Journal articles: 'Israeli-Palestinian Conflict'

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Halileh, S. O. "Israeli-Palestinian conflict." BMJ 324, no. 7333 (February 9, 2002): 361. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.324.7333.361.

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Waweru, Humphrey M. "Israeli-Palestinian Question." Jumuga Journal of Education, Oral Studies, and Human Sciences (JJEOSHS) 2, no. 1 (August 8, 2019): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.35544/jjeoshs.v2i1.17.

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After highlighting the Israeli-Palestinian question as an enigma, the article investigates a classic case of an irresistible force pitted against an immovable object, which is the land of Palestine. It has always been viewed as the ‘Holy Land’; yet ironically, her people are in perpetual conflicts and tension. How can one explain such a bizarre contradiction of living in a ‘Holy Land’ amidst interminable tension and conflict? There are two well-known groups of people who insist that the same piece of Holy land is rightfully theirs, the Jews and Palestinians. The article explores the who is who in this struggle; the Jews and the Palestinians; and the role of Islam and Christianity in the land of Palestine, as well as Judaism. The article sets out on the premise that the details of history are easily forgotten, and in a situation where religious myths have been entertained in the narrative, the facts are often replaced in people's minds by such myths. This article is indeed an effort to explore the facts, behind the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, at the same admitting that there may be a difference of opinion based on religious information that one embraces on this subject. This article utilizes the reception history of the Bible methodology, to deliberate on the Israeli-Palestinian question. A biblical perspective that assumes conflict is like heat: that one cannot easily see; one can only feel it, will be embraced. To understand conflict fully, one has to go through it. The methodology of reception history of the Bible, as proposed by Hans Robert Jauss, argues that the meaning of a text is located neither in itself nor in the experience of the reader, but in the relationship between the two.

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Gazit, Shlomo, and Edward Abington. "The Palestinian‐Israeli Conflict." Middle East Policy 8, no. 1 (March 2001): 58–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-4967.00005.

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Beck, Martin. "How to (Not) Walk the Talk: The Demand for Palestinian Self-Determination as a Challenge for the European Neighbourhood Policy." European Foreign Affairs Review 22, Issue 1 (January 1, 2017): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2017004.

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The aim of the current article is to analyse the challenges for the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) to pursue a meaningful and effective policy toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict on four dimensions: the history of European foreign policies toward the Middle East conflict, opportunities and constraints of realizing Palestinian self-determination, institutional opportunities and constraints for the ENP of walking the talk of an Israeli-Palestinian settlement, and policy options of the EU toward the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and their success conditions. The EU’s chances and constraints in addressing the Israeli–Palestinian conflict are discussed as structural challenges: the challenge created through the historical normative engagement of the EU, the problematic local conditions for constructively dealing with the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and the European institutional capabilities and their limits to project its policy concepts on the Middle East. The critical discussion of the three-faceted system of challenges that the EU is exposed to when dealing with the Israeli–Palestinian conflict is followed by the presentation and assessment of different policy options in the light of success conditions to (not) walk the talk of dealing with the Israeli–Palestinian conflict in a productive way. The article comes to the conclusion that the EU is hardly capable of contributing to the realization of Palestinian self-determination.

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Isaac, Jad, and Jane Hilal. "Palestinian landscape and the Israeli–Palestinian conflict." International Journal of Environmental Studies 68, no. 4 (August 2011): 413–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00207233.2011.582700.

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Czapnik, Sławomir. "Konflikt izraelsko-palestyński. Analiza nekropolityczna." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 22 (October 17, 2017): 188–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.22.12.

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Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Necropolitics’ analysisThe aim of this paper is to analyze Israeli-Palestinian conflict from the perspective of the ‘necropolitics’ category term coined by Achille Mbembe. Firstly, author describes mass media coverage of the conflict, especially pro-Israeli bias in the American and British media. Nevertheless, some media representations in the mostly Muslin countries ieTurkey are anti-Semitic. Second part is devoted to the realities on the ground in occupied Palestinian territories and the discoursive practices of perceiving violence of both sides: ‘civilized’ Israeli and ‘uncivilised’ Palestinian. In conclusion, there are some considerations about future developments in the conflict.

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Shamir, Michal, and Jacob Shamir. "The Israeli—Palestinian Conflict in Israeli Elections." International Political Science Review 28, no. 4 (September 2007): 469–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512107079641.

