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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Israeli-Palestinian Conflict'
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Gafiichuk, Anastasia Sergeevna, and Анастасія Сергіївна Гафійчук. "Information warfare in the Israeli -palestinian conflict." Thesis, National Aviation University, 2021. https://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/51630.
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1. Почепцов Г. Сучасні інформаційні війни / Георгій Почепцов. - Київ : Києво-Могилян. акад., 2015. - 496 с.
2. Война, пропаганда и социальные сети: Израиль и Газа. [Електронний ресурс]. − Режим доступу: https://www.imena.ua/blog/war/
3. Супермаркет пропаганди: Ізраїль та Палестина. Аналітичний центр ADASTRA. [Електронний ресурс]. − Режим доступу:https://adastra.org.ua/blog/ supermarket-propagandi-izrayil-ta-palestina
4. Израиль: Конфликт и мирное урегулирование. Ответы на часто задаваемые вопросы Еврейское агентство для Израиля. [Електронний ресурс]. − Режим доступу: http://archive.jewishagency.org/ru/israel/content/22861#_
Toc251653174Since ancient times people have realized the need in influencing the soldiers’ mind can help in prosecution or avoiding armed conflict. For example, the Chinese general Sun Tzu in the late VI - early V century BC defined the ideal victory as the submission of states by diplomatic means, without military action.
З давніх часів люди усвідомлювали необхідність впливати на розум солдатів, що може допомогти у розслідуванні справи або уникненні збройних конфліктів. Наприклад, китайський полководець Сунь Цзи наприкінці VI - на початку V століття до нашої ери визначив ідеальну перемогу як підкорення держав дипломатичним шляхом, без військових дій.
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Simon, R. R. "The role of religion in Israeli-Palestinian conflict resolution." Thesis, University of Bradford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.499869.
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Volonte, Gianna S. "Interpersonal Forgiveness: An Approach to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1621541859468987.
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Mitchell, Stephanie Claire. "The Function of Religion in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3939.
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The role of religion in politics has been rising to the forefront of history in the Middle East for a number of decades and more so since 9/11, raising significant questions as to whether religion functions as a catalyst for conflict or peace. This thesis focuses specifically on the role of religion in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the manner in which actors incorporate religion into their national politics. In doing so, the inquiry focuses on the proponents of religion on both the Jewish and the Palestinian sides in addressing a) territorial rights, b) interpretations in the use of deadly force and violence, and c) interpretations of the final political goal to be attained. In the context of the broader nationalism of each side, the study reflects on different approaches to religion and how they may provide perspectives that are either catalytic to conflict or catalytic to building peace. In this light, the inquiry of this thesis analyzes and contrasts religious nationalism and pro-peace religiosity, concluding with implications and directives for conflict resolution.
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Amjad, Urooj Quezon. "Water, Conflict, & Cooperation: Ramallah, West Bank." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/31563.
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Conclusions of this case study on Ramallah imply that an effective water management strategy will have a dual intent: incorporate â trickle-upâ municipal level water management strategies and integrate conflict reduction measures. This study finds that Ramallahâ s cooperation with the Palestinian Authority and environmental Non-governmental organizations has a strong influence on water management and water conflict alleviation. Palestinian municipal and regional water management processes, can potentially contribute to effective water management and water conflict reduction between Israelis and Palestinians. The study focuses on Ramallah, a centrally located, mid-sized town in the West Bank. This research uses interviews of Palestinian water managers and researchers, gathered in the West Bank throughout the summer of 1999, as well as secondary sources.Master of Urban and Regional Planning
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Ozturk, Tugce. "Terrorism And The Israeli-palestinian Peace Process." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612774/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyzes the issue of terrorism regarding the Palestinian-Israeli Peace Process. The role of two sides on the ongoing violence and terrorism will be discussed comparatively. Focusing on the Peace Process, the thesis will trace whether terrorist activities had an impact on the collapse of the Peace Process and also will demonstrate how a peace process produced an Israeli state more militarized and a Palestinian society more radicalized and religious than ever before.
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Zielinski, William J. "Winning the strategic narrative in the Israeli-Palestinian protracted conflict." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/29615.
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The purpose of this thesis is to identify the reasons for Israeli and Palestinian religious objections to peaceful co-existence in a two-state solution to the conflict over the land between the Jordan River and Mediterranean Sea. Developing an understanding of the basic religious requirements and precedents, while consistently considering religious impact in politics, may help to open dialogue between Jewish Gush Emunim and Muslim Palestinian Hamas, strong opponents to land compromise.
Arguments by Gush Emunim and Hamas from the two major religious works, the Jewish Tanakh and the Muslim Qur’an, and associated commentaries, the Jewish Talmud and Muslim Hadith, are compared and evaluated for religious insights into the disputed areas. Contemporary interpretations of each major writing and political objections based on religious argumentation create a strong context for modern conflict. The requirements and precedents for peace that come from religious texts also promote open dialogue. This thesis suggests ways to open dialogue between the Israeli and Palestinian cultures, comparing religious texts, interpretations, and concepts, in an effort to promote peaceful co-existence and build an effective strategic narrative.
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Viterbo, Hedi. "The legal construction of childhood in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/592/.
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Harass, Azza. "Reading the Israeli/Palestinian conflict through theater : a postcolonial analysis." Thesis, University of Kent, 2015. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/47909/.
