Relevant bibliographies by topics / Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
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  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Israeli-Palestinian Conflict'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 26 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Israeli-Palestinian Conflict"

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Halileh, S. O. "Israeli-Palestinian conflict." BMJ 324, no. 7333 (February 9, 2002): 361. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.324.7333.361.

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Waweru, Humphrey M. "Israeli-Palestinian Question." Jumuga Journal of Education, Oral Studies, and Human Sciences (JJEOSHS) 2, no. 1 (August 8, 2019): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.35544/jjeoshs.v2i1.17.

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After highlighting the Israeli-Palestinian question as an enigma, the article investigates a classic case of an irresistible force pitted against an immovable object, which is the land of Palestine. It has always been viewed as the ‘Holy Land’; yet ironically, her people are in perpetual conflicts and tension. How can one explain such a bizarre contradiction of living in a ‘Holy Land’ amidst interminable tension and conflict? There are two well-known groups of people who insist that the same piece of Holy land is rightfully theirs, the Jews and Palestinians. The article explores the who is who in this struggle; the Jews and the Palestinians; and the role of Islam and Christianity in the land of Palestine, as well as Judaism. The article sets out on the premise that the details of history are easily forgotten, and in a situation where religious myths have been entertained in the narrative, the facts are often replaced in people's minds by such myths. This article is indeed an effort to explore the facts, behind the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, at the same admitting that there may be a difference of opinion based on religious information that one embraces on this subject. This article utilizes the reception history of the Bible methodology, to deliberate on the Israeli-Palestinian question. A biblical perspective that assumes conflict is like heat: that one cannot easily see; one can only feel it, will be embraced. To understand conflict fully, one has to go through it. The methodology of reception history of the Bible, as proposed by Hans Robert Jauss, argues that the meaning of a text is located neither in itself nor in the experience of the reader, but in the relationship between the two.
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Gazit, Shlomo, and Edward Abington. "The Palestinian‐Israeli Conflict." Middle East Policy 8, no. 1 (March 2001): 58–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-4967.00005.

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Beck, Martin. "How to (Not) Walk the Talk: The Demand for Palestinian Self-Determination as a Challenge for the European Neighbourhood Policy." European Foreign Affairs Review 22, Issue 1 (January 1, 2017): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2017004.

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The aim of the current article is to analyse the challenges for the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) to pursue a meaningful and effective policy toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict on four dimensions: the history of European foreign policies toward the Middle East conflict, opportunities and constraints of realizing Palestinian self-determination, institutional opportunities and constraints for the ENP of walking the talk of an Israeli-Palestinian settlement, and policy options of the EU toward the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and their success conditions. The EU’s chances and constraints in addressing the Israeli–Palestinian conflict are discussed as structural challenges: the challenge created through the historical normative engagement of the EU, the problematic local conditions for constructively dealing with the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and the European institutional capabilities and their limits to project its policy concepts on the Middle East. The critical discussion of the three-faceted system of challenges that the EU is exposed to when dealing with the Israeli–Palestinian conflict is followed by the presentation and assessment of different policy options in the light of success conditions to (not) walk the talk of dealing with the Israeli–Palestinian conflict in a productive way. The article comes to the conclusion that the EU is hardly capable of contributing to the realization of Palestinian self-determination.
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Isaac, Jad, and Jane Hilal. "Palestinian landscape and the Israeli–Palestinian conflict." International Journal of Environmental Studies 68, no. 4 (August 2011): 413–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00207233.2011.582700.

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Czapnik, Sławomir. "Konflikt izraelsko-palestyński. Analiza nekropolityczna." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 22 (October 17, 2017): 188–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.22.12.

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Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Necropolitics’ analysisThe aim of this paper is to analyze Israeli-Palestinian conflict from the perspective of the ‘necropolitics’ category term coined by Achille Mbembe. Firstly, author describes mass media coverage of the conflict, especially pro-Israeli bias in the American and British media. Nevertheless, some media representations in the mostly Muslin countries ieTurkey are anti-Semitic. Second part is devoted to the realities on the ground in occupied Palestinian territories and the discoursive practices of perceiving violence of both sides: ‘civilized’ Israeli and ‘uncivilised’ Palestinian. In conclusion, there are some considerations about future developments in the conflict.
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Shamir, Michal, and Jacob Shamir. "The Israeli—Palestinian Conflict in Israeli Elections." International Political Science Review 28, no. 4 (September 2007): 469–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512107079641.

