Relevant bibliographies by topics / Israeli Public opinion

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Israeli Public opinion'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 28 July 2024
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Israeli Public opinion"

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Peretz, Don. "Israeli Public Opinion." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 3 (1997): 98–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538164.

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Musleh, Rami Saleh Abdelrazeq, Mahmoud Ismail, and Dala Mahmoud. "Palestinian State through the Official and Unofficial Israeli Perspective." Asian Social Science 14, no. 3 (February 26, 2018): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v14n3p55.

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The study focused on the Palestinian state as depicted in the Israeli political discourse. It showed that the Israeli strategy is based on denying the establishment of a Palestinian state alongside the Israeli one. Israel's main concern is to protect its national security at all costs. The study showed the Israeli political factions' opposition to the formation of an independent Palestinian state in addition to their refusal to give up certain parts of the West Bank due to religious and geopolitical reasons. To discuss this topic and achieve the required results, the analytical descriptive approach is adopted by the researcher. The study concluded that the Israeli leadership and its projects to solve the Palestinian issue do not amount to the establishment of a Palestinian state. This leadership simply aims to impress the international public opinion that Israel wants peace. In contrast, the Israeli public has shown that it cannot accept a Palestinian state, and the public opinion of the Palestinian state is not different from that of the political parties and leaders in Israel.
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Arian, Asher, Eytan Gilboa, Elia Zureik, and Fouad Moughrabi. "American Public Opinion toward Israel and the Arab-Israeli Conflict." Political Psychology 9, no. 4 (December 1988): 701. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3791536.

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Doob, Leonard W., and Eytan Gilboa. "American Public Opinion toward Israel and the Arab-Israeli Conflict." Political Science Quarterly 102, no. 3 (1987): 526. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151423.

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Ridge, Hannah M. "Jewish Nationalism in Israel: A Measurement." Religions 15, no. 7 (July 17, 2024): 864. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15070864.

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Since Israel’s founding, being a “Jewish state” has been central to its self-representation. However, Israel has struggled to identify what that means. This article examines the strength of Jewish nationalism in Jewish Israeli public opinion. It draws on a recent survey of 200 Jewish Israelis for a qualitative and quantitative investigation of public responses to religious nationalist statements. These findings offer a utilizable survey short scale for measuring Jewish nationalism and to understand how Jewish Israelis are interpreting these statements. This study is a necessary step to empirically evaluating religious nationalism in the “Jewish state”.
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Leep, Matthew, and Jeremy Pressman. "Foreign cues and public views on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 21, no. 1 (November 21, 2018): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118809807.

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As foreign sources in the news might help the public assess their home country’s foreign policies, scholars have recently turned attention to the effects of foreign source cues on domestic public opinion. Using original survey experiments, we explore the effects of domestic (United States) and foreign (Israeli, British, and Palestinian) criticism of Israel’s military actions and settlements on US attitudes towards the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. We find that foreign cues by government officials and non-governmental organisations have modest effects, and are generally not more influential than domestic cues. We also show that individuals might discount foreign criticism of Israel in the context of US bipartisan support for Israel. While our experiments reveal some heterogeneous effects related to partisanship, we are sceptical of significant movement in opinion in response to foreign cues. These findings provide insights into foreign source cue effects beyond the context of the use of military force.
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Peretz, Don. "Israeli Public Opinion: Security Threatened: Surveying Israel Opinion on Peace and War. . Asher Arian." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 3 (April 1997): 98–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1997.26.3.00p0142d.

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Shany, Yuval. "Capacities and Inadequacies: A Look at the Two Separation Barrier Cases." Israel Law Review 38, no. 1-2 (2005): 230–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700012681.

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Comparison between the two decisions of the International Court of Justice and the Israeli Supreme Court on the legality of Israel's West Bank controversial separation barrier illustrates some of the inherent differences between national and international legal proceedings. The note critically assesses these differences and advocates a more comity based framework of cooperation between national and international courts. Specifically, the note argues that the fact-gathering and fact-analysis process demonstrated in the Hague Advisory Opinion is problematic, as were the Court's refusal to show any deference to the Israeli authorities and empathy towards the Israeli public. These deficiencies reduce the persuasiveness of the Opinion and render its acceptance by Israel less likely. At the same time, the failure of the Israeli Supreme Court to address the link between the route of the barrier and the alleged illegality of the settlement detracts from the normative value of the judgment and highlight the political constrains in which domestic courts operate. As a result, resort to a comity-based framework in which the national and international courts strive to draw upon each other's institutional advantages in the fields of fact-finding, compliance-pull and international law expertise would have been beneficial.
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Lustick, Ian S. "Making Sense of the Nakba." Journal of Palestine Studies 44, no. 2 (2015): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2015.44.2.7.