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The Israeli-Palestinian conflict dates back to 1917, when British Prime Minister Balfour declared Britain’s support for the establishment of a homeland for Jews in the land of Palestine. The conflict has had many political, social, and artistic implications. On the political level, a struggle that has not been solved until this day has evolved. On a social level, many lives have been crushed: thousands of native citizens of the land became refugees, mainly in Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria, but also worldwide. Others, like the Arabs who stayed in what was in 1948 declared to be the state of Israel, have been suffering from an identity crisis; many of these Arabs face unlawful detention, demolition of houses, killing and racism. The Gaza strip has almost always been under siege by the Israeli military machine lately. Meanwhile, the Jewish society has never had a day of peace since the establishment of their state. On the artistic level, the conflict has always had implications for Arab/ Palestinian and Israeli writings., I seek to read the depiction of the conflict with its different violent confrontations from both Israeli and Palestinian perspectives starting with the Palestinian Nakba to the violent Israeli oppression of any Palestinian resistance in the Intifada. I also read literary texts about Palestinian resistance, actual material resistance of the first Palestinian Intifada as represented by both sides in postcolonial terms. In fact, I believe that both Palestinian and Israeli literature could be read in the context of postcolonial discourse. On the one hand, for Palestinian and Arab writers, Palestinian writing is and should be read as resistance literature, or ‘Adab al-muqawamah’, a term coined by Palestinian writer Ghassan Kanafani. Anna Ball’s study Palestinian Literature and Film in Postcolonial Feminist Perspective examines Palestinian literature and film in the light of postcolonial feminism. Ball places the conflict in the context of colonial/ postcolonial discourse and breaks the taboo against using the word colonialism when speaking about Zionism. In fact, the research problem is based on the idea of the inadequacy of ignoring Palestinian and Israeli literature as part of postcolonial studies simply for fear of revealing the colonial status quo of the land. According to Anna Bernard, who seeks to draw attention to what she calls ‘blind spots in postcolonial studies’, mainly Israel/ Palestine: ‘by dismissing a ‘postcolonial’ approach to Israel-Palestine studies outright, [critics like] Massad and Shohat overlook the value of a literary study that seeks to demonstrate the collective and cross-cultural impact of the various modern forms of colonialism and imperialism on artistic production across the globe’. Massad’s argument that there is difficulty in describing space, time and body in Israel/ Palestine as postcolonial is based on his interrogations: ‘Can one determine the coloniality of Palestine/ Israel without noting its ‘‘post-coloniality’’ for Ashkenazi Jews? Can one determine the post-coloniality of Palestine/Israel without noting its coloniality for Palestinians? Can one determine both or either without noting the simultaneous colonizer/colonized status of Mizrahi Jews? (Although one could debate the colonized status of Mizrahi Jews) How can all these people inhabit a colonial/postcolonial space in a world that declares itself living in a post-colonial time?’ Ella Shohat, likewise, is against what she calls the ‘ahistorical and universalizing deployments, and potentially [the] depoliticizing implications’ of the term ‘post-colonial,’ especially that, according to her, it is used instead of important terms like imperialism and neo-colonialism. In spite of the importance of paying attention to the correct description of states of imperialism and neo-colonialism, I still find it possible to read both Palestinian and Israeli texts in postcolonial perspective, agreeing with Bernard ‘that the tools that have been developed for reading these texts comparatively – including colonial discourse analysis, national allegory, minority discourse, and so on – can be usefully applied, tested, and revised in the analysis of Palestinian and Israeli literary and cultural production’. This view resonates with Ashcroft, Tiffin and Griffiths’s in their study The Postcolonial Studies Reader (1995), when they comment on this wide range of relevant fields that the term postcolonial suggests: ‘Postcolonial theory involves discussion about experience of various kinds: migration, slavery, suppression, resistance, representation, difference, race, gender, [and] place’ . In fact, the term ‘postcolonial’ is not necessarily restricted to a real colonial period; it could be used, according to Ashcroft, Tiffin and Griffiths in The Empire Writes Back: ‘to cover all the culture affected by the imperial process from the moment of colonization to the present day. This is because there is continuity of preoccupations throughout the historical process initiated by European imperial aggression’. Between the view of the land of Palestine as a lawful possession of the Jews and that which sees Jewish presence as a settler or colonial one, a debate about reading the conflict and literary production tackling the conflict within theories of colonial and postcolonial studies arises. What makes reading the Israeli/Palestinian conflict and its literature and literary production within the paradigm of postcolonialism problematic is worth some further investigation. First, the preference and focus on the discursive practices of colonialism over the material practices has resulted in excluding the Israeli/ Palestinian conflict from the field of postcolonial studies by a number of critics like Ella Shohat and Joseph Massad, which is more elaborated on later. Second, the debate about the Zionist project as a settler colonial one could also problematize analysing the conflict within postcolonial theories. The first chapter explores the Israeli/ Palestinian and Arab writing of the conflict from a colonizer/colonized perspective. I mainly focus on the representation of violence as an essential element in a colonized society and the decolonization process, drawing on Frantz Fanon’s theory that violence is inevitable in any colonized community as the backbone of the analysis. For this purpose, I have chosen Syrian playwright Saad-Allah Wanous’s play Rape (1990), to compare with Israeli playwright Hanoch Levin’s play Murder (1997), since both plays represent violence as a vicious circle that does not lead anywhere in the Palestinian/Israeli conflict, even though it is an everyday act that has become a way of life for both sides. Crucial terms in the field of postcolonial studies such as resistance/terrorism are examined. Some similarities between the ways the two playwrights write the conflict are also highlighted, which supports the idea that literature can always find shared ground between any two conflicting parties. In Chapters Two and Three I write about the history of the conflict as a chain of endless violent confrontations; violence in this case is on the national level when the two nations fight each other. Chapter Two addresses some of the landmark events in the history of the Jewish and Palestinian peoples, mainly the Israeli War of Independence/Nakba as the same historical event seen from the two extremely different colonizer/colonized perspectives. The chapter also addresses what the Holocaust has to do with the two events and how the Holocaust was exploited by the Israeli state to silence any condemnation of the Israeli/Zionist settler colonial project in Palestine and later on to silence any international condemnation of the Israeli 1967 occupation of more Palestinian and Arab lands.
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Ricca, Simone. "The Jewish quarter of Jerusalem : analysis of the destruction and reconstruction since 1967." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273013.
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Baghdadi, Leila. "Symbolic interactionism the role of interaction in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/642201302/viewonline.
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Daniele, Giulia. "Along an alternative road : women, reconciliation and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3616.
