in administrative and governmental institutions, (2) trust in civil servants, and (3) faith in citizenship involvement. Significant relationships were also found between citizens' satisfaction and most of the other indicators of performance. Finally, the paper presents a socio-economic and demographic analysis of the data. The paper ends with a discussion about the centrality of public opinion studies in the field of public sector performance. It is our expectation that this initiative will lead to more extensive studies throughout other European states that are struggling for improvement in their public service systems.
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Philippova, Natalya I. "Israel and apartheid: Opinion of human rights NGOs, and Israeli Government denials." Asia and Africa Today, no. 11 (2022): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750020143-9.
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Between 2019 and early 2022 more than 15 human rights NGOs have brought accusations against Israel regarding the presence of signs of apartheid both in the territory of the State of Israel and in the occupied territories. Based on documents of international law (the International Convention against the Crime of Apartheid and the Rome Statute), NGOs (national and international) have presented in a number of reports why the reality in which the Palestinian people live should be called apartheid. Although the term ‘apartheid’ has no geographic reference, its use for systems established outside of South Africa is very rare and highly controversial. However, accusations against Israel, which have been going on for a long time, are gaining popularity and are also reflected in the reports of the Special Rapporteurs on the situation of human rights in the occupied Palestinian territories, which are mainly based on data provided by NGOs. Israel contends that these accusations are false and have nothing to do with reality. Thus, the Israeli authorities have repeatedly stated that in this way human rights organizations promote hate, incitement, violence, and terror. Despite the tendentious nature of the information, NGOs have a significant impact on the image of the Jewish state and on public opinion in the context of supporting the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination, although they will not make changes to Israel’s policy.
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Kędziora, Ewa. "Archaeology of the present. Israeli art after the Al-Aqsa Intifada." Ikonotheka, no. 30 (May 28, 2021): 173–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2657-6015ik.30.9.
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The Al-Aqsa Intifada was the second Palestinian uprising that took place in 2000–2005. The dramatic record of the Intifada expressing itself in waves of recurring terror attacks and the construction of the separation wall on the border between Israel and Palestine overturned the Israeli-Palestinian relationship and triggered international public opinion. The article aims to determine how those events influenced the art scene. The study performs an overview of activities and artistic phenomena which occurred from 2000 through 2015 and problematized the events of the Second Intifada in various ways. The author focuses on individual works of art by both Israeli and international artists as well as art events and exhibitions of the leading kind. The analysis shows the extensive impacts of the Intifada on the artistic environment of that time and leads the author to the conclusion of the Intifada’s prevailing role in shaping politically engaged Israeli art at the beginning of 21 century. The dramatic events came up in creating a new aesthetic of the conflict, resulted in expanding a cultural boycott of Israel as well as challenged the position of politically engaged artists of Israel.
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Dvir-Gvirsman, Shira, R. Kelly Garrett, and Yariv Tsfati. "Why Do Partisan Audiences Participate? Perceived Public Opinion as the Mediating Mechanism." Communication Research 45, no. 1 (August 17, 2015): 112–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0093650215593145.
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The bulk of current literature on partisan media explores its various detrimental influences on the democratic sphere. This study highlights a possible positive outcome of partisan media consumption: enhanced political participation. It is hypothesized that consumption of congruent partisan media will tilt perceptions of opinion climate so that it is viewed as more supportive of one’s views, while consumption of incongruent partisan media is viewed as less supportive. Consequently, consumers of congruent partisan media will participate more, and vice versa. The hypotheses are tested using two panel studies: the first conducted during the 2012 U.S. presidential elections ( N = 377) whereas the second, during the 2013 Israeli election ( N = 340). In the Israeli case, survey data are supplemented with behavioral measures. All hypotheses are supported except the one regarding the effects of incongruent partisan media exposure. The results are discussed in light of the spiral of silence theory and the selective exposure hypothesis.
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Christison, Kathleen. "U.S. Policy and the Palestinians: Bound by a Frame of Reference." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 4 (1997): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537906.
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From the era of Woodrow Wilson, when the United States committed itself to support the Zionist program in Palestine, American public opinion on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict has been formed and policy has been made from a restricted, generally Israel-centered vantage point. This frame of reference has excluded the Palestinian perspective and, in the struggle for Palestine that culminated in the Palestinians' dispossession in 1948, has made it impossible for U.S. policymakers to take this seminal episode into account in shaping Middle East policy.