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Berman, Emanuel. "Israeli psychotherapists and the Israeli–Palestinian conflict." Psychotherapy and Politics International 1, no. 1 (March 2003): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ppi.47.

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Slater, Jerome. "Muting the Alarm over the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: The New York Times versus Haaretz, 2000–06." International Security 32, no. 2 (October 2007): 84–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2007.32.2.84.

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The prospects for a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict remain poor, largely because of Israeli rigidity as well as Palestinian policies and internal conflicts. The United States has failed to use its considerable influence with Israel to seek the necessary changes in Israeli policies, instead providing the country with almost unconditional support. The consequences have been disastrous for the Palestinians, for Israeli security and society, and for critical U.S. national interests in the Middle East. Amajor explanation for the failure of U.S. policies is the largely uninformed and uncritical mainstream and even elite media coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the United States. In contrast, the debate in Israel is more self-critical, vigorous, and far-ranging, creating at least the possibility of change, even as U.S. policy stagnates. Acomparison of the coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by the two most prestigious daily newspapers in the United States and Israel—in particular, over the breakdown of the peace process in 2000 and the ensuing Palestinian intifada, the nature of the Israeli occupation, the problem of violence and terrorism, and the prospects for peace today—underscores these differences. While the New York Times has muted the alarm over the dangers of the United States' near-unconditional support for Israeli policies toward the Palestinians, Haaretz has sought to sound the alarm.

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10

Cook, Bradley J. "The Palestinian-Israeli Conflict Reconsidered." Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 36, no. 1 (April 1, 2003): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/45226917.

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Karolyi, Paul. "Update on Conflict and Diplomacy." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 4 (2017): 140–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.4.140.

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This update, which summarizes bilateral, multilateral, regional, and international events affecting the Palestinians and the future of the peace process, covers the quarter beginning on 16 February 2017 and ending on 15 May 2017. During this period, the administration of U.S. pres. Donald Trump attempted to put its own stamp on the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, the Israeli government announced a new policy on settlement growth in the West Bank, and the Ramallah-based Palestinian leadership struggled to consolidate power. Palestinians in the West Bank elected new local leaders, despite disagreements among the major parties. Some 1,500 Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails declared a hunger strike, drawing support from across the political spectrum. Meanwhile, Israel's right-wing government kept up a campaign to undermine and delegitimize its opponents, including the Israeli Left, the Palestinian minority in Israel, and the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement.

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Karolyi, Paul. "Update on Conflict and Diplomacy." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 1 (2016): 95–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.46.1.95.

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This update summarizes bilateral, multilateral, regional, and international events affecting the Palestinians and the future of the peace process, and covers the quarter beginning on 16 May and ending on 15 August 2016. The surge of unrest and resistance that began in Jerusalem in 9/2015 continued to dissipate this quarter as the Israeli government strengthened its crackdown on the occupied Palestinian territories, Israeli left-wing activism, and the Palestinian minority in Israel. Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu rejected an international push towards peace talks with the Palestinians, and shifted his ruling coalition further to the right. Despite Israel's opposition, the French peace initiative advanced with Palestinian backing and Egypt lent its weight to international peace efforts, but failed to break the Palestinian-Israeli diplomatic impasse. Internally, the Palestinians prepared for municipal elections on 10/8. In regional developments, Israel and Turkey reached a formal reconciliation agreement, paving the way for a return to full diplomatic relations.

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Fitria, Fitria, and Gilang Rizki Aji Putra. "Problematika Antara Israel dan Palestina." ADALAH 6, no. 2 (June 29, 2022): 40–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/adalah.v6i2.26872.

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This article examines how Indonesian diplomacy takes place in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Armed friction and clashes between Palestinian fighters and the Israeli military still occur and can even affect Palestinian civilians. Judging from the history of Indonesia's closeness to Palestine, Indonesia is one of the countries that actively call for the independence of Palestine with a two-state solution. This article is described using conflict resolution theory. Furthermore, the author finds the findings of Indonesian diplomacy in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Indonesia plays an active role through its role as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council.

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Karolyi, Paul. "Update on Conflict and Diplomacy." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 2 (2017): 121–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.2.121.