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Berman, Emanuel. "Israeli psychotherapists and the Israeli–Palestinian conflict." Psychotherapy and Politics International 1, no. 1 (March 2003): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ppi.47.

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Slater, Jerome. "Muting the Alarm over the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: The New York Times versus Haaretz, 2000–06." International Security 32, no. 2 (October 2007): 84–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2007.32.2.84.

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The prospects for a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict remain poor, largely because of Israeli rigidity as well as Palestinian policies and internal conflicts. The United States has failed to use its considerable influence with Israel to seek the necessary changes in Israeli policies, instead providing the country with almost unconditional support. The consequences have been disastrous for the Palestinians, for Israeli security and society, and for critical U.S. national interests in the Middle East. Amajor explanation for the failure of U.S. policies is the largely uninformed and uncritical mainstream and even elite media coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the United States. In contrast, the debate in Israel is more self-critical, vigorous, and far-ranging, creating at least the possibility of change, even as U.S. policy stagnates. Acomparison of the coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by the two most prestigious daily newspapers in the United States and Israel—in particular, over the breakdown of the peace process in 2000 and the ensuing Palestinian intifada, the nature of the Israeli occupation, the problem of violence and terrorism, and the prospects for peace today—underscores these differences. While the New York Times has muted the alarm over the dangers of the United States' near-unconditional support for Israeli policies toward the Palestinians, Haaretz has sought to sound the alarm.
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Cook, Bradley J. "The Palestinian-Israeli Conflict Reconsidered." Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 36, no. 1 (April 1, 2003): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/45226917.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Israeli-Palestinian Conflict"

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Gafiichuk, Anastasia Sergeevna, and Анастасія Сергіївна Гафійчук. "Information warfare in the Israeli -palestinian conflict." Thesis, National Aviation University, 2021. https://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/51630.

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1. Почепцов Г. Сучасні інформаційні війни / Георгій Почепцов. - Київ : Києво-Могилян. акад., 2015. - 496 с. 2. Война, пропаганда и социальные сети: Израиль и Газа. [Електронний ресурс]. − Режим доступу: https://www.imena.ua/blog/war/ 3. Супермаркет пропаганди: Ізраїль та Палестина. Аналітичний центр ADASTRA. [Електронний ресурс]. − Режим доступу:https://adastra.org.ua/blog/ supermarket-propagandi-izrayil-ta-palestina 4. Израиль: Конфликт и мирное урегулирование. Ответы на часто задаваемые вопросы Еврейское агентство для Израиля. [Електронний ресурс]. − Режим доступу: http://archive.jewishagency.org/ru/israel/content/22861#_ Toc251653174
Since ancient times people have realized the need in influencing the soldiers’ mind can help in prosecution or avoiding armed conflict. For example, the Chinese general Sun Tzu in the late VI - early V century BC defined the ideal victory as the submission of states by diplomatic means, without military action.
З давніх часів люди усвідомлювали необхідність впливати на розум солдатів, що може допомогти у розслідуванні справи або уникненні збройних конфліктів. Наприклад, китайський полководець Сунь Цзи наприкінці VI - на початку V століття до нашої ери визначив ідеальну перемогу як підкорення держав дипломатичним шляхом, без військових дій.
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Simon, R. R. "The role of religion in Israeli-Palestinian conflict resolution." Thesis, University of Bradford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.499869.

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Volonte, Gianna S. "Interpersonal Forgiveness: An Approach to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1621541859468987.

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Mitchell, Stephanie Claire. "The Function of Religion in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3939.