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This Ph.D. thesis explores and documents the relationships existing between some of the foremost bodies of literature within the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. These are concerned with women’s feminist activism as well as with recognition and reconciliation approaches which address ethno-national contexts, and in particular the ongoing status of military occupation. In analysing their interconnections, my aim is to show their relevance to any strategies which have attempted to move beyond the current impasse towards the identification of effective peaceful political alternatives. In the course of this research, I take account of the most significant academic writing relevant to this area, and direct attention to those past and contemporary women’s initiatives which have striven to question such a reality. I underline the Palestinian and Israeli Jewish women’s role in tackling the major arguments concerning the ways through which diverse forms of ethno-nationalism have obstructed the achievement of recognition and reconciliation in the land of Palestine. In this framework, women’s and feminist critical positions have been at the core of socio-political activism, reflecting on alternatives for a meaningful resolution of the conflict. By examining the relevant material and by consideration of the outcomes of my fieldwork (mostly based on semi-structured interviews), I extend my study to both the historic practical examples and the philosophical debates, which seek to deconstruct the founding pillars of both nationalisms. Based around a critical analysis of the existing feminist literature, my research focuses on exploring viable political tools used by women activists to overcome conflicting ethno-national narratives, as well as to provide innovative approaches and practices applicable to the reconciliation process between Palestinians and Israeli Jews. Considering both parallel and joint women’s initiatives, and the internal heterogeneity within each side, my contribution seeks to highlight the importance of engaging with women’s and feminist activism in the Palestinian-Israeli background, since it can be seen as one of the few remaining political visions able to challenge the status quo. On an academic level, and also within peace-oriented movements, in spite of its difficulties and failures, the women’s feminist voice has continued to develop theoretical analyses along with practical approaches of resistance, in its attempt to counter the worsening of the ‘normalised’ reality in Palestine/Israel.
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Stawicki, Melanie 1973 Davis Charles N. "Framing the Israeli-Palestinian conflict a study of frames used by three American newspapers /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri--Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5338.
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The entire thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file; a non-technical public abstract appears in the public.pdf file. Title from PDF of title page (University of Missouri--Columbia, viewed on January 15, 2010). Thesis advisor: Dr. Charles Davis. Includes bibliographical references.
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Fisher, Darren Christopher Edwin. "The role of the Jerusalem Municipality in the conflict over the city." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322285.
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Lingenfelder, Christian J. "The elephant in the room religious extremism in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Mar%5FLingenfelder.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Daniel Moran. "March 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p.85-91). Also available online.
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Alouri, A. I. Y. "U.S. policy towards the Arab-Israeli conflict : the issue of Palestinian representation." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.505674.
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Turkel, Bryan 9842267. "The Influence of Power Dynamics On the Israeli-Palestinian Ethos of Conflict." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1281.
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The study of intractable conflicts has risen in recent years particularly with the work of Daniel Bar-Tal’s work on the ethos of conflict. The ethos of conflict is an original psychological concept that captures the collective societal mindset of cultures locked in intractable conflicts and examines the various factors that keep groups in conflict or help them towards peace. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is arguably the most researched, publicized, and discussed intractable conflict in history. The purpose of this paper is to first examine the foundation of that intractable conflict through the lens of Bar-Tal’s theory and apply it once more how it has changed in the modern day. Particularly, this paper focuses on how the change in power structure in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has prioritized the different elements of the ethos of conflict differently for both sides. In the beginning of the conflict, both groups held equitable power that caused them to have similar manifestations of the ethos of conflict. Working with the foundation of Bar-Tal’s theory, this paper provides an analysis of how Israel’s rise to power in the conflict influences different prioritizations of the ethos of conflict for both parties.
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Danjoux, I. I. an Judah Maurice. "Lines in the sand : A cartoon analysis of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.499938.
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Shaheen, Ayman Abdel Aziz. "Land and land conflict in the Palestinian-Israeli peace process, 1990-1999." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2000. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/375/.
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This thesis examines the importance of the debates and struggle over land in the Oslo Accord and immediately post-Oslo. It does this by first situating the conflict over land in the historical context of the spread of Zionism from the 1880s, culminating in the establishment of the State of Israel in Palestine in 1948. It then reviews and contrasts the policies on land and settlement of the Israeli Labour and Likud parties. The focus of the thesis is an assessment of Israeli settlement policy on the West Bank and Gaza-Strip after the Oslo Agreement of 1993. It examines the sequences of Israeli-Palestinian agreements that have divided Palestinian land into different categories and argues that these categories and the problems they have created have ignored the historical importance of land in the conflict between Israel and Palestine. The thesis argues that the classification of land is intended to further subjugate Palestine to the political and economic dominance of Israel, and that the formulation for discussing land issues undermines the possibility for the establishment of a strong and economically independent Palestinian state. The thesis submits that the persistence of Israeli settlement policy and the manner of Israeli withdrawal from the West Bank has not encouraged the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) to conduct a comprehensive land survey and registration procedure. Moreover. Israeli strategy in the post-Oslo period has been to promote the cantonisation of Palestine to ensure that any future Palestinian state will remain economically weak and politically disjointed.
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Nuseibah, Munir. "Forced displacement in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, international law and transitional justice." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2013. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/8z109/forced-displacement-in-the-palestinian-israeli-conflict-international-law-and-transitional-justice.
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Sixty five years after the forced exodus of the majority of the Palestinian population that inhabited the territory on which Israel was established (known as Nakba, translated to catastrophe), forced displacement is still an important feature of the Israeli policies towards Palestinians. Not only does Israel prevent the return of refugees, but it is still inflicting more displacements through measures that have been undertaken within the framework of the Israeli legal system whether in its civil or military varieties. Unfortunately, despite the fact that a peace process has been launched since almost 20 years, Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons have not been provided with remedies. On the one hand, the Israeli legal system is part of the problem, and on the other hand, the political process is not yet leading anywhere. Against this background, scholars and other contributors have been debating solutions that could end the plight of the refugees within the context of the peace process. A new approach has emerged, attempting to use the transitional justice framework in solving the plight of the Nakba victims. Most of the new literature looks into the possibility of designing truth commissions to heal the pains caused by the Nakba. This thesis aims at defining the parameters of a transitional justice approach in relation to displacement in Palestine/ Israel. It does so by attempting to employ a transitional justice methodology, which stresses the significance of comprehensiveness. Towards this end, the thesis starts by studying the measures that Israel took to inflict displacements during times of war and peace. Then, the legality of these measures in international law is examined. Finally, the thesis looks into transitional justice mechanisms and how they redressed forced displacement in similar contexts. As a result of this study, the thesis concludes that using transitional justice in the Palestinian-Israeli context cannot be limited to truth and reconciliation commissions, but needs also to comprehensively address the human rights violations by advancing such rights. This requires a number of remedies that must include, at a first step, the immediate end of the forced displacement regime. This can only happen through deep reforms in Israel’s legal frameworks and state institutions. In addition, this shall be coupled with reparation programs including truth, return, restitution of property, compensation; as well as designing a policy concerning the criminal justice element of the crime of forced displacement.