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Olesker, Ronnie. "Diasporas as Audiences of Securitization." Israel Studies Review 37, no. 3 (December 1, 2022): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2022.370302.
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Abstract This study conceptually develops and analytically examines the role and function of diasporas as audiences in the securitization process by examining the American Jewish Diaspora in Israel's securitization of Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS). It argues that Israel's use of antisemitism as a metanarrative for the securitization of the BDS movement incorporates diasporic Jews as internal audiences in the securitization process. Audiences, however, are not monolithic. While homeland Jews, including both elites and the public, tend to support Israel's securitization process, American Jews are split; the elite support the process but public opinion is far less sympathetic to Israeli constructions of BDS as a threat. The disparity between audiences’ reactions weakens the support for Israel's counter-BDS policies and undermines its securitization process.
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Kosach, G. "Saudi Arabia and Israel: the Palestinian Context." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 1 (2021): 61–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-1-61-69.
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The article examines the issues related to the change in the Saudi Arabia’s policy towards Israel in the context of Riyadh’s approaches to solving the Palestinian problem. The author emphasizes that the positive dynamics taking place in the evolution of Saudi-Israeli interaction in recent years is determined by the intra-Saudi socio-economic and political transformation, including changes in public opinion regarding Israel, as well as significant shifts in the development of the Middle East regional situation, inter alia those proclaimed by the United Arab Emirates (as well as Bahrain) heading towards a settlement with Israel. At the same time, the emergence of a tendency to support the course towards normalizing relations with Israel in the context of the current Saudi internal political situation also marked a public demarcation in relation to initiatives to support the Crown Prince. If his supporters act, among other things, as supporters of normalization, then opponents see contacts with the Jewish state as “a betrayal of Arab national interests”. Noting that the current Saudi-Israeli rapprochement is largely determined by a joint interest in confronting Iran, the author, nevertheless, sees the most important reason for the continuing Saudi unwillingness to normalize relations with the Jewish state in the unresolved Palestinian problem on the basis of the “two states” principle. At the same time, the author believes that this principle itself is an instrument of Saudi foreign policy, thanks to which Riyadh seeks to exclude the possibility of Israeli hegemony in the future post-confrontational Middle East. This means, in particular, that the achievement of mutual understanding will become a reality only if the Israeli regional policy is adjusted so as not to pose a threat to Saudi interests.
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ÖNSÖZ, Ekrem. "İsrail-Türkiye İlişkileri: Geçmişten Günümüze Siyasal Gerçeklik Kuramı ve Tehdit Algılamaları." International Journal of Social Sciences 7, no. 31 (October 12, 2023): 530–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.52096/usbd.7.31.28.
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In order to understand the relations between the two countries, it is important to refer to the theory of political reality in international relations. According to this theory, states determine their foreign policies in order to cope with existential threats. In this context, Israel's security approach is shaped by threat perceptions. Israel's political structure, political system, leading parties, leaders and the dynamics of political life play a decisive role in foreign policy decisions. The dynamics of the Israeli Parliament (Knesset), public opinion and coalition governments are important factors affecting the country's foreign policy preferences. Relations between the two countries have a deep-rooted history with political, military and economic dimensions. However, the occasional tensions in these relations stem from the political and sociocultural dynamics of the two countries. Factors such as Israel's Palestinian policy and the growing anti-Israel stance in Turkey have led to tensions in the relations between the two countries from time to time. One of the peaks of these tensions was the Mavi Marmara incident. The intervention of the western states was effective in reestablishing relations between the two countries. At the same time, the realization of the limits of hardline foreign policy approaches in both countries played a role in the resumption of relations. Turkish-Israeli relations have a multidimensional structure shaped by regional dynamics and international politics. In order to understand these relations from past to present, the internal dynamics and foreign policy preferences of both countries should be analyzed well. Key Words: Israel, Turkey, Political Reality Theory, Threat Perceptions
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Khalidi, Rashid I. "And Now What? The Trump Administration and the Question of Jerusalem." Journal of Palestine Studies 47, no. 3 (2018): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2018.47.3.93.