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Zionist claims to rightful rule of most or all of Palestine/the Land of Israel ultimately depend on naturalizing those claims into common sense, for Jews, of course, but also for the international community. Following the 1967 war, Israelis in favor of withdrawing from occupied territories have relied on distinguishing between the justice of the 1949 Armistice Lines, and the process that led to the State of Israel within those lines, versus the injustice of the occupation of territories conquered in 1967 and of their settlement and gradual absorption. But as the truth of the expulsions and forced dispossession of Palestinians in 1948 becomes accepted by wider swaths of both Israeli-Jewish and international public opinion, the traditional narrative distinguishing the justice of 1948 and the injustice of 1967 breaks down. Ari Shavit's book, My Promised Land, can be understood as a response by Israeli two-staters to accusations of hypocrisy by the extreme right.
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Ginat, Rami, and Marwan Abu-Ghazaleh Mahajneh. "Rethinking the Egyptian–Israeli Peace Treaty: Perceptions and Receptions Within Egyptian Society (1977–1982)." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 9, no. 1 (November 10, 2021): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23477989211053524.

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The Egyptian–Israeli peace treaty marked a new era in the history of the Arab–Israeli conflict. Relying methodologically on the history of ideas and diplomatic history, this article sheds light on the diversity of the perceptions and receptions of peace and relations with Israel as manifested by two influential Egyptian public opinion shapers who represented polar approaches—the mouthpiece of the Muslim Brothers—the journal Al-Da‘wa and Rūz al-Yūsuf, the semi-independent liberal weekly with a moderate left bias. The timeframe is 1977–1982—from Sadat’s historical visit to Jerusalem to the Israeli invasion of Lebanon and its impact on the budding Israeli–Egyptian relations.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Israeli Public opinion"

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Zeumer, Mathias. "Israeli Rejection of the Arab Peace Initiative: Political Climate and Public Perceptions." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/18737.

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The Arab Peace Initiative (former Saudi Initiative) was officially proposed by Saudi Arabia and has been (re-)endorsed by all 22 member states of the Arab League since 2002. Israel has not officially responded to the API but rather has generally ignored and by default rejected it. This thesis examines the reasons for the Israeli rejection by analyzing the structure of the Israeli government in relation to the position of the prime minister, both normatively and descriptively, and examining public opinion as a potential enabler or constraint on policymaking. It also explores mechanisms such as threat perceptions and framing to highlight cognitive influences that negatively impacted serious consideration of the API. Qualitative interviews with expert Israelis and Arabs contribute to a deeper understanding of the Israeli perspective of the API's shortcomings. The API is unlikely to be implemented under this current government unless Israeli public opinion significantly changes in its favor.
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Odeh, Rana Kamal. "The Impact of Changing Narratives on American Public Opinion Toward the U.S.-Israel Relationship." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1401818860.

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Späti, Christina. "Die schweizerische Linke und Israel : Israelbegeisterung, Antizionismus und Antisemitismus zwischen 1967 und 1991 /." Essen : Klartext, 2006. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/68628499.html.

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Shchomak, Omelyan. "Jerusalém e jogos de dois níveis:posições de Israel e Palestina no período 2005-2019 e influência das pressões internas e externas sobre os decisores." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/19162.