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Sigalho, João. "The securization process as the main strategy for the establishement of the Israeli State and the consequent definition ofits boundaries." Master's thesis, FEUC, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10316/20518.
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Dissertação de mestrado em Relações Internacionais, apresentada à Faculdade de Economia da Universidade de Coimbra, sob a orientação de Carmen Amado Mendes.The Securitization Process as the main strategy for the establishment of the Israeli State and the consequent definition of its boundaries focuses on the development of an alternative perspective regarding the establishment of the State of Israel and the consequential definition of its boundaries. In order to avoid any methodological mistakes based on the premise of a partial analysis, the author of the present dissertation initially focuses on the analysis of the concept of “Securitization”, provided by the Copenhagen School, since the standard established by the previous allows to verify the influence of the discursive acts performed by the recognized leaders that are involved throughout the key events of the conflict in analysis. The acts in question were determining factors for the evolution of the conflict, since, as it is approached in the first chapter, the discursive acts of the leaders are able to affect the creation of perceptions, not only by the affected population but, as well, by the International Community. As a result, the author felt the need to explore the theoretical conception of the “Securitization” process, with a special focus on the consequences that the previous allows, in order to contribute as well for the discussion of the theme in question, within the field of Security Studies. Afterwards, the author develops an analysis of the Zionist ideology, with the goal of verifying that its leaders, through the use of discursive acts, directly iv influenced the perceptions of the community that was covered by it, being that the Jewish population, and, as well, the leaders of the States that had the capability to directly influence the issues identified by the previously referred ideology. By doing so, the author will try to prove that the establishment of the State of Israel, even before the development of the Nazi doctrine, was an achievable goal, since the structures to do so had been, until then, created. Consequently, after proving that the establishment of the State of Israel is a result of a successful developed process of “Securitization” of the Jewish community survival, by the Zionist leaders, the author will focus on an analysis directed to the events that allowed the strengthening of the Israeli sovereignty, in its territory, and, afterwards, on the definition of the territory that was subject to it. By doing so, together with a brief scrutiny regarding the facilitating element that the structures created by the Zionist movement added to the relationship between Israel and the remaining States, the author will try to prove that the State of Israel possesses a regime of exception, within the International Community, which was acquired through the development of successive processes of “Securitization” of the Jewish identity.
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DeMaio, Matthew J. "Irreconcilable: The Story of the Palestinian and Israeli Future Visions Since 1967." Thesis, Boston College, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/3094.
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Thesis advisor: Eve SpanglerAt the conclusion of the 1967 War, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict returned to a contest between two national movements, Palestinian and Israeli, making competing claims to the same piece of territory. Over the ensuing 45 years, the discourse of each national movement has been littered with explicit and implicit references, acknowledgements and denunciations of the other. This study takes a critical reading approach to political discourse of each national movement with the goal of finding the place of the other in the imagined future of each group. By understanding the evolving place of the other in national movements that make exclusive claim to the same piece of territory, we are able to understand the irreconcilability that has characterized the Palestinian-Israeli conflict since the start of the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip in 1967 and the failure of the Oslo Process to bring about a negotiated solution
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2013
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Islamic Civilization and Society Honors Program
Discipline: Islamic Civilizations
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Reynolds, Kyra. "Eco-nationalism, eco-conflict and eco-peace : the political ecological dimensions of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." Thesis, Ulster University, 2017. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.744775.
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The ethno-nationalist conflict in Israel/Palestine has been the subject of significant academic interrogation. However, the political ecological dimensions of that conflict, despite their importance, have gone largely unnoticed. The natural environment, for example, is central to national identity constructs that have long been a source of contestation and friction in the region. The scarcity of vital natural resources (both land and water) needed to sustain nation-building efforts continue to occasion conflict. Access to and control of such resources is divisive and the environment has become a weapon through which to contest the ‘other’. Whilst there is a deep-rooted attachment and importance given to the environment, it has also been a victim to the conflict itself often being seconded to the ‘high political’ aspects prioritised at the governmental level At the opposite end of the spectrum, there are also numerous efforts which attempt to use the environment to promote cooperation/peacebuilding between actors in the conflict. This thesis attempts to unpack the often-overlooked political ecological dimensions of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. To do so, it focuses on a number of specific, localized and illustrating case studies in a series of three papers. The first analyses the impact of the Israeli West Bank separation barrier on Palestinian agricultural systems and processes. The second paper, analyses local attempts at Israeli-Palestinian ‘environmental cooperation’ and asserts the need for delving deeper into ‘cooperative’ interactions in order to determine their true nature and effectiveness. The third paper takes the same greater Bethlehem case studies and explores their possible peacebuilding contributions, before suggesting ways to improve their potential in that regard. As well as filling a significant vacuum in Israel/Palestine scholarship, the thesis has broader theoretical and practical relevance. It adds greatly to vibrant contemporary academic discussions, debates, and lines of enquiry pertaining to the relationships between the environment, conflict and peace. It also speaks to recent calls for geographers to research and contribute to ‘a geography of peace’. In a desire to employ a holistic lens (in this case a political ecological one), an inductive approach was pursued to facilitate the emergence of new ideas. That is, instead of having rigid, predefined theories to test, the approach, whilst including key ideas related to the broad conceptual framework, was to remain open-minded to what emerged in discussions with those involved in the scenarios, and through the analysis of a multitude of information sources. Key methods of primary data collection included semi-structured interviews and ethnographic observation. Primary data collection occurred remotely via ‘e-interviews’ between 2012 and 2013, and directly during a period of fieldwork to Israel/Palestine in 2014. A total of 40 interviews were completed. Ethnographic observation included partaking in tours and conducting site visits. The data collected was complemented by the consultation of secondary statistical sources, and visualisation using Geographic Information Systems. Qualitative content analysis was key in complementing the primary data.