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The role of religion in politics has been rising to the forefront of history in the Middle East for a number of decades and more so since 9/11, raising significant questions as to whether religion functions as a catalyst for conflict or peace. This thesis focuses specifically on the role of religion in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the manner in which actors incorporate religion into their national politics. In doing so, the inquiry focuses on the proponents of religion on both the Jewish and the Palestinian sides in addressing a) territorial rights, b) interpretations in the use of deadly force and violence, and c) interpretations of the final political goal to be attained. In the context of the broader nationalism of each side, the study reflects on different approaches to religion and how they may provide perspectives that are either catalytic to conflict or catalytic to building peace. In this light, the inquiry of this thesis analyzes and contrasts religious nationalism and pro-peace religiosity, concluding with implications and directives for conflict resolution.
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Amjad, Urooj Quezon. "Water, Conflict, & Cooperation: Ramallah, West Bank." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/31563.

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Conclusions of this case study on Ramallah imply that an effective water management strategy will have a dual intent: incorporate â trickle-upâ municipal level water management strategies and integrate conflict reduction measures. This study finds that Ramallahâ s cooperation with the Palestinian Authority and environmental Non-governmental organizations has a strong influence on water management and water conflict alleviation. Palestinian municipal and regional water management processes, can potentially contribute to effective water management and water conflict reduction between Israelis and Palestinians. The study focuses on Ramallah, a centrally located, mid-sized town in the West Bank. This research uses interviews of Palestinian water managers and researchers, gathered in the West Bank throughout the summer of 1999, as well as secondary sources.
Master of Urban and Regional Planning
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Ozturk, Tugce. "Terrorism And The Israeli-palestinian Peace Process." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612774/index.pdf.

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This thesis analyzes the issue of terrorism regarding the Palestinian-Israeli Peace Process. The role of two sides on the ongoing violence and terrorism will be discussed comparatively. Focusing on the Peace Process, the thesis will trace whether terrorist activities had an impact on the collapse of the Peace Process and also will demonstrate how a peace process produced an Israeli state more militarized and a Palestinian society more radicalized and religious than ever before.
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Zielinski, William J. "Winning the strategic narrative in the Israeli-Palestinian protracted conflict." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/29615.

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The purpose of this thesis is to identify the reasons for Israeli and Palestinian religious objections to peaceful co-existence in a two-state solution to the conflict over the land between the Jordan River and Mediterranean Sea. Developing an understanding of the basic religious requirements and precedents, while consistently considering religious impact in politics, may help to open dialogue between Jewish Gush Emunim and Muslim Palestinian Hamas, strong opponents to land compromise. Arguments by Gush Emunim and Hamas from the two major religious works, the Jewish Tanakh and the Muslim Qur’an, and associated commentaries, the Jewish Talmud and Muslim Hadith, are compared and evaluated for religious insights into the disputed areas. Contemporary interpretations of each major writing and political objections based on religious argumentation create a strong context for modern conflict. The requirements and precedents for peace that come from religious texts also promote open dialogue. This thesis suggests ways to open dialogue between the Israeli and Palestinian cultures, comparing religious texts, interpretations, and concepts, in an effort to promote peaceful co-existence and build an effective strategic narrative.
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Viterbo, Hedi. "The legal construction of childhood in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/592/.

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Harass, Azza. "Reading the Israeli/Palestinian conflict through theater : a postcolonial analysis." Thesis, University of Kent, 2015. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/47909/.