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Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais
O Estatuto de Jerusalém é um dos principais problemas que não foi resolvido ao longo da história do conflito entre Israel e a Palestina. O objetivo desta tese é analisar as mudanças nas posições dos negociadores israelitas e palestinianos e dos constituintes domésticos de ambas as partes em relação ao estatuto de Jerusalém. Foi usada a abordagem teórica de jogos de dois níveis, cujo argumento basilar é de que o negociador procura obter um acordo que seja atrativo para os seus constituintes domésticos. No caso de Israel foi escolhida a opinião pública e o Knesset e no caso da Palestina a opinião pública e o partido Fatah como constituintes internos. Foram analisados os win-sets de cada lado e a forma como estes moldaram as negociações. Foram consideradas as pressões externas dos EUA e da Liga Árabe nos negociadores e seus constituintes. Foi feita a pesquisa documental extensiva da literatura, artigos de jornais de notícias, discursos políticos, relatórios das negociações e estudos da opinião pública. Foi encontrado que durante o processo de paz de Annapolis ambas as partes tiveram maiores hipóteses de se comprometerem em relação a Jerusalém Oriental. A coligação governamental israelita apontava mais para o centro do espectro político, e o público de ambos os lados estava mais disposto a assumir compromissos sobre Jerusalém Oriental. Com a subida de Netanyahu ao poder e a formação das sucessivas coligações governamentais da direita, para Israel não seria possível aceitar compromissos em relação à cidade. O apoio público aos compromissos sobre Jerusalém dos dois lados decresceu ao longo dos anos. O lado palestiniano, apesar de manter a posição constante – estabelecimento da soberania palestiniana sobre os territórios ocupados por Israel desde 1967, acabaria por estar mais disposto a assumir compromissos sobre Jerusalém Oriental.
The status of Jerusalem has been one of the main unresolved issues throughout all the history of Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the shifts of the Israeli and Palestinian negotiators positions and of its domestic constituents on the Jerusalem status. Two-Level Games approach was used to analyze this issue. In this approach negotiator seeks to achieve an agreement that will be attractive to his domestic constituents. Public opinion and Knesset in the case of Israel and public opinion and Fatah party in the case of Palestine were considered as domestic constituents in this thesis. The win-sets of each side and the way they shaped the negotiations were analyzed. External influences, such as international pressures of US and Arab League and their reverberations were also considered. An extensive research of the literature, newspaper articles, public discourses, negotiations reports, official documents, and public opinion polls, was performed. It was found that both parties had the greatest opportunity to compromise over East Jerusalem during Annapolis peace process: the Governmental coalition of Israel was shifted to the centre of the political spectrum and public support of both sides was the highest during this period. With Netanyahu’s rise to the power, successive governmental coalitions shifted more to the right and would not accept any compromise over Jerusalem. Public support for negotiations and compromises over Jerusalem has also dropped on both sides. In case of Palestine, despite maintaining a constant position – establishing Palestinian sovereignty over territories which Israel occupied in 1967, Abbas and Fatah were willing to accept compromises over East Jerusalem.
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5

Cummins, Joshua I. "Hearts and Minds: US Foreign Policy and Anti-Americanism in the Middle EastAn Analysis of Public Perceptions from 2002-2011." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1366212110.

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Mnyaka, Mluleki Michael Ntutuzelo. "Xenophobia as a response to foreigners in post-apartheid South Africa and post-exilic Israel: a comparative critique in the light of the gospel and Ubuntu ethical principles." Thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1176.

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Blaming those who are different from us because of skin colour, nationality and language when things do not go right during the process of reconstruction is common among those who are faced with such a task. This assertion is confirmed by our examination and evaluation of xenophobia in post-apartheid South Africa and post-exilic Israel. In South Africa socio-economic and political reasons are cited for the rejection of African immigrants by some South Africans. The Jews in the post exilic period understood their religious, social and economic problems to be caused by others. What is more disturbing is that the Jews understood their xenophobia to be demanded or legitimised by God. These reasons for them necessitated hatred, isolation, stigmatisation and sometimes negative actions against foreigners. When we compare xenophobia in both post-apartheid South Africa and post-exilic Israel in this study, we find that factors such as identity, notion of superiority, negative perception of those who are different and use of power, play a major role in the exacerbation of xenophobia. In evaluating both situations, using the African principle of Ubuntu and Christian moral values, we are able to demonstrate that xenophobia as found in both situations is morally wrong since it is inhuman, selfish, racist/ethnocentric, discriminatory and often violent. Ubuntu and Christian values and principles such as human dignity, human rights, reciprocity, love, compassion, forgiveness, hospitality and community were sacrificed by South Africans and Jews in their dealings with foreigners in their respective situations. It is argued here that among other things in the case of South Africa, the reduction of inflammatory statements by government representatives and the media, education of the unemployed, the youth and workers; and the meeting of spiritual, material, humanitarian and moral needs by the Church, will help sensitise South Africans to the plight of African immigrants and migrants and will further deepen the ubuntu and Christian values.
Religious Studies and Arabic
D.Th.(Theological Ethics)
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Books on the topic "Israeli Public opinion"

1

Ben-Meir, Yehuda. Israeli public opinion. [Tel Aviv]: Tel Aviv University, Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies, 1995.