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Shefrin, Elana. "Re-Mediating the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: The Use of Films to Facilitate Dialogue." unrestricted, 2007. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04202007-154957/.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2007.Title from file title page. M. Lane Bruner, committee chair; David Cheshier, Ted Friedman, Gayle Nelson, Leonard Teel, committee members. Electronic text (360 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Oct. 24, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 300-335).
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Zeitoun, Mark. "Power and the Palestinian-Israeli water conflict : towards a framework of hydro-hegemony." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.433657.
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Schindler, Hans-Jakob. "Political identity building and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict : theoretical approach and empirical analysis." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13848.
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This thesis develops a general theoretical approach to political identity building under emerging conditions of globalisation. This theoretical approach is used to analyse political developments in Israeli and Palestinian societies since the start of the Oslo process in 1993. Combining Rosenau's concepts of 'frontiers' and 'fragmegration' with Wendt's analysis of identity in international relations, a three level model for political identity building is developed. It argues that political identity is formed on the substate, state and the supra-state level. Although the state level is maintained as an important location for political identity, it is argued that the concept of 'national identity' is too limited a variable under emerging conditions of globalisation. Six main significators of political identity are analysed: territory, ethnicity, history, language, religion and gender. These cut across all three levels. The case studies use a series of in-depth interviews with political actors on all three levels. It is shown that both societies are currently experiencing a deep identity crisis. Different political identity groups have developed which lack common ground in their conceptions of what kind of states Israel or Palestine should be. Israeli society is increasingly fragmenting on all three levels of political interaction. In consequence, the state level is turning into a battleground for particular political identities and is increasingly unable to establish societal cohesion. Palestinian society experiences an increasing isolation of the state level. This is due to the autocratic and neo- patrimonial structure of the Palestinian Authority which marginalised the substate and the supra-state level from political decision making. Therefore, here too, societal cohesion cannot be generated on the state level. In consequence, opposition to the Palestinian Authority and the peace process in general is strengthened.
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Sofic, Elvira. "The Role of the EU in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict : A Qualitative Case Study on the Role of the EU in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict approached through realism, liberalism and constructivism." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-90944.
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For over four decades, the EU has been an active external actor in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. However, the role that the EU has in the conflict, have many times been questioned. This thesis aims therefore to examine the role of the EU in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by using three international relations theories; realism, liberalism and constructivism. With the research question of how the role of the EU can be understood and explained, a qualitative case study is being done. The theories are being approached in a theory consuming way focusing on following concepts; collective EU interests, security and military resources, democracy promotion, international law, and identity and norms. Following the results and analysis of the concepts, the EU does have an important, yet laid back role in the conflict. The EU has been an influential actor in many ways, however, the role has mostly been diplomatic and economic rather that political. This indicates that, for the EU to become a stronger political actor, the Union needs to take on more effective measures when acting and also handle the occurring changes within the Union.
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Gawerc, Michelle. "Israeli Palestinian Peace-building Partnerships: Stories of Adaptation, Asymmetry, and Survival." Thesis, Boston College, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/3760.
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Thesis advisor: William A. GamsonThis work presents a longitudinal study of greater than 10 years, of all the major peace-building initiatives with an educational encounter-based approach in Israel and Palestine, during times of relative peace and times of acute violence (1993-2008). Interestingly, my results indicated that when the environment became more tumultuous and hostile, the effectiveness and even survival of these organizations depended to a significant degree on the ability of the organizations to manage the power asymmetry between the two sides and work as equally as possible. Organizations which failed to deal effectively with matters of equality, and the needs and desires of both sides, ended up struggling to maintain commitment, or were doused in conflict that could have been tempered if they strived for more equality. This study, which involved fieldwork, participant observation, and interviews with Palestinian and Israeli peace-builders prior to, during, and post-the 2nd Intifada, is in many ways a natural experiment of peace-building organizations operating in radically different contexts. Involving various fields, this research contributes to the broad fields of conflict resolution, peace studies, and organization studies. It offers critical insight into how organizations adapt in radically changing environments, what is problematic, what are their possibilities, and what allows some to survive while others do not. Practically speaking, this study also has political import as it suggests ways to strengthen and sustain peace-building efforts in different contexts and strengthen peace-building's symbolic, cultural, and political worth and value. In addition, it has significance for building sustainable coalitions across an arena of inequality, asymmetry, and difference
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2010
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Sociology
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Shore, Megan Kate. "Religion and conflict resolution, the liberating potential of religion in the resolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ60686.pdf.
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Steinmeyer, John Kenneth. "An Examination of John Burton’s Method of Conflict Resolution and Its Applicability to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." Scholar Commons, 2017. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6666.
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This paper argues that the interactive problem-solving workshops created by political scientist John Burton and applied to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by social psychologist Herbert Kelman, while not, as yet, resulting in a just and permanent peace agreement, are effective in resolving intractable conflict, and, if persistently used, can significantly help to produce such an agreement. This is done by closely examining two books of Burton and a series of articles by Kelman to describe their process; the characteristics of intractable conflict are also reviewed from the work of social psychologist Daniel Bar-Tal. It is then argued that the psychological elements of intractable conflict and the satisfaction of basic human needs are addressed in the interactive problem-solving workshops, exactly what is needed in intractable conflict. It is also suggested that the many outsider recommendations for the resolution of this conflict will not work because they do nothing to address the psychological elements.
Recommendations are made to use the workshops to resolve disputes between the Hamas and Fatah political parties and various elements on the Israel side of the conflict; the top leaders of both sides of the conflict are also urged to participate in a workshop.
This paper also notes that a fully completed peace agreement already exists in the form of the Geneva Initiative, assembled by Israeli and Palestinian persons exhibiting the qualities promoted by the workshops.
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Yone, Nang. "The Religionization of Ethnic Conflict: A Comparative Analysis of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict and the Rohingya Crisis." Thesis, Boston College, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108796.