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The Israeli-Palestinian conflict dates back to 1917, when British Prime Minister Balfour declared Britain’s support for the establishment of a homeland for Jews in the land of Palestine. The conflict has had many political, social, and artistic implications. On the political level, a struggle that has not been solved until this day has evolved. On a social level, many lives have been crushed: thousands of native citizens of the land became refugees, mainly in Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria, but also worldwide. Others, like the Arabs who stayed in what was in 1948 declared to be the state of Israel, have been suffering from an identity crisis; many of these Arabs face unlawful detention, demolition of houses, killing and racism. The Gaza strip has almost always been under siege by the Israeli military machine lately. Meanwhile, the Jewish society has never had a day of peace since the establishment of their state. On the artistic level, the conflict has always had implications for Arab/ Palestinian and Israeli writings., I seek to read the depiction of the conflict with its different violent confrontations from both Israeli and Palestinian perspectives starting with the Palestinian Nakba to the violent Israeli oppression of any Palestinian resistance in the Intifada. I also read literary texts about Palestinian resistance, actual material resistance of the first Palestinian Intifada as represented by both sides in postcolonial terms. In fact, I believe that both Palestinian and Israeli literature could be read in the context of postcolonial discourse. On the one hand, for Palestinian and Arab writers, Palestinian writing is and should be read as resistance literature, or ‘Adab al-muqawamah’, a term coined by Palestinian writer Ghassan Kanafani. Anna Ball’s study Palestinian Literature and Film in Postcolonial Feminist Perspective examines Palestinian literature and film in the light of postcolonial feminism. Ball places the conflict in the context of colonial/ postcolonial discourse and breaks the taboo against using the word colonialism when speaking about Zionism. In fact, the research problem is based on the idea of the inadequacy of ignoring Palestinian and Israeli literature as part of postcolonial studies simply for fear of revealing the colonial status quo of the land. According to Anna Bernard, who seeks to draw attention to what she calls ‘blind spots in postcolonial studies’, mainly Israel/ Palestine: ‘by dismissing a ‘postcolonial’ approach to Israel-Palestine studies outright, [critics like] Massad and Shohat overlook the value of a literary study that seeks to demonstrate the collective and cross-cultural impact of the various modern forms of colonialism and imperialism on artistic production across the globe’. Massad’s argument that there is difficulty in describing space, time and body in Israel/ Palestine as postcolonial is based on his interrogations: ‘Can one determine the coloniality of Palestine/ Israel without noting its ‘‘post-coloniality’’ for Ashkenazi Jews? Can one determine the post-coloniality of Palestine/Israel without noting its coloniality for Palestinians? Can one determine both or either without noting the simultaneous colonizer/colonized status of Mizrahi Jews? (Although one could debate the colonized status of Mizrahi Jews) How can all these people inhabit a colonial/postcolonial space in a world that declares itself living in a post-colonial time?’ Ella Shohat, likewise, is against what she calls the ‘ahistorical and universalizing deployments, and potentially [the] depoliticizing implications’ of the term ‘post-colonial,’ especially that, according to her, it is used instead of important terms like imperialism and neo-colonialism. In spite of the importance of paying attention to the correct description of states of imperialism and neo-colonialism, I still find it possible to read both Palestinian and Israeli texts in postcolonial perspective, agreeing with Bernard ‘that the tools that have been developed for reading these texts comparatively – including colonial discourse analysis, national allegory, minority discourse, and so on – can be usefully applied, tested, and revised in the analysis of Palestinian and Israeli literary and cultural production’. This view resonates with Ashcroft, Tiffin and Griffiths’s in their study The Postcolonial Studies Reader (1995), when they comment on this wide range of relevant fields that the term postcolonial suggests: ‘Postcolonial theory involves discussion about experience of various kinds: migration, slavery, suppression, resistance, representation, difference, race, gender, [and] place’ . In fact, the term ‘postcolonial’ is not necessarily restricted to a real colonial period; it could be used, according to Ashcroft, Tiffin and Griffiths in The Empire Writes Back: ‘to cover all the culture affected by the imperial process from the moment of colonization to the present day. This is because there is continuity of preoccupations throughout the historical process initiated by European imperial aggression’. Between the view of the land of Palestine as a lawful possession of the Jews and that which sees Jewish presence as a settler or colonial one, a debate about reading the conflict and literary production tackling the conflict within theories of colonial and postcolonial studies arises. What makes reading the Israeli/Palestinian conflict and its literature and literary production within the paradigm of postcolonialism problematic is worth some further investigation. First, the preference and focus on the discursive practices of colonialism over the material practices has resulted in excluding the Israeli/ Palestinian conflict from the field of postcolonial studies by a number of critics like Ella Shohat and Joseph Massad, which is more elaborated on later. Second, the debate about the Zionist project as a settler colonial one could also problematize analysing the conflict within postcolonial theories. The first chapter explores the Israeli/ Palestinian and Arab writing of the conflict from a colonizer/colonized perspective. I mainly focus on the representation of violence as an essential element in a colonized society and the decolonization process, drawing on Frantz Fanon’s theory that violence is inevitable in any colonized community as the backbone of the analysis. For this purpose, I have chosen Syrian playwright Saad-Allah Wanous’s play Rape (1990), to compare with Israeli playwright Hanoch Levin’s play Murder (1997), since both plays represent violence as a vicious circle that does not lead anywhere in the Palestinian/Israeli conflict, even though it is an everyday act that has become a way of life for both sides. Crucial terms in the field of postcolonial studies such as resistance/terrorism are examined. Some similarities between the ways the two playwrights write the conflict are also highlighted, which supports the idea that literature can always find shared ground between any two conflicting parties. In Chapters Two and Three I write about the history of the conflict as a chain of endless violent confrontations; violence in this case is on the national level when the two nations fight each other. Chapter Two addresses some of the landmark events in the history of the Jewish and Palestinian peoples, mainly the Israeli War of Independence/Nakba as the same historical event seen from the two extremely different colonizer/colonized perspectives. The chapter also addresses what the Holocaust has to do with the two events and how the Holocaust was exploited by the Israeli state to silence any condemnation of the Israeli/Zionist settler colonial project in Palestine and later on to silence any international condemnation of the Israeli 1967 occupation of more Palestinian and Arab lands.
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Ricca, Simone. "The Jewish quarter of Jerusalem : analysis of the destruction and reconstruction since 1967." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273013.