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U.S. policy on the Middle East, in general, and on Palestine, in particular, witnessed a seismic shift in the closing days of 2017: the U.S. president announced his decision to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, and to move the U.S. embassy there. While it came as a shock, the announcement was not a complete surprise: in fact, this essay argues, the decision is in line with a long history of bias in Israel's favor, and constitutes the abandonment of the earlier U.S. pretense of impartiality. The Jerusalem decision is part of what has been termed an “outside-in” approach to the conflict, whereby U.S. client states in the region gradually normalize relations with Israel and accept standard Israeli positions, while simultaneously pressuring the Palestinians to make further concessions to Israel. Taking into account the new international environment, and the equally deep shifts in U.S. public opinion, this commentary also explores the possible formulation of a new strategy to advance Palestinian aspirations for liberation and a just peace.
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Soffer, Oren. "Assessing the climate of public opinion in the user comments era: A new epistemology." Journalism 20, no. 6 (June 27, 2017): 772–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884917714938.
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This article examines the role of user comments in evaluating the climate of public opinion. It aims to evaluate the relevance of quasi-statistical assessment of public opinion – which was tailored to traditional media – to the digital era. The article, based on 21 interviews with Israeli users of news websites, argues that comments-browsing on the Internet gives a new meaning to the notion of a quasi-statistical assessment of public opinion. The aggregation of different comments, each of which contains an implicit cue for the climate of public opinion, transforms them together into a direct cue. The effect of the merging of journalistic contents with user-generated contents side-by-side on the same website is also evaluated through the perspectives of persuasive press inference and exemplification theories.
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Amir, Ruth, and Mira Moshe. "The Construction of Illusion: The Ambivalence of Israeli Public Opinion about Government." Israel Affairs 10, no. 4 (December 2004): 263–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1353712042000283775.
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Nagar, Rotem, and Ifat Maoz. "Predicting Jewish-Israeli Recognition of Palestinian Pain and Suffering." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 2 (July 9, 2016): 372–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715590875.
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Recognition is vital for conflict resolution. This study was designed to learn more about the factors underlying the willingness to recognize the pain and suffering of the opponent in the asymmetrical protracted conflict between Israelis and Palestinians. Data were collected through a public opinion survey conducted with a representative sample of Israeli-Jewish adults ( N = 511). Perceptions of threat/distrust toward Palestinians and dehumanization of Palestinians each made a significant contribution to explaining Jewish-Israeli (un)willingness to recognize Palestinian pain and suffering ( R2 = .36). Hawkishness made an added significant contribution to the overall explanatory power of the model ( R2 = .38). Higher scores on the threat/distrust scale and the dehumanization scale, as well as higher hawkishness predicted decreased willingness to recognize Palestinian pain and suffering. The implications of our findings for understanding the role of recognition and of moral concern in conflict resolution are discussed.
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Jafri, Gul Joya. "Jewish Fundamentalism in Israel." American Journal of Islam and Society 19, no. 3 (July 1, 2002): 122–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i3.1928.
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In their book Jewish Fundamentalism in Israel, Shahak and Mezvinsky document the nature of Jewish fundamentalism and argue that it is a growing threat to Israeli society. As a work of activist scholarship, the authors point out that their aim is not to present new scholarship but to document, in English, literature that is normally available only in Hebrew, and to make the links between Jewish fundamentalism and Israeli politics clearer. As such, this is a fascinating, informative, and easy-to-read book for anyone interested in Israeli politics, Judaism, and its relation to Israeli policies toward Palestine. It presents facets of Orthodox Judaism (particularly messianic, which they consider most dangerous) and Israeli politics not usually available to those without access to Hebrew sow·ces. Shahak and Mezvinsky show that Judaism, like any other religion or ideology, has its extremists and fundamentalists and that these views have very real effects on state politics and public opinion. In fact, they take a stance few are willing to risk: describing Israeli intolerance of non-Jews as Jewish Nazism. Each chapter discus9es in meticulous- at times, excessive- detail the history and characteristics of particular religious groups and parties in Israel. The authors quote throughout from a diverse range of sources, from religious texts and rabbinical writings to news articles in such Israeli dailies as Ha'aretz. In the preface, the authors lay out the book's context: "We have written this book in order to reveal the essential character of Jewish fundamentalism and its adherents. This character threatens democratic features of Israeli society." They add, furthermore: "We believe that a critique of Jewish fundamentalism, which entails a critique of the Jewish past, can help Jews acquire more understanding and improve their behavior toward Palestinians." At this point, their aim is linked primarily to prospects for peace in the Middle East, though by the end of the book their concern seems more focused on Israel itself. At the end of chapter 7, they state: ...