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Thesis advisor: Ali BanuaziziThe resurgence of religious violence in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries has led to a growing academic interest in the religionization of politics. Weary of the failures of secular nationalism in ensuring national security and protecting the right to self-determination, many communities have turned to religious nationalism to meet these political needs. As a result, some religious nationalist movements and organizations have resorted to violence in promoting their political agendas. This thesis conducts a comparative analysis of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar in order to investigate the relationship between religion and violence and how this relationship contributes to the intractability of ethnic conflict. Key findings include symbiotic relationships between religious nationalist organizations and civil society, as well as latent processes of religious “Othering.” Implications for future peace-building efforts are explored, with a key focus on interfaith dialogue and grassroots activism
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2020
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Arts & Sciences Honors Program
Discipline: Policital Science
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Coskun, Bezen. "Analysing desecuritisation : the case of Israeli and Palestinian peace education and water management." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2009. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/12879.
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This thesis applies securitisation theory to the Israeli-Palestinian case with a particular focus on the potential for desecuritisation processes arising from Israeli-Palestinian cooperation/coexistence efforts in peace education and water management. It aims to apply securitisation theory in general and the under-employed concept of desecuritisation in particular, to explore the limits and prospects as a theoretical framework. Concepts, arguments and assumptions associated with the securitisation theory of the Copenhagen School are considered. In this regard, the thesis makes a contribution to Security Studies through its application of securitisation theory and sheds light on a complex conflict situation. Based on an analytical framework that integrates the concept of desecuritisation with the concepts of peace-building and peace-making, the thesis pays attention to desecuritisation moves involving Israeli and Palestinian civil societies through peace education and water management. The thesis contributes to debates over the problems and prospects of reconciliation between Israelis and Palestinians, so making a significant empirical and theoretical contribution in the development of the concept of desecuritisation as a framework for analysing conflict resolution. The thesis develops an analytical framework that combines political level peace-making with civil society actors' peace-building efforts. These are seen as potential processes of desecuritisation; indeed, for desecuritisation to occur. The thesis argues that a combination of moves at both the political and societal levels is required. By contrast to securitisation processes which are mainly initiated by political andlor military elites with the moral consent of society (or 'audience' in Copenhagen School terms), processes of desecuritisation, especially in cases of protracted conflicts, go beyond the level of elites to involve society in cultural and structural peace-building programmes. Israeli-Palestinian peace education and water management cases are employed to illustrate this argument.
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Scheifer, Ron. "Political warfare in the Arab-Israeli conflict : the reaction of the Israeli government to the Palestinian uprising 1987-1989." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.443682.
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Horenstein, Robert Arthur. "Common Security: A Conceptual Blueprint for an Israeli-Palestinian Political Settlement." PDXScholar, 1993. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4591.
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The deep-rooted Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been a major source of destabilization in the Middle East for some three-quarters of a century. Whereas other long-standing conflicts around the world have been brought to a close, this struggle (both in and of itself and within its wider Arab-Israeli dimension) remains a perennial tinderbox. This is particularly true given the unsettling realities of the region in which the conflict exists. Consequently, a certain sense of urgency for finding a permanent political settlement can be discerned both within the region and outside it. still, the search for a solution has yielded progress only on an interim arrangement (the Gaza-Jericho autonomy accord signed by Israel and the PLO September 13, 1993). To be workable, a political settlement must break new ground by conceptualizing the problem in terms which transcend the traditional, emotion-laden and myopic rhetoric commonly used by both sides. This research is an attempt to contribute to a fresh, far-reaching understanding of the requisites for a secure Israeli-Palestinian peace and, on this basis, to evaluate the alternative scenarios for the ultimate disposition of the Israeli-administered West Bank and Gaza Strip. To that end, the fundamental question is which of these alternatives would go furthest in satisfying the vital interests of both parties so that a permanent settlement of the disputed territories might at last be implemented. In developing a conceptual framework for evaluating potential solutions, this research incorporates a comprehensive definition of "national security" juxtaposed with a concept related to American-Soviet detente: common security. National security means protection against all major perils to a state's security, not merely military threats. Common security is a mutual commitment to joint survival. It is based on a recognition that because of an increasingly interdependent world, states can no longer achieve security unilaterally but rather only through the creation of positive-sum processes that lead to cooperation with one another. The first half of this thesis, then, attempts to establish the essential elements of a common security framework for Israel and the Palestinian inhabitants of the West Bank and Gaza. The concluding chapters of the thesis focus on the evaluation of five alternative scenarios for an IsraeliPalestinian political settlement: 1) the present status quo: 2) the "Jordanian option," or a return to the status quo ante of June 1967; 3) Israeli annexation; 4) an IsraelJordan confederation with a Palestinian entity federally linked to one or both; and 5) a Palestinian state, either fully independent or federally connected with Israel and/or Jordan. Each option is assessed on the basis of the degree to which it would satisfy the common-security criteria formulated in the preceding chapters: 1) protection against military threats: 2) the realization of Palestinian political self-determination; 3) the preservation of Israel's Jewish and democratic ideals; 4) internal (societal) and regional stability; 5) economic viability; and 6) the sufficient and equitable allocation of water resources. The alternative rated most favorably is the establishment of a sovereign, independent Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza, excluding the Jordan Valley and the Jerusalem Corridor. This assessment presupposes certain provisions. Among these are the deployment of an American-led multinational peacekeeping force in the Samarian mountains of the West Bank, the creation of an economic confederation and tripartite federal water authority linking Israel, Jordan and Arab Palestine, and a special status for East Jerusalem. The implementation of such a settlement, it is argued, would create a new modus vivendi among the Arabs and the Israelis, which, in turn, could serve as the underpinning of a durable and comprehensive peace.
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Kreft, Anne-Kathrin Abedi-Djourabtchi Amir. "The weight of history : change and continuity in German foreign policy towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict /." Online version, 2010. http://content.wwu.edu/cdm4/item_viewer.php?CISOROOT=/theses&CISOPTR=327&CISOBOX=1&REC=10.