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Books on the topic "Israeli-Palestinian Conflict"

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Robson, David. Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Detroit: Lucent Books, 2010.

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Robson, David. Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Detroit: Lucent Books, 2010.

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Robson, David. Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Detroit: Lucent Books, 2010.

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Blohm, Craig E. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict. San Diego: Lucent Books, 2006.

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Halwani, Raja, and Tomis Kapitan. The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230599710.

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Bar-Siman-Tov, Yaacov, ed. The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230603110.

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Hanel, Rachael. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Mankato, Minn: Creative Education, 2008.

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asṭraṭegiyim, Merkaz Besa le-meḥḳarim, ed. The Israeli-Palestinian water conflict: An Israeli perspective. Ramat Gan, Israel: Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies, 2012.

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Yaari, Ehud. Toward Israeli-Palestinian disengagement. Washington, D.C: Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1989.

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Encyclopedia of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Boulder, Colo: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "Israeli-Palestinian Conflict"

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Zaki, Mohammed M. "The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." In American Global Challenges, 99–114. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230119116_7.

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Vellenga, Sipco J., and Gerard A. Wiegers. "The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." In Jews and Muslims in London and Amsterdam, 139–59. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003331643-8.

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Bar-Siman-Tov, Yaacov. "Dialectic Between Conflict Management and Conflict Resolution." In The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 9–40. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230603110_2.

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Bar-Siman-Tov, Yaacov, Ephraim Lavie, Kobi Michael, and Daniel Bar-Tal. "The Israeli-Palestinian Violent Confrontation: An Israeli Perspective." In The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 69–100. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230603110_4.

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Kapitan, Tomis, and Raja Halwani. "Introduction." In The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 1–12. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230599710_1.

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Kapitan, Tomis. "Self-Determination." In The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 13–71. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230599710_2.

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Halwani, Raja. "The Right of Return." In The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 72–131. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230599710_3.

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Kapitan, Tomis. "Terrorism." In The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 132–97. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230599710_4.

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Halwani, Raja. "The One-State Solution." In The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 198–244. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230599710_5.

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Bar-Siman-Tov, Yaacov. "Introduction." In The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 1–8. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230603110_1.

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Conference papers on the topic "Israeli-Palestinian Conflict"

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Baramki, Gabriel. "CONFLICT MEDIATION AS IT RELATES TO THE PALESTINIAN ISRAELI SITUATION." In Proceedings of the Forty-Eighth Pugwash Conference on Science and World Affairs. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789812810212_0046.

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Daas, Israa. "The American Perception of the Palestine-Israel Conflict." In 8th Peace and Conflict Resolution Conference [PCRC2021]. Tomorrow People Organization, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52987/pcrc.2021.013.

