Journal articles on the topic 'Israel – Politics and government – 21st century'
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1
Hartal, Gili. "Homosexuality and the Politics of LGBT Movements in Israel." IYUNIM Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society 36 (December 25, 2021): 9–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.51854/bguy-36a121.
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Two processes have been central to the LGBT (lesbian, gay, transgender and bisexual) movement in politics since the end of the 1980’s: NGOization, which has led to the practice of assimilation, and homo-nationalism, representing a binary process of normalization and national inclusion. The amalgamation of NGOization and homonationalism have greatly influenced the movements, their agenda, practices, achievements and networks. The article sheds light on the broad neoliberal processes used by the Israeli LGBT movements to achieve power and status. The analysis traces major milestones from the 1980’s to the 21st century. Viewed through a neoliberal perspective, LGBT social movements are revealed to have worked and grown and become more institutionalized and normalized. However, this does not reflect the attainment of more power by the LGBT social movements in Israel; it is indicative rather of their privatization by the state which enables LGBT social movements to fill a niche under the government’s exclusive responsibility. Thus, in the 21st century, the value and valuation of LGBT subjects have been established not so much by the work of their social movements but through their economic and urban power reflective of ’post-homonationalism.
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LIJPHART, AREND. "Democracy in the 21st century: can we be optimistic?" European Review 9, no. 2 (May 2001): 169–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798701000163.
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The prospects for the spread of democracy around the world in the 21st century appear to be bright, but there are also important reasons for pessimism. One is that politicians and constitution-writers in the democracies are not aware of, or choose to ignore, compelling social science evidence concerning the superiority of parliamentary systems of government and proportional representation (in contrast to presidential government and majoritarian electoral systems). The older democracies are not in danger of failing, but they are losing much of their democratic vitality, as seen in the decline of people's interest in politics, decreasing voter participation, and the serious weakening of political parties. For these problems, too, parliamentarism and proportional representation are at least partial remedies, but stronger measures (such as compulsory voting) also deserve to be considered seriously
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RUDDICK, ANDREA. "National Sentiment and Religious Vocabulary in Fourteenth-Century England." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 60, no. 1 (January 2009): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204690800599x.
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This article examines the neglected role of religious ideas and vocabulary in expressions of English national sentiment in the fourteenth century, particularly in official rhetoric. Many official uses of religious language followed well-established literary conventions. However, documents requesting nationwide prayers during national crises suggest that the government encouraged the concept of a special relationship between God and England, modelled on Old Testament Israel, well before the Protestant Reformation. National misfortunes were explained as divine punishment for national sins, with England presented as a collective moral community. Parallels with Israel were then drawn out more explicitly in public preaching, bringing this interplay between religion and politics to a wider audience.
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Mahmoudi, Hamid, Keith Walker, Abdolrahim Navehebrahim, Hamidreza Arasteh, and Hossein Abbasian. "The Missing Pieces in the Puzzle of Iranian Undergraduate General Education: Quantitative Findings." Comparative and International Education 49, no. 1 (December 14, 2020): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/cie-eci.v49i1.13431.
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The general education (GE) literature suggests that there is a mismatch of courses offered to students in Iranian higher education institutions such that the needs of 21st-century students are unmet by these curricula. This article points to the missing pieces in terms of learning and content gaps in many of the undergraduate GE programs designed under the influence of policy, values, and politics which originate from both religious and government interests. The article explores undergraduate students’ general 21st-century skill requirements and examines the extant curricula for possible gaps. The gap analysis points to the need for up-to-date general skills such as thinking skills, decision-making, research, awareness of international issues, lifelong learning, problem-solving, critical thinking, and it offers that these remedies might be a precious investment in Iran’s higher education for the future of that society.
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Rather, Aqib Yousuf. "Is Gender Discrimination Still Alive In the 21st Century." Journal of Women Empowerment and Studies, no. 24 (June 28, 2022): 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jwes.24.11.17.
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Gender equality is a requirement of human rights. Reducing gender disparities and giving women greater agency have been part of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) since their inception in 2000. Millions of women and girls around the world are still subjected to discrimination because of their gender. Women faced social and economic discrimination that prevented them from enjoying the same freedoms as males. In today's world, where women hold positions of power in every industry, it's hard to imagine this happening. Throughout the male-dominated worlds of business and wrestling, influential women have made a difference. Despite this improvement, the majority of Indian families continue to discriminate against women and girls. Creating a sustainable, prosperous, and peaceful world requires a commitment to gender equality and human rights. Equal rights will have a positive impact on society, sustainable economies, mankind, and the world if they are guaranteed. Several initiatives have been launched by the Indian government in support of gender equality. In order to bring women's educational, health, and economic status up to par with men's, a number of programmes, initiatives, and policies have been implemented. The standing of women is elevated by international organisations in order to achieve gender equality. As long as views toward women haven't progressed at the same rate as legislative reform, they will continue to confront discrimination in the workplace, at home, and in politics. Issues of gender are ideological in nature. Stereotypes must be dismantled in order to end gender discrimination. Gender equality can only be achieved through changing men's and women's attitudes and mindsets. The purpose of the study is to investigate whether or not certain aspects of prejudice based on gender are still prevalent in the 21st century.