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Zoughbie, Daniel E. "The ends of history : George W. Bush's political theology and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.543609.
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Podziba, Susan L. (Susan Lisa). "The dynamic of needs and interests : a mediator's response to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/77049.
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Sharabi, Assaf. "Behind the narrative bars : taking the perspective of the other in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict : case study with Israeli children." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1879/.
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The aim of this thesis is twofold. First, to put forward a societal explanation to the concept of 'taking the perspective of the other'. Secondly, and based on the first, to investigate the difficulties of Israeli children to take the perspective of the Palestinians. I argue that perspective taking is mediated by social representations, power interests and ideologies, by minds shaped by particular socio-historical circumstances, to reproduce or challenge, sustain or resist the diverse realities of the conflict. Aiming to break away from previous individualistic conceptualisations of perspective taking, the theoretical perspective developed through this thesis is grounded in G.H. Mead social and ethical psychology, and eclectically draws on contemporary ideas such as dialogical epistemology, narrative, social representations, and rhetoric. While not disputing the relevance of emergent cognitive skills to the child's ability to role take, the view put forward in this thesis proposes that taking the perspective of the other is something whose nature is social and whose origin lie, in some good measure, in the interpersonal and social-ideological matrix of which the child is part. The concept of perspective taking is operationalised along two interrelated dimensions: (a) the ideological construction of the other and (b) perspective negotiating. The research comprises three empirical studies: (i) ethnography description of the Israeli (collective) self (ii) children's drawing of the other and (iii) children role-play narrative compositions. This study has shown that 'entering' the perspective of the Palestinians is impeded by the ideological comprehensions of the conflict as experienced by the Israeli children. That is to say, the ability to construct the Palestinian viewpoint is constrained by the boundaries of the Israeli representational field and discourse in relation to the conflict, and the dynamics of knowledge, affect and practices that maintain them.
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Baser, Zeynep. "Contending Approaches To Security In Israel: 1948-2000." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12609996/index.pdf.
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This thesis provides an analysis of Israel’
s security conceptions, discourses and practices, in the context of the Arab&
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Israeli conflict in general and the Israeli&
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Palestinian conflict in particular, between 1948 and 2000. The purpose of the study is, to explore those processes through which particular definitions and practices of security have been produced and changed, against the background of the domestic debates and competing worldviews among key political actors
and to highlight the overall impact of these points in different periods on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and, thus, on Israel&
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s overall security. In this context, it is observed that the debates among the political actors, regarding the future borders and the identity of the state, have played a key role in the construction and reconstruction of Israeli security policy particularly vis-à
-vis the Palestinian problem. Nevertheless, it is also observed that the extent of these differences has been limited to the objectives of the security policy, and that a zero-sum conception of security, and the primacy of military means to confront the perceived threats have prevailed as common characteristics of Israeli security understanding, informing Israel&
#8217
s related practices. Along these lines the thesis considers the Oslo peace process as an anomaly, and tries to assess it within the framework of the continuities and changes it has introduced to thinking and acting about security in Israel.
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Streiner, Scott (Scott Hugh) Carleton University Dissertation International Affairs. "The heart of the matter; Arabs, Jews, and Jerusalem." Ottawa, 1992.
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Kandil, Magdi Ahmed. "The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict in American, Arab, and British Media: Corpus-Based Critical Discourse Analysis." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/alesl_diss/12.
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The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is one of the longest and most violent conflicts in modern history. The language used to represent this important conflict in the media is frequently commented on by scholars and political commentators (e.g., Ackerman, 2001; Fisk, 2001; Mearsheimer & Walt, 2007). To date, however, few studies in the field of applied linguistics have attempted a thorough investigation of the language used to represent the conflict in influential media outlets using systematic methods of linguistic analysis. The current study aims to partially bridge this gap by combining methods and analytical frameworks from Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Corpus Linguistics (CL) to analyze the discursive representation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in American, Arab, and British media, represented by CNN, Al-Jazeera Arabic, and BBC respectively. CDA, which is primarily interested in studying how power and ideology are enacted and resisted in the use of language in social and political contexts, has been frequently criticized mainly for the arbitrary selection of a small number of texts or text fragments to be analyzed. In order to strengthen CDA analysis, Stubbs (1997) suggested that CDA analysts should utilize techniques from CL, which employs computational approaches to perform quantitative and qualitative analysis of actual patterns of use occurring in a large and principled collection of natural texts. In this study, the corpus-based keyword technique is initially used to identify the topics that tend to be emphasized, downplayed, and/or left out in the coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in three corpora complied from the news websites of Al-Jazeera, CNN, and the BBC. Topics –such as terrorism, occupation, settlements, and the recent Israeli disengagement plan—which were found to be key in the coverage of the conflict—are further studied in context using several other corpus tools, especially the concordancer and the collocation finder. The analysis reveals some of the strategies employed by each news website to control for the positive or negative representations of the different actors involved in the conflict. The corpus findings are interpreted using some informative CDA frameworks, especially Van Dijk’s (1998) ideological square framework.
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Sanagan, Mark. "The social construction of militancy in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict : masculinity, femininity and the nation." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99597.
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This thesis examines nationalism and colonialism in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and asks the questions: What is the relationship between these ideologies and "national narratives" constructed of collective historical memory? How do these ideologies produce recognizable, sexualized, national bodies? What are the defining characteristics of these national bodies and how do they perform roles from the national narratives? These questions are addressed through a discussion of the role of masculinity in modern Zionism and the state of Israel, in particular how it relates to the land of Palestine and the Palestinian "other". This thesis also addresses anti-colonial resistance movements in Palestine and argues that performative nationalism produces a fetishized commodity that can me labeled "militancy". This militancy is found institutionalized in the popular culture of everything from poetry to political posters. Finally, Palestinian female suicide bombers, like women nationalists before them, do little to challenge how specific nationalist acts of resistance are defined by patriarchal nationalists and sexualized within a "gendered space of militancy".
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Abi-Ezzi, Karen. "Changing discourses and mediation in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict : towards the Declaration of Principles 1993." Thesis, University of Kent, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.300940.
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Tzinieris, Sarah. "Attesting global arenas of influence : British foreign policy and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, 1996-2004." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608890.