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Sabbah, Mohammad Yasser. "Health Care System Structure in the State of Israel." Journal of Medical Science 88, no. 1 (March 28, 2019): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.20883/jms.332.
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The health care system in the State of Israel consists of two sectors - the public sector, which includes government-owned hospitals and medical institutes. The public health sector includes the community health system, health funds, family medicine, the general care system and the mental health care system. The second sector is the private sector, which includes private hospitals and medical institutes. Both sectors are supervised by the Israeli Ministry of Health, which is the supreme governmental authority through which it implements its policy in the entire health system in Israel. The law provides and guarantees medical insurance for every resident of Israel, the right to receive medical treatment, the prohibition of discrimination, informed consent to medical treatment, the right to receive an additional medical opinion, the dignity and privacy of the patient and the right to attend. Health funds in Israel were established before the State of Israel was established. The ideological concept of the health funds was based on the principle of equality and mutual assistance.
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Ahmad, Ahmad Yousef. "The Israeli war on Lebanon: the Arab dimension." Contemporary Arab Affairs 1, no. 2 (April 1, 2008): 237–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910801951805.
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The article offers a comprehensive review of Arab attitudes toward the war, distinguishing between official Arab positions, initially hostile towards and critical of Hezbollah, and Arab public opinion. The latter endorsed the resistance enthusiastically and was vindicated by Hezbollah's strong performance on the battlefield, to the embarrassment of Arab governments. The article also addresses the various repercussions on official Arab positions, the Arab public, Iraq, Arab national security, and the future of the Arab–Israeli conflict.
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Friedler, E., and O. Lahav. "Centralised urban wastewater reuse: what is the public attitude?" Water Science and Technology 54, no. 6-7 (September 1, 2006): 423–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.2006.605.
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Public support is crucial for successful implementation of wastewater reuse projects. This paper analyses the findings of a questionnaire-type survey (256 participants) conducted to determine the attitude of Israeli urban public towards possible urban reuse options. The paper summarises the support / objection to 13 reuse options and the correlation between support and environmental awareness and perceptions. Results show that a high proportion of the participants supported options perceived as low-contact, such as irrigation of public parks (96%), sidewalk landscaping (95%) and use in the construction industry (94%), while higher-contact reuse options found less support (e.g. commercial launderettes, 60%). No correlation was found between biographical characteristics and support (education, gender, income, age). Based on the results, public campaigns in Israel should focus on disseminating information regarding wastewater treatment technologies, discuss health related issues, highlight the positive economic impact of water reuse and generate a positive public opinion, as these factors tend to influence individuals to support reuse projects.
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Bordas, Maria. "Hamas-Israel War: A Brief Analysis of First Two Phases of War." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 20, no. 11 (April 30, 2024): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2024.v20n11p1.
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At the end of 2023, the Middle East experienced some new challenges. Among these new challenges, one of the most important of them all is the Hamas-Israel war. After almost four months of war and no end in sight, there are now growing questions about whether Israel will be able to accomplish its stated goals in Gaza. The brutality of the Hamas’s attack on October 7, the extent of the cruel massacre, shocked both the Israeli society and foreign public opinion. To better understand the factors of Hamas's operational success, the strategic surprise attack on Israel from Gaza, on October 7, 2023, needs a thorough analysis to understand all its political, intelligence, and operational failures aspects. It goes without saying that many elements of Hamas's brutal but largely successful attack are still unknown. Taking this into account, this paper focuses on only three elements of the ongoing war. Firstly, based on the qualitative methodology of research, this study evaluates and highlights the political background of the bloodiest attack in modern Israel's history which happened on October 7, 2023. Secondly, using the research methodology of data collection and analysis, this paper seeks to answer the still open-ended question, how was Hamas able to attack a country which operates one of the best intelligence organizations in the world by an extreme surprise? Finally, by using the narrative and historical models of qualitative research and the available data, this paper focuses on assessing the first and second phases of the war. Furthermore, the study formulates conclusions regarding the expected directions of change in the Israeli security system and some aspects of regional security implications of the ongoing Hamas-Israeli conflict. The potential result of the current paper is to present the reasons for the ongoing Gaza conflict based on the historical background. In addition, it provides a primary analysis, based on currently available information, of the first two phases of the obviously protracted Hamas-Israel conflict for the benefit of the community of researchers, scholars, and academics.