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This update summarizes bilateral, multilateral, regional, and international events affecting the Palestinians and the future of the peace process. It covers the quarter beginning on 16 August and ending on 15 November 2016. The surge of violence that escalated during the Jewish High Holidays in 9/2015 continued to subside this quarter. This year's holidays passed without major incidents. While the Palestinian Authority and Israeli government reached deals on electricity and postal service, neither altered their positions on a return to final-status negotiations, despite ongoing initiatives from the international community. The Palestinian leadership advanced initiatives in international institutions, including the United Nations Security Council. The recently reshuffled Israeli govt. instituted a new carrot-and-stick policy for administering the occupied Palestinian territories while struggling with internal differences over Amona, an illegal Israeli settlement outpost, as well as with the settlement enterprise itself. Donald Trump was elected president of the United States, ushering in a Republican-dominated U.S. government that portends significant changes to the U.S. position on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

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Alghafli, Ali. "Societal Conflict Defies Peace Diplomacy: Evidence from the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 8, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ajis-2019-0010.

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Abstract This paper synthesizes interrelated postulations from the systemic conflict and intergroup conflict theorizations to glean the societal conflict conceptual framework. The paper employs this conceptual framework to appraise the validity of the societal characterization of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict during the peace diplomacy era. Accordingly, the analysis uses the ‘structured, focused comparison’ qualitative method to investigate attitudinal and behavioral aspects of five cases of intercommunal violence within the Palestinian-Israeli context. The observed cumulative evidence indicates that the unresolved conflict has been exhibiting the conceptual properties of societal conflict throughout more than 25 years since the introduction of the Middle East peace process in 1991. Overall, the study explores the social, psychological, and political aspects of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, accentuates the societal underpinnings of intercommunal violence, and provides basis for perceiving the limited success of peace diplomacy.

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Karasova, Tatiana A. "Biden Priorities and Possible Strategy for Palestinian-Israeli Conflict Settlement." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 6 (2021): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080017648-9.

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Israeli-U.S. relations are an important factor in U.S. policy in the Middle East. USA maintain Israel as a strategic ally and Israel was granted American “major non-NATO ally” status. United States actively influenced the Israeli regional policy. The Palestinian-Israeli conflict settlement was always America’ the most priority area. Israelis and Americans share the view that the United States has a predominant role and responsibility in the Palestinians - Israeli dispute peace-making. The two-state outcome and critical issue over Israeli settlements in the West Bank and Jerusalem was a topic of American concerns for a long time relied on bipartisanship support of Democrats and Republicans. During Osama’s presidency D. Biden held post of deputy president and supported no new ideas for restarting negotiations between the sides of the conflict but its policies have failed, from Israel’s refusal to freeze settlement. The next Trump administration however was the “most pro-Israel ever”. Trump’s White House led a radical departure from the U.S.’s traditional role as the honest broker between Israelis and Palestinians. Biden’s victory in 2021 signals restructure Israeli-Palestinian peace efforts, rehabilitating a durable two-state formula that establishes political, territorial, and demographic separation between Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA). But uunlike the Obama and Trump administrations, the Biden administration doesn't see the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a foreign policy priority. The question is: what really a Biden presidency might mean for the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict?

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Margolin, Bruria. "Language and Identity: a Rhetorical Analysis of Palestinian-Israeli Writers’ Language." Psychology of Language and Communication 16, no. 3 (December 1, 2012): 269–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10057-012-0018-4.

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Abstract Palestinian-Israeli literature is the literature of a minority that is in a state of political and cultural conflict with the Jewish majority. Thus, Palestinian literature has no clear-cut definition in Israel and is not considered part of the canon of Hebrew literature. To be considered legitimate by the Jewish majority, Palestinian-Israeli writers must disguise their political and cultural conflict with the majority culture and refrain from creating literature that is stereotyped or socially engaged. This article examines the rhetorical devices Palestinian-Israeli writers use to convey their emotions and attitudes toward the Jewish majority without expressing these overtly.

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Burton, Guy. "China and the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict." Confluences Méditerranée N°109, no. 2 (2019): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/come.109.0147.

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Beinin, Joel, Naseer H. Aruri, Norman G. Finkelstein, Rema Hammami, Graham Usher, Edward W. Said, and Graham Usher. "The Palestinian-Israeli Conflict after Oslo." Middle East Report, no. 201 (October 1996): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3012773.