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Abstract The Palestine-Israel conflict is probably one of the most pressing problems in the Middle East. Moreover, the United States has been involved in this conflict since the 1970s. Therefore, the present research aims to learn more about the American perception of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. It was conducted using a survey that addressed Americans from different backgrounds, focusing on four variables: the American government’s position, solutions, the Israeli settlements, and Jerusalem. The research suggests a correlation between political party and the American perception of the conflict. It appears that Republicans seem to be against the withdrawal of the Israeli settlements, and they believe that the US government is not biased toward Israel. Nevertheless, Democrats tend to believe that the US government is biased in favor of Israel, and they support withdrawing the Israeli settlements. Moreover, there might be another correlation between the American perception and the source of information they use to learn about the conflict. Most of the surveyed Americans, whatever their resource of information that they use to learn about the conflict is, tend to believe that the US is biased in favor of Israel. It is crucial to know about the American perception when approaching to a solution to the conflict as the US is a mediator in this conflict, and a powerful country in the world. Especially because it has a permanent membership in the UN council. KEYWORDS: American Perception, Palestine-Israel Conflict, Jerusalem, Israeli settlements
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Hairi, Nur Atika, and Norhafizah Ahmad. "Pengaruh dan Impak Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM) Terhadap Isu Palestin di Malaysia." In Conference on Pusat Pengajian Umum dan Kokurikulum 2020/1. Penerbit UTHM, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.30880/ahcs.2020.01.01.001.

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The Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia (ABIM) is an Islamic organisation legally established in 1972. From 1971 until now, ABIM is very concern to international issues, especially the Israeli-Palestinian issue. This article discusses the influence and impact of ABIM in fighting for the liberation of Palestine (1971-2020). ABIM has always called on those responsible for Palestinian independence and the freedom of its people from the grip of Israel. Although various peace negotiations have been held between Israel and Palestine internationally, concrete solutions have not been reached. The objective to be achieved is to analyze ABIM’s involvement in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The methodology used is primary source research in the National Archives of Malaysia and the ABIM Archive. Apart from that, an interview with the President of ABIM, Mr. Muhammad Faisal Abdul Aziz was also held. The results of the study found that ABIM is consistent and active in fighting for this issue. This proves that the voice of NGOs can influence and impact decisions at the national and international levels such as the United Nations (UN). The volume of voice that is always displayed by ABIM is able to give awareness to the leaders and the people of Malaysia that this issue is not just a religious issue but this issue is a universal issue involving humanitarian values. ABIM has held press conferences, sent memorandum, held demonstrations, peaceful rallies, boycotts of American-Israeli goods and set up a Palestinian Aid Fund to raise the issue. ABIM's official paper, 'Risalah' also played a role in disseminating current Palestinian issues by publishing articles from original sources on the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and developments in Palestine, especially in the 1970s. This is because resources at the time were very limited and Western media published biased and untrue news.
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Hamida, Abdullah, and Yongsheng Jin. "Analysing Israel-Hamas Conflict Based on Game Theory Approach." In 8th Peace and Conflict Resolution Conference [PCRC2021]. Tomorrow People Organization, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52987/pcrc.2021.001.

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ABSTRACT The Islamic Resistance Movement (AKA: Hamas) has taken control over Gaza Strip, Palestine, in 2007. Since then, the organization was in a continues hit-run conflict against the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF). The conflict is very resistant to any sort of resolution, and Hamas and Israel engage frequently in what it seems an endless cycle of resentment and violence. Despite numerous mediations by global and regional powers, this conflict appears to be further away than ever. This particular conflict can’t be addressed according to the common negotiation theories that based on rationality and hard politics, which seems not that functional. Instead, a model based on the game theory approach is presented in this study to explain this phenomenon. In this work, some facts about Israel - Hamas regional concerns are explained. Moreover, the study analyses the reasons behind Hamas enforcing calm in Gaza, even though Hamas considers Israel as its arch enemy. The presented model shows that whenever Israel and Hamas reach an agreement, both sides can collaborate in maintaining a state of calm. Moreover, results show that the proposed model is applicable to analyse a conflict in terms of actions, duration and terms of settlement. KEYWORDS: Israel; Israeli-Palestinian conflict; Hamas; Gaza strip; Game theory
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Niklander, Stefanie, Fabiana Rodriguez Pastene, and Soledad Valenzuela. "Images of Gaza: Social Appropriations on the Photographs of the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict." In 2019 14th Iberian Conference on Information Systems and Technologies (CISTI). IEEE, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23919/cisti.2019.8760958.