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Aʼsi, Murad. Israeli and Palestinian public opinion. Kingston, Ontario, Canada: Near East Cultural and Educational Foundation of Canada, 1986.

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3

Arian, Alan. Israeli security opinion, February 1996. Tel-Aviv: Tel-Aviv University, Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies, 1996.

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Merkaz le-meḥḳarim asṭraṭegiyim ʻal shem Yafeh, ed. Israeli public opinion on national security, 2000. Tel Aviv: Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies, 2000.

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Arian, Alan. Israeli public opinion and the war in Lebanon. [Tel Aviv, Israel]: Tel Aviv University, Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies, 1985.

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Boer, Connie de. West European public opinion and the Palestine question. Kingston, Ontario, Canada: Near East Cultural and Educational Foundation of Canada, 1986.

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Rejwan, Nissim. Arab aims and Israeli attitudes: A critique of Yehoshafat Harkabi's prognosis of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Jerusalem, Israel: Leonard Davis Institute for International Relations, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2000.

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Eshel, Yohanan. Intergroup violence: Perspectives of dominant majority and a subordinate minority. [Haifa]: University of Haifa, 1996.

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Khalīl, Shiqāqī, ed. Palestinian and Israeli public opinion: The public imperative in the second intifada. Bloomington, Ind: Indiana University Press, 2010.

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Barzilai, Gad. The use of force: Israeli public opinion on military options. Ramat Gan, Israel: BESA Center, Bar-Ilan University, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Israeli Public opinion"

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Cavari, Amnon, and Guy Freedman. "Attitudes about the Arab-Israeli Conflict and US Involvement in the Region." In American Public Opinion Toward Israel, 49–87. New York, NY : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429438028-5.

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A’si, Murad. "Israeli and Palestinian Public Opinion and the Palestine Question." In Public Opinion and the Palestine Question, 143–201. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003399421-5.

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Scheindlin, Dahlia. "Israeli and Palestinian Public Opinion and the Two-State Solution." In Routledge Companion to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 463–80. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429027376-38.

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Avnery, Uri. "Changing Public Opinion in Israel." In Peacemakers in Israel-Palestine, 145–57. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003262817-14.

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Cavari, Amnon, and Guy Freedman. "Studying American Attitudes Toward Israel." In American Public Opinion Toward Israel, 15–28. New York, NY : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429438028-3.

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Cavari, Amnon, and Guy Freedman. "Introduction." In American Public Opinion Toward Israel, 1–11. New York, NY : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429438028-1.

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Cavari, Amnon, and Guy Freedman. "The Nature of the Partisan Divide over Palestinian Independence." In American Public Opinion Toward Israel, 183–201. New York, NY : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429438028-10.

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Cavari, Amnon, and Guy Freedman. "Conclusion: A Conditional Relationship?" In American Public Opinion Toward Israel, 202–14. New York, NY : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429438028-11.

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Cavari, Amnon, and Guy Freedman. "Positive Affect in American Attitudes Toward Israel." In American Public Opinion Toward Israel, 29–48. New York, NY : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429438028-4.

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Cavari, Amnon, and Guy Freedman. "Demographic Divisions." In American Public Opinion Toward Israel, 91–128. New York, NY : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429438028-7.

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Conference papers on the topic "Israeli Public opinion"

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Mitelman, Amichai, and Yahel Giat. "Transition to a Competitive Consultant Selection Method: A Case Study of a Public Agency in Israel." In InSITE 2022: Informing Science + IT Education Conferences. Informing Science Institute, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/4926.