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Shlaim, Avi. "REFLECTIONS ON THE ISRAELI–PALESTINIAN CONFLICT." Asian Affairs 42, no. 1 (March 2011): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2011.539320.

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Slater, Jerome. "Terrorism and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." Middle East Policy 22, no. 3 (September 2015): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12145.

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Bar-Tal, Daniel. "Israeli-palestinian conflict: A cognitive analysis." International Journal of Intercultural Relations 14, no. 1 (January 1990): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0147-1767(90)90045-x.

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Mudore, Syarif Bahaudin. "PERAN DIPLOMASI INDONESIA DALAM KONFLIK ISRAEL-PALESTINA." Jurnal CMES 12, no. 2 (December 12, 2019): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/cmes.12.2.37891.

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<p>This article examined how Indonesian diplomacy has taken place in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Friction and armed clashes between Palestinian fighters and the Israeli military still occur and can even befall Palestinian civilians. Throught the history of Indonesia's closeness with Palestine, Indonesia is one of the countries actively calling for Palestinian independence with a two-state solution. The scientific relationship between Palestinian scholars and Indonesian students studying in Egypt made Palestine one of the countries that recognized Indonesia's independence with Egypt. Relations between the two countries continue today. This article is described using conflict resolution theory. Furthermore, the authors find the findings of Indonesia's diplomacy in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Indonesia plays an active role through its role as a nonpermanent member of the UN Security Council. Even Indonesia opposed US President Donald Trump's policy on Jerusalem as the Capital of Israel and moves its embassy to Jerusalem. It is proven that Indonesia plays the role of co-sponsor, facilitator, mediator, participator, initiator, actor, motivator and justifier in helping resolve the IsraeliPalestinian conflict.</p>

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Kampf, Ronit, and Nathan Stolero. "Learning About the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict Through Computerized Simulations." Social Science Computer Review 36, no. 1 (December 16, 2016): 125–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0894439316683641.

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This study investigates the learning outcomes of a computer game, called Global Conflicts, simulating the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. The research compares learning outcomes of Israeli–Jewish, Palestinian, Turkish, and American undergraduate students, differentiating between direct and third parties to the conflict. Learning is measured by (1) knowledge acquisition about the conflict and (2) attitude change regarding the conflict. Findings show that participants acquired knowledge about the conflict after playing the game. The game minimized the knowledge gap between third parties to the conflict (Americans and Turks) but not between direct parties to the conflict. In addition, direct parties to the conflict did not change their attitudes toward the conflict and the Gaza operation of 2012, while the attitudes of third parties became more balanced. This study has implications for the scholarship on pedagogy and teaching assessment in the context of peacebuilding. It is part of a series of studies analyzing the effects of computerized simulations on peacebuilding, and further research is necessary to understand under what conditions technology can be used as an effective peacebuilding intervention.

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Cole, Charlotte F., Cairo Arafat, Chava Tidhar, Wafa Zidan Tafesh, Nathan A. Fox, Melanie Killen, Alicia Ardila-Rey, et al. "The educational impact of Rechov Sumsum/Shara’a Simsim: A Sesame Street television series to promote respect and understanding among children living in Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza." International Journal of Behavioral Development 27, no. 5 (September 2003): 409–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01650250344000019.

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A pre-and post-test study assessed the effects of Israeli and Palestinian children’s viewing of Rechov Sumsum/Shara’a Simsim, a television series presenting messages of mutual respect and understanding. Israeli-Jewish, Palestinian-Israeli, and Palestinian preschoolers ( N = 275) were interviewed about their social judgments. Results showed that although some of the children had negative conceptions about adult Arabs and Jews, children, on the whole, did not invoke these stereotypes when evaluating peer conflict situations between Israeli and Palestinian children. Exposure to the programme was linked to an increase in children’s use of both prosocial justifications to resolve conflicts and positive attributes to describe members of the other group. Palestinian children’s abilities to identify symbols of their own culture increased over time. The results indicate the effectiveness of media-based interventions such as Rechov Sumsum/Shara’a Simsim on countering negative stereotypes by building a peer-oriented context that introduces children to the everyday lives of people from different cultures.

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Eid, Neveen. "The Inner Conflict." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 2, no. 1 (March 1, 2010): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2010.020104.