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Al-Sarraj, Wael F., and Heba M. Lubbad. "Bias Detection of Palestinian/Israeli Conflict in Western Media: A Sentiment Analysis Experimental Study." In 2018 International Conference on Promising Electronic Technologies (ICPET). IEEE, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icpet.2018.00024.

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Arifuddin, Muhammad. "Why Media, Women, and Children Cry in Palestine: The Case Study of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict in May 2021." In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Gender, Culture and Society, ICGCS 2021, 30-31 August 2021, Padang, Indonesia. EAI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.30-8-2021.2316307.

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Reports on the topic "Israeli-Palestinian Conflict"

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Mitchell, Stephanie. The Function of Religion in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.5823.

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Chopra, Jarat, Jim McCallum, Amjad Atallah, and Gidi Grinstein. Planning Considerations for International Involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, February 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada423508.

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Ben-Baruch, Mishel. Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: Main Sticking Points in the Conflict, Suggestions for Optional Solution. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada424104.

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Abo-Sak, Mohammed F. The US Involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: Solution or Complication? Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, January 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada327671.

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Casey, Keith A. Palestinian-Israeli Conflict: Department of Defense Role in a Two-State Solution. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada589103.

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Atallah, Amjad, Jarat Chopra, Yaser Dajani, Orit Gal, and Jim McCallum. Planning Considerations for International Involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict- Part II. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada423509.

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Goodwyn, Reid M. The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict - A Case Study for the United States Military in Foreign Internal Defense. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada437597.

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Ossoff, Will, Naz Modirzadeh, and Dustin Lewis. Preparing for a Twenty-Four-Month Sprint: A Primer for Prospective and New Elected Members of the United Nations Security Council. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/tzle1195.

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Under the United Nations Charter, the U.N. Security Council has several important functions and powers, not least with regard to taking binding actions to maintain international peace and security. The ten elected members have the opportunity to influence this area and others during their two-year terms on the Council. In this paper, we aim to illustrate some of these opportunities, identify potential guidance from prior elected members’ experiences, and outline the key procedures that incoming elected members should be aware of as they prepare to join the Council. In doing so, we seek in part to summarize the current state of scholarship and policy analysis in an effort to make this material more accessible to States and, particularly, to States’ legal advisers. We drafted this paper with a view towards States that have been elected and are preparing to join the Council, as well as for those States that are considering bidding for a seat on the Council. As a starting point, it may be warranted to dedicate resources for personnel at home in the capital and at the Mission in New York to become deeply familiar with the language, structure, and content of the relevant provisions of the U.N. Charter. That is because it is through those provisions that Council members engage in the diverse forms of political contestation and cooperation at the center of the Council’s work. In both the Charter itself and the Council’s practices and procedures, there are structural impediments that may hinder the influence of elected members on the Security Council. These include the permanent members’ veto power over decisions on matters not characterized as procedural and the short preparation time for newly elected members. Nevertheless, elected members have found creative ways to have an impact. Many of the Council’s “procedures” — such as the “penholder” system for drafting resolutions — are informal practices that can be navigated by resourceful and well-prepared elected members. Mechanisms through which elected members can exert influence include the following: Drafting resolutions; Drafting Presidential Statements, which might serve as a prelude to future resolutions; Drafting Notes by the President, which can be used, among other things, to change Council working methods; Chairing subsidiary bodies, such as sanctions committees; Chairing the Presidency; Introducing new substantive topics onto the Council’s agenda; and Undertaking “Arria-formula” meetings, which allow for broader participation from outside the Council. Case studies help illustrate the types and degrees of impact that elected members can have through their own initiative. Examples include the following undertakings: Canada’s emphasis in 1999–2000 on civilian protection, which led to numerous resolutions and the establishment of civilian protection as a topic on which the Council remains “seized” and continues to have regular debates; Belgium’s effort in 2007 to clarify the Council’s strategy around addressing natural resources and armed conflict, which resulted in a Presidential Statement; Australia’s efforts in 2014 resulting in the placing of the North Korean human rights situation on the Council’s agenda for the first time; and Brazil’s “Responsibility while Protecting” 2011 concept note, which helped shape debate around the Responsibility to Protect concept. Elected members have also influenced Council processes by working together in diverse coalitions. Examples include the following instances: Egypt, Japan, New Zealand, Spain, and Uruguay drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2016 on the protection of health-care workers in armed conflict; Cote d’Ivoire, Kuwait, the Netherlands, and Sweden drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2018 condemning the use of famine as an instrument of warfare; Malaysia, New Zealand, Senegal, and Venezuela tabled a 2016 resolution, which was ultimately adopted, condemning Israeli settlements in Palestinian territory; and A group of successive elected members helped reform the process around the imposition of sanctions against al-Qaeda and associated entities (later including the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant), including by establishing an Ombudsperson. Past elected members’ experiences may offer some specific pieces of guidance for new members preparing to take their seats on the Council. For example, prospective, new, and current members might seek to take the following measures: Increase the size of and support for the staff of the Mission to the U.N., both in New York and in home capitals; Deploy high-level officials to help gain support for initiatives; Partner with members of the P5 who are the informal “penholder” on certain topics, as this may offer more opportunities to draft resolutions; Build support for initiatives from U.N. Member States that do not currently sit on the Council; and Leave enough time to see initiatives through to completion and continue to follow up after leaving the Council.
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Just, Richard E., Eithan Hochman, and Sinaia Netanyahu. Problems and Prospects in the Political Economy of Trans-Boundary Water Issues. United States Department of Agriculture, February 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.32747/2000.7573997.bard.