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Amit-Kochavi, Hannah. "Sanctions, Censure and Punitive Censorship: Some Targeted Hebrew Translations of Arabic Literature from 1961-1992." TTR 23, no. 2 (May 16, 2012): 89–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1009161ar.
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Translations of Arabic literature into Hebrew have been marginally present in Israeli Jewish culture for the last 62 years. Their production and reception have been affected by the ongoing political Jewish-Arab conflict which depicts the Arab as a threatening enemy and inferior to the Jew. This depiction has often led to fear and apprehension of Arabic literary works. The present paper focuses on several cases where Hebrew translations of Arabic prose and poetry were publicly condemned as a potential threat to the stability of Israeli Jewish sociopolitical creeds and state security. The various sanctions imposed on the texts and their writers (though not on their translators!) by Israeli authorities, the Israeli Hebrew press and public opinion are described and explained. These sanctions were subsequently lifted after Israeli Jewish writers rose up against censure and censorship by raising their voices in protest.
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Hermann, Tamar. "The Religions Zionist Sector at Bay." Religions 13, no. 2 (February 17, 2022): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13020178.
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In the last decades Religious Zionism moved from the margins to the center of Israeli society and politics. Members of this sector (RZS) are located today in top positions in Israeli politics, businesses, and among professional elites, academia, and the military, gaining growing influence over the national decision-making processes and policies. No wonder, then, that public opinion polls indicate that the members of the RZS are the most satisfied and optimistic in Israel today. The fact that the RZS is positioned mostly on one side of the political spectrum (Right), the tight interrelations within this sector and its widening periphery have further increased its national impact. It is argued here that this is a critical development in Israeli politics as this sector’s members, and in particular those voting for the RZS parties, show relatively low commitment to core democratic values together with a clear preference for the Jewish aspect over the democratic aspect of the state of Israel. Furthermore, whereas in the past the RZS was politically represented by one main party (with some splinter groups coming and going), in the 2021 elections two parties (Yamina and the Religious Zionist Party (RZP)) collided head-on. For the first time each of these parties, the first more modernist and the second more fundamentalist, claimed to be the only authentic representative of this sector. The competition between them intensified when the election results showed that each of the two had gained the same number of seats in the Knesset, with the leader of Yamina unexpectedly becoming the new Israeli prime minister. It is argued here that the future balance of power between these two parties and their respective constituencies will determine the future of the RZS as a whole—whether it will establish itself as a pivotal actor in Israeli politics or remain at the margins.
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Topor, Lev. "How Democracy Can Undermine Peace: The Israeli–Palestinian Case." Histories 2, no. 3 (July 11, 2022): 207–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/histories2030017.
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This study argues that democracy can, at times, undermine a peace process. Israel’s ‘overly’ democratic nature detracted from the potential success of the official peace process, from Oslo to Camp David, since its democratic–bureaucratic system diminished the influence of the moderate public opinion and vote. This argument is examined over two integrated and almost parallel timelines: the official peace process from 1991 to 2000 and Israel’s change in electoral systems from 1992 to 2001. This study is the first to integrate these two processes—negotiations and elections—in a single empirical approach. I conclude that while the Israeli public shifted from a negative to a positive stance toward a Palestinian state, the Israeli government shifted in the opposite direction, from the success of Oslo to the failure of Camp David. Original electoral findings were analyzed after a personal visit to the Israeli Knesset.
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Cavari, Amnon, and Guy Freedman. "Partisan Cues and Opinion Formation on Foreign Policy." American Politics Research 47, no. 1 (December 12, 2017): 29–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x17745632.
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How does the extension of party conflict to a foreign policy issue affect the ability of Americans to form an opinion about the issue? We test this using elite references and longitudinal public opinion data about the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, a salient foreign policy issue in the United States that is increasingly characterized by partisan divisions. Our findings demonstrate that since the turn of the 21st century, the availability and clarity of party cues have increased, as well as the share of Americans who hold an opinion about the issue. Applying regression models to individual-level data, we reveal that the extension of party conflict to this issue has made it easier for more Americans to form an opinion.
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Cohen, Hillel. "Society–Military Relations in a State-in-the-Making." Armed Forces & Society 38, no. 3 (July 27, 2011): 463–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x11415493.