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This article addresses the Dual Narrative Approach (DNA) as applied to a sample group of Palestinian students in Israel. This approach is implemented in the dual narrative textbook developed by the Peace Research Institute in the Middle East (PRIME). The textbook was originally developed for history teaching in both the state of Israel and the Palestinian National Authority. The particular situation of Palestinians living in Israel raises an important question of the implementation of this approach in Palestinian-Israeli schools. This sample group is particularly interesting as within the State of Israel only the Jewish-Israeli historical narrative is officially taught in schools, even in the Arab-Palestinian schools. For many of the students tested in this study, this textbook was their first exposure to their own narrative. This article is an empirical study that uses the "mixed methods approach," investigating the students' reactions to the dual narrative textbook with specific regard to the narrative of the events of 1948, one of the most contentious periods for these two nations.

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Shikhmanter, Rima. "History as Politics: Contemporary Israeli Children's and Young Adults' Historical Fiction and the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict." International Research in Children's Literature 9, no. 1 (July 2016): 83–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ircl.2016.0184.

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Historical fiction serves as a powerful source for the dissemination of historical images and the determination of collective memory. These roles are of particular significance in the context of severe political conflicts. In these cases historical fiction shapes the narrative of the conflict, explains its source and central events, and therefore forms the readers' political stances towards the conflict and its consequences. This article examines the role contemporary Jewish Israeli historical fiction for young adults plays in presenting the Israeli–Palestinian conflict to young readers. It discusses two of the political perspectives this fiction addresses: the traditional hegemonic narrative and the left-wing narrative. Associated with the right-wing sector of Israeli politics, the former promotes the Zionist myth and seeks to justify the necessity and morality of its premises while ignoring and/or dismissing the legitimacy of the Palestinian narrative. The lack of a consensual Jewish historical narrative that does not negate the Palestinian narrative on the one hand, and the ongoing public delegitimisation of the left-wing on the other, forces historical-fiction authors to place their plots at a historical remove, locating them in other places and times.

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Nets-Zehngut, Rafi. "Israeli war veterans’ memory of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." International Journal of Conflict Management 28, no. 2 (April 10, 2017): 182–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijcma-05-2016-0024.

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Purpose This paper aims to explore, for the first time over a long period of time, the autobiographical memory of Israeli veterans of the 1948 War, pertaining to the 1948 Palestinian exodus that led to the creation of the Palestinian refugee problem. Does this memory include the Zionist narrative (i.e. willing flight of the Palestinian refugees) or a critical narrative (i.e. willing flight and expulsion)? One of the primary sources to influence the collective memory of conflicts is the autobiographical memory. This memory is also one of the primary sources for research of the past. Thus, autobiographical memory is of importance. Design/methodology/approach Methodologically, this is done through an analysis of all 1948 veterans’ memoirs published between 1949 and 2004. Interviews were also conducted with various veterans, to understand the dynamics of their memoir publication. Findings Empirical findings suggest that during the first period (1949-1968), this memory was exclusively Zionist; during the second (1969-1978), it became slightly critical; and during the third (1979-2004), the critical tendency became more prevalent. Onward, the nine empirical causes for the presentation of exodus the way it was presented are discussed. Theoretical findings relate, inter alia, to the importance of micro factors in shaping the autobiographical memory, assembles seven such theoretical factors, suggests that these factors can influence in two ways (promoting collective memory change or inhibiting it), and that their impact can change over time. Originality/value Taken together, the paper contributes empirical and theoretical findings that are based on a solid and wide scope research.

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Rakhshandehnia, Seyede Akram. "The Conflict between Self and the Other in Mourid Barghouti’s “Ra’yat Ram Allah”." Al-Adab Journal 1, no. 126 (September 15, 2018): 436–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31973/aj.v1i126.71.

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Mourid Barghouti is among the Palestinian novelists who have lived outside Palestine and have been deprived of returning to their country for around thirty years. In his novel “Ra’yat Ram Allah” that is considered his biography he pictures Palestinian self in conflict with the Israeli other. Each of them, self and the other, include features and characteristics related to their own. This novel considers Palestinian self (I) as one of the involved parties and the Israeli other that deals with occupation and violence against Palestinian self. Considering the presence of conflict between self and the other, the Palestinian self is about to know the other and reveal his features and identity. Consequently, this research is about to study the images of Palestinian and Israeli in the light of self and the other conflict by using descriptive-analytic approach. Among the results of this research is that the writer has dealt with Palestinian self more than the other and portraits the Palestinian self’s raison d'être, be it positive or negative. And when referring to the Palestinian other he refers to occupation and colonialism characteristics more than anything.