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The objective of this research was to develop and apply a conceptual framework for evaluating the potential of trans-boundary bargaining with respect to water resource sharing. The research accomplished this objective by developing a framework for trans-boundary bargaining, identifying opportunities for application, and illustrating the potential benefits that can be gained thereby. Specifically, we have accomplished the following: - Developed a framework to measure the potential for improving economic efficiency considering issues of political feasibility and sustainability that are crucial in trans-boundary cooperation. - Used both cooperative and non-cooperative game theory to assess feasible coalitions among the parties involved and to model potential bargaining procedures. - Identified empirically alternative schemes of cooperation that both improve upon the economic efficiency of present water usage and appease all of the cooperating parties. - Estimated the potential short-run and long-run affects of water reallocation on the agricultural sector and used this information to understand potential strategies taken by the countries in bargaining processes. - Performed case studies in Israeli-Jordanian relations, the relationship of Israel to the Palestinian Authority, and cooperation on the Chesapeake Bay. - Published or have in process publication of a series of refereed journal articles. - Published a book which first develops the theoretical framework, then presents research results relating to the case studies, and finally draws implications for water cooperation issues generally. Background to the Topic The increase in water scarcity and decline in water quality that has resulted from increased agricultural, industrial, and urban demands raises questions regarding profitability of the agricultural sector under its present structure. The lack of efficient management has been underscored recently by consecutive years of drought in Israel and increased needs to clean up the Chesapeake Bay. Since agriculture in the Middle East (Chesapeake Bay) is both the main water user (polluter) and the low-value user (polluter), a reallocation of water use (pollution rights) away from agriculture is likely with further industrial and urban growth. Furthermore, the trans-boundary nature of water resources in the case of the Middle East and the Chesapeake Bay contributes to increased conflicts over the use of the resources and therefore requires a political economic approach. Major Conclusions, Solutions, Achievements and Implications Using game theory tools, we critically identify obstacles to cooperation. We identify potential gains from coordination on trans-boundary water policies and projects. We identify the conditions under which partial (versus grand) coalitions dominate in solving water quality disputes among riparian countries. We identify conditions under which linking water issues to unrelated disputes achieves gains in trans-boundary negotiations. We show that gains are likely only when unrelated issues satisfy certain characteristics. We find conditions for efficient water markets under price-determined and quantity-determined markets. We find water recycling and adoption of new technologies such as desalination can be part of the solution for alleviating water shortages locally and regionally but that timing is likely to be different than anticipated. These results have been disseminated through a wide variety of publications and oral presentations as well as through interaction with policymakers in both countries.
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