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The participation of the Palestinian Authority’s (PA’s) security agencies in the armed struggle against Israel in the second Palestinian uprising (2000–2005) is analyzed in this article as a response to the demand of Palestinian society, thus as a unique case of armed forces which, in the lack of political directive, became more attentive to public opinion. The article shows how Palestinian public discourse in the late 1990s–early 2000s, that was shaped by the Islamic movement of Hamas, portrayed the PA’s security officials as traitors. Members of the PA security agencies (mainly Fatah members) sought to reposition themselves in the “national camp,” and this motivated them to raise their weapons against Israeli targets. By doing so, they also removed the mental burden of turning their weapons against fellow Palestinians that was one of the major sources for their image as collaborators.
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Levizky, Tom, and Yuval Benziman. "The Legitimation Process of the Hilltop Youth." Israel Studies Review 39, no. 1 (March 1, 2024): 160–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2024.390109.
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Abstract Over the years, the ‘hilltop youth’ have acted in opposition to both Israeli state authorities and the settler leadership. Israeli society viewed them as a group acting to realize an extremist religious ideology while violating Israeli law and ignoring the state's decisions. However, after coming to feel that their social position was making it difficult for them to realize their vision, they embarked upon a process of trying to gain political legitimacy. By turning to mass media and by disseminating messages with which the public at large could identify, they have worked to move closer to Israeli consensus opinion. We identify the steps through which this was carried out and trace its success. The process reached a significant point in 2023 when politicians identified with the hilltop youth took up important ministerial positions in government, marking their transition from actors who opposed the state to ones responsible for its decisions.
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van Leeuwen, M. "Shamir, J. & Shikaki, K. (2010). Palestinian and Israeli Public Opinion: The Public Imperative in the Second Intifada." International Journal of Public Opinion Research 23, no. 2 (April 27, 2011): 230–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edr010.
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Rouhana, Nadim N., and Nimer Sultany. "Redrawing the Boundaries of Citizenship: Israel's New Hegemony." Journal of Palestine Studies 33, no. 1 (2003): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2003.33.1.5.
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This article focuses on the development since the second Palestinian intifada of a new consensus in Israeli Jewish society with regard to the Arab minority, which the authors call "the New Zionist Hegemony." After describing the attitudes and beliefs undergirding the new consensus, the article focuses on four areas in which it manifests itself: legislation, government policies, public opinion, and public discourse. The result of the new policies is to change the meaning of citizenship for non-Jews in an ethnic Jewish state.
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Qoirunnisa, Fentika Zahra, and Mahmud Yunus Mustofa. "Hashtag War in Gaza: An Analysis of the Role of Indonesian Citizens in #JulidFisabilillah from the Transnational Conflict Dimension." CONTENT: Journal of Communication Studies 2, no. 1 (May 21, 2024): 21–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.32734/cjcs.v2i1.16275.
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Abstract: The Israeli-Palestinian conflict not only has an impact on land but also extends to cyberspace. This research investigates the digital landscape of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, specifically focusing on online activism surrounding the Gaza conflict. This research investigates the hashtag #JulidFisabilillah, a leading online movement originating from Indonesian citizens. Through comprehensive analysis, this research aims to uncover the motivations, narratives, and impacts of #JulidFisabilillah in the broader context of the Israeli-Palestinian War. By examining digital discourse, social media trends, and the role of Indonesian society in shaping online narratives, this research provides insight into the transnational dimensions of the conflict and the influence of digital activism on public opinion. These findings contribute to a deeper understanding of the role played by Indonesian netizens on online platforms in mobilizing global support and shaping perceptions during geopolitical conflicts.
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Jackson, Galen. "The Showdown That Wasn't: U.S.-Israeli Relations and American Domestic Politics, 1973–75." International Security 39, no. 4 (April 2015): 130–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00201.
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How influential are domestic politics on U.S. foreign affairs? With regard to Middle East policy, how important a role do ethnic lobbies, Congress, and public opinion play in influencing U.S. strategy? Answering these questions requires the use of archival records and other primary documents, which provide an undistorted view of U.S. policymakers' motivations. The Ford administration's 1975 reassessment of its approach to Arab-Israeli statecraft offers an excellent case for the examination of these issues in light of this type of historical evidence. President Gerald Ford and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger decided, in large part because of the looming 1976 presidential election, to avoid a confrontation with Israel in the spring and summer of 1975 by choosing to negotiate a second disengagement agreement between Egypt and Israel rather than a comprehensive settlement. Nevertheless, domestic constraints on the White House's freedom of action were not insurmountable and, had they had no other option, Ford and Kissinger would have been willing to engage in a showdown with Israel over the Middle East conflict's most fundamental aspects. The administration's concern that a major clash with Israel might stoke an outbreak of anti-Semitism in the United States likely contributed to its decision to back down.