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Beitzel, Terry. "After the June War: Peace or Justice, Conflict Management or Democracy in Palestine-Israel?" Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 16, no. 2 (November 2017): 193–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2017.0165.

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The post-June War period becomes predominantly, though not exclusively, an ‘Israeli-Palestinian’ conflict rather than an ‘Arab-Israeli’ conflict. What sort of state is the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) wishing to establish? Since at least 1968, The Palestinian leadership has made explicit statements concerning governance, especially in favour of democracy and justice. Why was this ignored? The first aim of this study is not to draw out the situated nuances and contours for a complete description of the Palestinian perception of governance and international law, rather the aim is thematically to examine the Palestinian support for a more democratic form of governance. Secondly, this study attempts to examine the official Israeli record and reaction (or lack thereof) to these statements made by the Palestinians. Finally, these findings will be compared to conflict management and democratisation. The study ends with a question to the reader: what if more energy were placed into supporting democracy rather than managing conflict? Or, said another way, justice rather than peace?

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Shehadeh, Amer. "The Psychological Wellbeing of Palestinian Children Living among Israeli Settlements in Hebron Old City." Academic Journal of Research and Scientific Publishing 3, no. 28 (August 5, 2021): 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.52132/ajrsp.e.2021.282.

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For more than ten decades, the Palestinian Occupied Territories are marked by a protracted political conflict. During this conflict, more than 300 settlements have been built inside West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem “Occupied Palestinian Territories”, since that time the conflict between Palestinian and Israeli occupation forces is still ongoing. One of the most important results of this occupation and conflict is the suffering of Palestinian living among these Israeli settlements. Therefore, this study aimed at gaining insight into the impact of living within this situation on children and adolescents’ psychological wellbeing. 357 8-18 years old Palestinian children took part; Two self-report questionnaires: the UCLA-PTSD-Reaction Index, investigating symptoms of posttraumatic stress, and the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaires, looking at overall psychological problems, were filed by children themselves, mothers, and teachers. Descriptive analyses investigated mental health differences between both variables, gender, and age, and the mental health outcomes. This study shows the important impact of being lived among Israeli settlements on the psychological wellbeing of Palestinian, above, girls, younger adolescents, also reported higher scores on both questionnaires, the study urges for more psychological care and support for family members – in particular children.

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Heni, Adnania Nugra, and Oktiva Herry Chandra. "The Representation of Palestinian-Israeli Conflict in Online News Articles: A Critical Discourse Analysis." Lensa: Kajian Kebahasaan, Kesusastraan, dan Budaya 12, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.26714/lensa.12.1.2022.134-147.

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This study aims to analyse how Palestinian-Israeli conflicts are reported by two different news media, in this case Fox News (American) and Detik.Com (Indonesian). The data in this study were words and sentences which represent how Palestinian-Israeli conflict is reported by the two media. The data were taken from 4 news articles of Fox News and Detik.com which were reported from May 15 to May 31, 2021. The data were collected by using participant non-observation method with note-taking techniques. Then, the data were analyzed based on Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) theory proposed by Fairclough (1995). The results of the research indicate that there are differences in the representation of Palestinian and Israeli conflicts in the two media. In Fox News articles, Palestine, especially Hamas, is represented as a terrorist and there is an element of the American government's alignment with Israel. Meanwhile, in Detik.com articles, Israel is represented as the perpetrator of the attack while Palestine is represented as the victim.

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Melnikova, S. V. "Dynamics of the arab countries' involvement to the israeli-palestinian peace process (1967–2002)." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 26, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 30–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2020-26-4-30-37.