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Aim/Purpose: This paper reports a case study of organizational transition from a non-competitive selection method to a novel bidding method for the selection of consultants in the Architectural and Engineering (A/E) industry. Background: Public procurement agencies are increasingly relying on external consultants for the design of construction projects. Consultant selection can be based on either competitive bidding, or quality-based criteria, or some combination between these two approaches. Methodology: Different sources of information were reviewed: internal documents, and quantitative data from the enterprise software platform (ERP). In addition, informal and unstructured interviews were conducted with relevant officials. Contribution: As there are mixed opinions in the scientific literature regarding the use of competitive bidding for the selection of consultants in the A/E industry, this paper contributes a detailed review of a transition to a competitive selection method and provides a financial and qualitative comparison between the two methods. In addition, the method implemented is novel, as it delegates most of the responsibility of hiring and managing consultants to one main contractor. Findings: While the new selection method was intended to reduce bureaucratic over-load, it has unexpectedly also succeeded to reduce costs as well. Recommendations for Practitioners: It may be more efficient and profitable to adopt the selection method de-scribed in this study. Recommendations for Researchers: Similar methods can be applied to other industries successfully. Impact on Society: Our method was applied in a public organization and resulted in a better out-come, both financial and managerial. Adopting this approach can benefit public budgets. Future Research: The selection, data storage, and analysis methods are interrelated components. Future analysis of these components can help better shape the consultant selection process.
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Giat, Yahel, and Amichai Mitelman. "The Wisdom of the Crowds and Cost Overruns in Construction Project Tenders [Abstract]." In InSITE 2021: Informing Science + IT Education Conferences. Informing Science Institute, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/4783.

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Aim/Purpose: This study’s objective is to demonstrate the wisdom of the crowds phenomenon in construction project tenders and relate it to cost overruns in these projects. Background: The wisdom of the crowd’s phenomenon is an age-old idea that argues that collective opinion is better than any single (even expert) opinion. The first data-based evidence for it is from the beginning of the twentieth century when statistician Francis Galton attended an exhibition in which attendants were asked to estimate the weight of a large ox. He found that while individual estimates varied considerably, the median estimate was within less than one percent from the true weight. The existence of the wisdom of the crowds has a particularly important implication in tenders. Consider a tender for a contract in which the winner is the bidder that agrees to take the contract for the lowest cost. If the collective bid, i.e., the mean bid, is the most accurate in assessing the true value of the contract, then the winning bid is overestimating the contract and is therefore expected to end up with a loss. Indeed, this winner’s curse, was first observed in tenders in the petroleum industry and has been since found in many other fields. Methodology: All the construction projects that were tendered and completed between January 2017 and July 2020 under the management of the department of engineering and construction, a government agency in Israel, were analyzed. After data cleansing, the data comprised 148 tenders with 1295 bids and total value of 229 million US dollars. For each project we determined the valid bids, average (valid) bid, the winning bid, the original project estimated cost, and the actual payments to the winning contractor (actual project cost). Contribution: Construction projects in the public sector are typically granted through a bidding process in which the lowest bidder is granted the contract. It is therefore of interest to examine whether the wisdom of the crowds and the winner’s curse phenomena are manifested in this type of tenders. The results could help understand the reasons for cost overruns in public construction projects. Findings: 1. Wisdom of the crowds: For each project we computed the ratio of the average bid and the project’s estimated cost. The mean ratio (for the 148 projects) was 1.01 suggesting that, on average, the bids are within 1 percent from the true project value. 2. Winner’s curse: On average the winning bid was 7.9% less than the estimated cost and 8.1% less than the average bid. 3. Cost overruns: On average, the payments to the contractor were 16.3% higher than the estimated cost, and 18.8% higher than the average bid. 4. In total these results demonstrate how contractors are able to overcome the winner’s curse. On average, payments to the contractor were 30.7% higher than their bid. Recommendations for Practitioners: Tender issuing public agencies should take into account that the winning bid is based on unrealistic optimism and when the winning contractor is tested by the real costs, they will be hard pressed to avoid these losses and therefore will drive the project into cost overruns. Recommendations for Researchers: It is important to model the strategic game between contractors and project managers that represent the tender-issuing agency. This may explain why the construction industry is beleaguered by cost overruns. Impact on Society: In the current state, the public is paying more than needed for construction projects since winning contractors are struggling to spin their losses into gains. Future Research: Develop game theory models that are based on our empirical findings and that can help to reduce cost overruns in construction projects.
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