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Baidoun, Aseel. "The Gaza Conflict 2013 and Ideologies of Israeli and Palestinian Media: A Critical Discourse Analysis." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-35121.
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Aziz, Majdouline A. "An analyis [sic] of print media coverage of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict during the second Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 2006." Connect to this title online, 2007. http://etd.lib.clemson.edu/documents/1181251505/.
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Buchanan, Andrew S. "Conflict resolution in the Middle East : the Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements : a history." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/15297.
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This work evaluates the Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements (DoP), the document signed between the State of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO), in Washington D.C. on 13 September 1993, as a case study of the bilateral management of an asymmetrical national-subnational conflict within the context of an international conflict resolution framework. The DoP represents progress in the international endeavour to realise a settlement of the wider Arab-lsraeli conflict, as signalled by the Madrid conference of 31 October 1991. The DoP ushered in a new era in Israeli-Palestinian relations. It is part of a process which, in essence, is the cornerstone of a formal mutual recognition pact which represents a reciprocal acknowledgement of legitimacy, a crucial first step towards finding a broad and permanent settlement. The DoP was only possible due to the abandonment of long-held mutually antagonistic and intransigent positions. Like all political documents, it represents a compromise. This study examines the complex nature and dynamics of the attempts at resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and reviews the DoP to investigate how it transpired, what it means, how it will be implemented, how far it can be used as a blueprint for future peacemaking, and offers an analysis of the findings in conclusion. This study also addresses the wider international ramifications and relationships which will be a prerequisite for the evaluation and analysis of the corresponding policies and responses by the major powers and actors from the international community within the framework of the 1991 Madrid Middle East Peace Conference. Chapter one examines the definition and contextualisation of the conflict resolution case study. Chapter two focuses on the establishment, purpose and development of the DoP, incorporating a thorough examination of the development of the secret Oslo backchannel, concluding with an analysis of the Oslo negotiations within the official Madrid framework as an example of conflict resolution. Chapter three provides an analysis of the DoP as an example of conflict resolution and critiques the meaning and purpose of the document. Chapter four provides an analysis of the implementation process of the initial years of the life of the DoP, incorporating the actual implementation of the DoP to 31st August 1997, including: the Agreement on the Gaza Strip and Jericho Area of May 1994; the World Bank aid programme; influential bilateral agreements by the two with third parties; the Agreement on Preparatory Transfer of Powers and Responsibilities of August 1994; the Protocol on Further Transfer of Powers and Responsibilities of August 1995; the Israeli- Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip of September 1995; and the Protocol Concerning the Redeployment in Hebron of January 1997. The final chapter concludes by evaluating the attempt by the two communities to shape a common future with an analysis in determining the effectiveness of the DoP both as an instrument for, and as an example of, conflict resolution.
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Abitbol, Eric. "Hydropolitical peacebuilding : Israeli-Palestinian water relations and the transformation of asymmetric conflict in the Middle East." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6255.
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Recognising water as a central relational location of the asymmetric Israel- Palestinian conflict, this study critically analyses the peacebuilding significance of Israeli, transboundary water and peace practitioner discourses. Anchored in a theoretically-constructed framework of hydropolitical peacebuilding, it discursively analyses the historical, officially-sanctioned, as well as academic and civil society water and peace relations of Israelis and Palestinians. It responds to the question: How are Israeli water and peace practitioners discursively practicing hydropolitical peacebuilding in the Middle East? In doing so, this study has drawn upon a methodology of interpretive practice, combining ethnography, foucauldian discourse analysis and narrative inquiry. This study discursively traces Israel's development into a hydrohegemonic state in the Jordan River Basin, from the late-19th century to 2011. Recognising conflict as a power-laden social system, it makes visible the construction, production and circulation of Israel's power in the basin. It examines key narrative elements invoked by Israel to justify its evolving asymmetric, hydrohegemonic relations. Leveraging the hydropolitical peacebuilding framework, itself constituted of equality, partnership, equity and shared ii sustainability, this study also examines the discursive practices of Israeli transboundary water and peace practitioners in relationship with Palestinians. In so doing, it makes visible their hydrohegemony, hydropolitical peacebuilding, and hydrohegemonic residues. This study's conclusions re-affirm earlier findings, notably that environmental and hydropolitical cooperation neither inherently nor necessarily constitute peacebuilding practice. This work also suggests that hydropolitical peacebuilding may discursively be recognised in water and peace practices that engage, critique, resist, desist from, and practice alternative relational formations to hydrohegemony in asymmetric conflicts.
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Baillie, Donna. "The good soldier : dynamics of moral judgment among Israeli reserve soldiers and conscientious objectors within the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3321/.
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There is extensive empirical evidence which suggests that moral judgment involves not only rational assessment, but also cognitive processes involving emotion, biases, and intuitions which can at times conflict with rationality. Nowhere is the understanding of such dynamics of more importance than in situations of seemingly intractable conflict, such as that between Israel and the Palestinians. My original contribution to such understanding is twofold. First, in applying Moral Foundations Theory (MFT) to analysis of the real-world, situated experiences of Israeli reserve soldiers and conscientious objectors within the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, I (a) identify differences along the liberal-conservative continuum in the selective application of the moral foundations relating to harm and fairness, and (b) critique the structural relationship between the fairness and loyalty moral foundations as currently presented within MFT. Second, using both qualitative and experimental research, I present evidence in support of a proposed cognitive bias not currently in the literature which can affect moral judgment: the influence of competent performance on assessment of actor morality. As individuals and as members of collectives we are responsible for making moral judgments. But cognitive biases, intuitions, and emotional responses can colour our perceptions in ways that can, in the case of intergroup conflicts, sometimes prove catastrophic. In highlighting (a) the relationship between political ideology and intuitive responses to violations of harm- and fairness-based moral foundations, and (b) how competent performance can influence assessment of actor morality, this research makes a small contribution to our understanding of what are necessarily incredibly complex dynamics around moral judgment.
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White, Breanne. "Gender and Resistance in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: The Woman's Voice in theLiterary Works of Sahar Khalifeh and David Grossman." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1373636550.
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