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The paper presents an analysis of the evolution of the Arab countries` involvement to the resolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The research was carried out through a historical analysis of the Israeli-Egyptian peace accords, the Madrid peace conference, the Oslo Process, the Israeli-Jordan peace agreements, and the Arab peace initiative. The author presents the gradual evolution of the Arab countries position to the Palestinian issue from the absolute non-recognition of Israel and open enmity to the end of the boycott and to the establishment of diplomatic relations with Israel. The author also identifies the causes and the consequences of this change in the approach of the Arab countries. Results show that the main reason was the weakening of the USSR and its collapse, which predetermined the need for Arab countries to seek a new source of support in the face of the United States. Moreover, the importance of the Palestinian problem decreases for Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, while influence of the economic factor and security issues increases. Other Arab countries such as Egypt, Lebanon, Syria and Jordan do not have sufficient resources to defend their position on Palestine. Another important factor is the destruction of the united Arab position, and the decline in the popularity of the concept of pan-Arabism. The author concludes that the Palestinian-Israeli conflict ceases to be a stumbling block for resolving the larger Arab-Israeli conflict, and becomes a bargaining chip. Thus, it can be assumed that even with the resumption of the Palestinian-Israeli peace process the participation of Arab countries in it will be comparably formal. While a gradual rapprochement of Israel with its neighbor countries, the conflict will continue to evolve spontaneously with regular cases of Palestinian resistance until the irrevocable Israeli occupation is over.

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Hanauer, David I. "The discursive construction of the separation wall at Abu Dis." Journal of Language and Politics 10, no. 3 (October 31, 2011): 301–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.10.3.01han.

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The article analyses the discursive function of graffiti on the separation wall in the contested space of Abu Dis on the boundary between Jerusalem and the Occupied Territories. This study explores the role of graffiti as micro-level, political discourse designed to influence national and international actions concerning the Palestinian-Israeli conflict over national borders, self determination and human rights. The data for this study consisted of photographic documentation of the Abu Dis graffiti. This data was analysed for its linguistic and informational characteristic, its political functions, and discursive construction. The results of the study reveal that the separation wall is constructed in five different ways that directly interact with the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The graffiti on the wall at Abu Dis is a microcosm of the broader conflict and offers an insight into the different chains of political discourse in action in the discussion of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

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Roy, Sara. "Humanism, Scholarship, and Politics: Writing on the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict." Journal of Palestine Studies 36, no. 2 (January 1, 2007): 54–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2007.36.2.54.

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This essay discusses the role of the intellectual in writing on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, exploring the relationship between scholarship and politics and the writer's moral and political responsibility. A personal account based both on the literature and on the author's two decades of experience researching and writing on Palestinian-Israeli issues, the essay addresses three recurring themes——objectivity and partisanship, process, and dissent. In so doing, it challenges the essentialist positions that argue against the role of individual judgment and subjectivity in the conduct of research, especially on politically sensitive issues. The essay addresses the critical tasks of the humanist scholar who writes on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and the ways in which scholarship can play both a pedagogical and moral role.

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Mansour, Awad. "The Conflict over Jerusalem: A Settler-Colonial Perspective." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 17, no. 1 (May 2018): 9–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2018.0176.

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In July 2017 — while preparing this article for publication — a two-week standoff occurred between Palestinian worshippers in Jerusalem and the Israeli government, which sought to impose new restrictions on Palestinian Muslim access to the Al-Aqsa Mosque. Thus, this article has two parts. The initial version, providing a settler-colonial reading of the conflict over Jerusalem utilising three concepts: the ‘frontier’, ‘othering’ in Orientalism, and a Foucauldian application of the creation of docile subjects through an intrusive surveillance structure. The second part, the epilogue, highlights the standoff and concludes that the Palestinian self-mobilisation in Jerusalem demonstrated an ability to break loose from the intense Israeli settler-colonial dynamics.

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Karolyi, Paul. "Chronology." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 4 (2017): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.4.s3.

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This is part 134 of a chronology begun by the Journal of Palestine Studies in Spring 1984, and covers events from 16 February to 15 May 2017 on the ground in the occupied Palestinian territories and in the diplomatic sphere, regionally and internationally. U.S. pres. Donald Trump leads a new, regional effort to restart Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations. With the prospect of peace talks on the horizon, the Israeli government announced a new policy to guide settlement growth in the West Bank, and the Ramallah-based Palestinian leadership struggled to consolidate power. Palestinians in the West Bank elected new local leaders, although the elections were compromised by disagreements among the major political parties. Approximately 1,500 Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails declared a hunger strike (the Dignity Strike), drawing support from across the political spectrum. Meanwhile, the right-wing Israeli government continued its efforts to undermine and delegitimize its opponents, including the Israeli Left, the Palestinian minority in Israel, and the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement. For a more comprehensive overview of regional and international developments related to the Palestine-Israel conflict, see the quarterly Update on Conflict and Diplomacy in JPS 46 (4).