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Gusterson, Hugh. "Diaspora, war, Gaza." Anthropology Today 40, no. 1 (January 31, 2024): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8322.12860.
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This guest editorial examines how diasporic communities influence modern wars amidst globalization and rising ethnonationalism. It discusses historical tensions between states and diasporas during conflicts, referencing world wars and recent issues involving Chinese Americans in the US. The editorial highlights the roles played by diasporas in various conflicts, including the internment of Japanese Americans in World War II, scrutiny of Chinese Americans during Trump's presidency, and Irish expatriates’ involvement with the IRA. It focuses particularly on the Israel‐Gaza conflict, noting the active participation of Israeli and Palestinian diasporas in North America, often marked by internal disagreements. The piece argues that these diasporas, though physically distant from the conflicts, significantly influence global perspectives and the nature of warfare through public opinion and social media, thereby reshaping the contemporary understanding of war.
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Andy Satria, M.Taufiq Kurniawan, Putri Imilia Amanda, and Daniyal Arkan. "Social Media Instagram, Tiktok, dan X Dalam Pengungkapan Pelanggaran Hukum Dalam Konflik Antara Palestina Dan Israel." Jurnal Teknik Informatika dan Teknologi Informasi 4, no. 1 (January 18, 2024): 14–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.55606/jutiti.v4i1.3419.
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This research explores the role of social media (Instagram, TikTok, and Platform X) in exposing legal violations during the Palestine-Israel conflict. The study aims to understand the impact of these three platforms through the Instagram account @suarasurabayamedia. The findings indicate that Instagram accelerates information dissemination and visual impact, TikTok creates mass awareness through short video formats, and Platform X provides space for diverse perspectives. The social media's focus on Israeli atrocities influences public opinion, supports international solidarity movements, and triggers international pressure and UN resolutions. The impact of social media involves information dissemination, support, amplification of marginalized voices, but also carries the risk of inaccurate information and criticism from authorities. Therefore, the use of social media needs to be balanced with responsibility to prevent the spread of harmful information or worsening conflict situations.
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Wharton, Laura. "Israel's Management of the Western Wall." Israel Studies Review 38, no. 3 (December 1, 2023): 75–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2023.380306.
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Abstract The significance of the Western Wall in Jerusalem has undergone numerous transformations over time. Originally a supporting wall for the Temple Mount, it became the focus of mourning after the Temple's destruction, and later a symbol for national rebirth; after the Six-Day War in 1967, Israel reclaimed it as part of its capital. Since then, two trends have been notable: strict religious authorities have taken charge of the site, and this transfer has been portrayed as part of an overall and purportedly inevitable shift in modern Israeli history. But the subsuming of national-historical significance of the Western Wall into a narrower religious one was not inevitable, and this article presents a number of viable policy alternatives that were available in 1967. Moreover, it suggests that the current status of the wall and policy towards it are outliers relative to mainstream public opinion, an example of political expediency conflicting with public interest.
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Aminulloh, Akhirul, and Latif Fianto. "WACANA DAN CITRA POLITIK KANDIDAT PRESIDEN 2024 DI MEDIA SOSIAL." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik (JISIP) 12, no. 3 (November 30, 2023): 425–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33366/jisip.v12i3.2837.