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Bulska, Dominika, and Mikołaj Winiewski. "Irrational Critique of Israel and Palestine: New Clothes for Traditional Prejudice?" Social Psychological Bulletin 13, no. 1 (April 11, 2018): e25497. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/spb.v13i1.25497.

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Among researchers of Antisemitism there is a relative consensus that at least some criticisms of Israel may indeed be a form of expressing Antisemitic prejudice in a more socially approved manner. However, the relations between Antisemitism and anti-Israelism are yet to be fully explained, especially since the issue is inextricably linked with the dynamic of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The two presented studies have two purposes: firstly, to measure Polish attitudes towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and, secondly, to establish the relationship between anti-Israelism and anti-Palestinism and more traditional types of prejudice, like Antisemitism and Islamophobia. In the first study (N = 301) we constructed a questionnaire of perception of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict with three subscales: Rational approach to conflict, extreme pro-Israeli opinions and extreme pro-Palestinian opinions. In the second study (N = 190) we found that both Antisemitism and Islamophobia predict the way Poles perceive the conflict between Israel and Palestine and beliefs in Jewish conspiracy seem to play the biggest role here. There is also evidence anti–Israelism is expressed not by criticizing Israel, but rather by expressing full support for Palestine. The questionnaire presented in this article may be treated as an indirect measure of Antisemitic prejudice, expressed in a more socially approved manner. Our findings may shed a new light on anti–Israelism and anti-Palestinism.

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Buśko, Michał Ziemowit. "Kształtowanie granic rzeczywistych i wyobrażonych Jerozolimy Wschodniej w kontekście konfliktu izraelsko-palestyńskiego." Politeja 16, no. 1(58) (October 31, 2019): 255–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.58.14.

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Shaping the Real and Imaginary Boundaries of East Jerusalem in the Context of the Israeli‑Palestinian Conflict The article discusses selected goals of Israeli policy regarding East Jerusalem, presenting them as phenomena constituting the process of constructing real and imaginary city boundaries. The author analyzed two following research problems. How did Israel create the actual and imaginary city boundaries? What were the consequences of Israeli boundaries‑forming policy? The above questions were analyzed by looking at Israeli facts on the ground policy aimed to unify Jerusalem territory and consolidate its de facto jurisdiction. The investigation of the above questions allowed to draw a conclusion that Israeli policies in East Jerusalem contributed to the maintaining of the Israeli‑Palestinian conflict.

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Tomkys, Roger. "A history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." International Affairs 71, no. 1 (January 1995): 187–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624085.

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Rynhold, Jonathan. "Democrats’ Attitudes toward the Israeli‐Palestinian Conflict." Middle East Policy 27, no. 4 (December 2020): 48–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12526.

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Jacoby, Tami Amanda. "Women's Resistance in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." Minerva Journal of Women and War 4, no. 1 (April 1, 2010): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3172/min.4.1.7.

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Tsintsadze, Shorena. "REGIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT." European Political and Law Discourse 9, no. 4 (2022): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.46340/eppd.2022.9.4.1.

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Fedorchenko, A. V. "Territorial "Gordian Knot" in Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 311–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-311-313.

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Chapman, Colin. "EVANGELELICALS, ISLAM AND THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT." Muslim-Christian Encounter 5, no. 1 (August 31, 2012): 137–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.30532/mce.2012.08.5.1.137.

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Quandt, William B., and Mark Tessler. "A History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." Foreign Affairs 73, no. 5 (1994): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20046888.

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Reader, Keith. "Israeli-Palestinian Conflict in the Francophone World." Modern & Contemporary France 19, no. 3 (August 2011): 368–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2011.593928.

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Milton-Edwards, Beverly. "Political Islam and the Palestinian–Israeli Conflict." Israel Affairs 12, no. 1 (January 2006): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537120500381778.

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Perra, Antonio. "Gaza, 2014: understanding the israeli-palestinian conflict." Malala 3, no. 4 (April 4, 2015): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2446-5240.malala.2015.101777.

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Humphreys, Andrea. "Die Grunen and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." Australian Journal of Politics and History 50, no. 3 (September 2004): 407–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2004.00343.x.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Israeli-Palestinian Conflict'

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