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The 2024 presidential election is still one year away. However, the clamor about who the presidential candidate or candidate is is already busy on social media. Social media has become a venue for discourse battles between presidential candidates in influencing public opinion. This study aims to analyze the political discourse and image of the 2024 presidential candidates on social media. This research uses the critical discourse analysis method from Faiclough. This method is used to reveal the ideology and power relations behind a discourse on social media. This research was conducted on the social media Twitter with a focus on the issue of Indonesia's cancellation as host of the U20 World Cup by FIFA and its impact on the political image of the 2024 presidential candidates. Data was taken with the help of NodeXL software to describe conversations about the issue that is the focus of this research. Data collection was carried out using documentation techniques in the form of tweets on the Twitter platform during the period 21-28 March 2023 and literature study. The results of this research show that the issue of the Israeli National Team's arrival in Indonesia for the U20 World Cup has become a battle for political discourse on social media influencing public opinion. This discourse became very political when it gave rise to debate which ended in support and rejection of the arrival of the Israeli National Team. This happens because support or rejection of this issue can be linked to the popularity and electability of political figures who will run as presidential candidates in the political contestation approaching 2024. However, the discourse of rejection of the arrival of the Israeli National Team has influenced the electability of the three presidential candidatesPemilihan presiden tahun 2024 masih satu tahun lagi. Namun, riuh gemuruh siapa calon atau kandidat presidennya sudah ramai di media sosial. Media social menjadi ajang pertarungan wacana antar kandidat presiden dalam mempengaruhi opini public. Studi ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis wacana dan citra politik kandidat presiden 2024 di media sosial. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode critical discourse analysis dari Faiclough. Metode ini digunakan untuk mengungkap ideologi dan relasi kuasa dibalik sebuah wacana di media social. Penelitian ini dilakukan pada media social Twitter dengan fokus pada isu pembatalan Indonesia sebagai tuan rumah piala dunia U20 oleh FIFA dan pengaruhnya terhadap citra politik kandidat presiden 2024. Data diambil dengan bantuan software NodeXL untuk menggambarkan percakapan tentang isu yang menjadi focus dalam penelitian ini. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan teknik dokumentasi berupa twit di platform Twitter selama periode 21-28 Maret 2023 dan studi pustaka. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa isu kedatangan Timnas Israel di Indonesia dalam rangka Piala Dunia U20 telah menjadi pertarungan wacana politik di media sosial memengaruhi opini publik. Wacana ini menjadi sangat politik ketika menimbulkan perdebatan yang berujung pada dukungan dan penolakan terhadap kedatangan Timnas Israel. Hal ini terjadi karena dukungan maupun penolakan isu ini bisa dikaitkan dengan popularitas dan elektabilitas tokoh politik yang akan maju menjadi calon presiden dalam kontestasi politik menjelang 2024. Walau bagaimana pun, wacana penolakan terhadap kedatangan Timnas Israel telah memengaruhi elektabilitas ketiga calon presiden tersebut
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Elalouf, Amir. "Israeli Medical Experts’ Knowledge, Attitudes, and Preferences in Allocating Donor Organs for Transplantation." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 11 (June 6, 2022): 6945. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19116945.
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Medical advancement has increased the confidence in successful organ transplants in end-stage patients. As the waitlist of organ demand is multiplying, the organ allocation process is becoming more crucial. In this situation, a transparent and efficient organ allocation policy is required. This study evaluates the preferences of medical experts to substantial factors for allocating organs in different hypothetical scenarios. Twenty-five medical professionals with a significant role in organ allocation were interviewed individually. The interview questionnaire comprised demographic information, organ donation status, important organ allocation factors, public preference knowledge, and experts’ preferences in different hypothetical scenarios. Most medical experts rated the waiting time and prognosis as the most important, while the next of kin donor status and care and contribution to the well-being of others were the least important factors for organ allocation. In expert opinion, medical experts significantly considered public preferences for organ allocation in making their decisions. Altogether, experts prioritized waiting time over successful transplant, age, and donor status in the hypothetical scenarios. In parallel, less chance of finding another organ, donor status, and successful transplant were prioritized over age. Medical experts are the key stakeholders; therefore, their opinions are substantial in formulating an organ allocation policy.
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Ali, Aiman Amjad, Fozia BiBi, and Muhammad Imran Ashraf. "Trump’s Middle East Peace Plan: Prospects and Challenges." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review V, no. II (June 30, 2020): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2020(v-ii).01.
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President Trump’s Middle East Peace Plan is tilted in favour of Israel. The prime motivation behind it is to put a favourable end to the long-standing Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Peace Plan has drawn great global response with those terming the Peace Plan as unreasonable outnumbering those who claim that the Peace Plan is devised to perfection. Despite the negative public opinion, President Trump still happens to be very confident about the prospects of his Peace Plan. The Peace Plan has very conveniently diverted attention from the domestic politics of both, President Trump and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and is thereby, suspected to be a part of another possible political strategy. With a multitude of players in action, this paper shall attempt to draw a comprehensive account of all the prospects of Trump’s Middle East Peace Plan.