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Montiel, G. L. "The new Mexican political system: reconfiguration of capacities and power." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 1 (August 23, 2020): 10–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-1-10-27.
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There exist different elements that contribute to the idea of the political system as such in the context of the Mexican experience, but also that serve as referents that characterize the recent past. For that reason, we present a scheme of analysis – with political trends that are being built and that differentiate the new Mexican political system compared to that of the 20th century. Based on a model of the political system as the methodology of the analysis, we will track the trends of the changing Mexican politics during the 21st century. The destruction of the institutions of the old political system is associated with a long process of political struggle, which has provided for the creation of new institutions, but in very specific political spaces. The article traces the changes in the political system of Mexico in the 21st century in its various spheres and manifestations: public authority, party system, electoral complex, civil society, the process of democratization. We consider the evolution of the three branches of government and analyze their current balance.
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Theodore, John D. "The Process Of Globalization In Latin America." International Business & Economics Research Journal (IBER) 14, no. 1 (December 30, 2014): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v14i1.9044.
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The purpose of this article was to examine and evaluate the historical and developmental process of globalization in Latin America from the 1970s to the second decade of the 21st century and make proposals for the additional developments needed in education, society, labor, management, politics, economics, business, government, and legal areas in order for the region to attain higher developmental levels in regional integration and globalization on a continuous basis. It also examined the advantages and disadvantages of globalization as perceived by its proponents and adversaries in the region.
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Sidorenko, Irina N. "The Crisis of Democracy and the Problem of Democratic Peace." Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 65, no. 3 (September 16, 2022): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2022-65-3-39-57.
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The author analyzes three waves of the crisis of democracy during the 20th and early 21st centuries. The first crisis of democracy in the early 20th century is caused by the emergence and development of public politics, which challenged the possibility to govern the masses having conflict potential, it balanced the power of the people and universal suffrage with the control of the media in order to maintain the stability of political system. The second wave of the crisis of democracy (the last third of the 20th century) is associated with the destruction of the conventional world and the weakening of the nation-state; and its markers were: the imbalance between the branches of government, the domination of economics over politics, the predominance of equality over freedom, the problematic implementation of human rights, and, as a consequence, the inability to put into practice the national form of democracy. The third wave of crisis (early the 21st century) is accompanied by the transformation of democracy into post-democracy, in which the power of the people is replaced by the power of global capital, and the illusion of consent is reinforced by the prohibition of alternative points of view and the narrowing of the space of issues allowed for discussion in the name of public security. The crisis of the policy to achieve peace through the transformation of the balance of powers into a balance of interests called into question the principles of democracy. On the contrary, post-democracies justify the use of force to spread democracy around the world, and they take an active part in contemporary military conflicts, which can rightly be defined as hybrid proxy wars. Drawing on J. Habermas’s concept of communicative rationality, the author concludes that to overcome the crisis of democracy it is necessary to accept the very possibility of an alternative to this form of government and allow to discuss these previously marginalized issues as well as to maintain the return of the majority to genuine communication and politics, contribute to its enlightenment.
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Gal-Or, Noemi. "Suspending Sovereignty: Reassessing the Interlocking of Occupation, Failed and Fragile State, Responsibility to Protect, and International Trusteeship (Lessons from Lebanon)." Israel Law Review 41, no. 1-2 (2008): 302–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700000248.
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This Paper argues that the traditional international legal discourse on occupation fails to reflect the condition of international relations, and their governability by international law, at the turn of the 21st century. This Paper suggests re-conceptualizing the concept of occupation by linking it to the discourse of failed and fragile states and the responsibility to protect.A contemporaneous understanding of occupation needs to reflect its transforming relationship to sovereignty. Occupation represents a state of interference with the external aspect of sovereignty, which ultimately infringes also on the state of internal sovereignty. In contemporary world politics, occupation arises also from a chain of successive situations interfering with sovereignty wherein internal sovereignty becomes “vitiated” (“failed and fragile state”), and creates a condition conducive to interference with external sovereignty. The outcome of this order of impingements on sovereignty represents a state wherein sovereignty was suspended.The condition of suspended sovereignty triggers the new norm of the responsibility to protect. This Paper submits that re-vitalization of the concepts of leasehold and trusteeship offers an elegant, perhaps face-saving outlet, hence potentially constructive approach to empower the failed and fragile state in re-establishing its sovereign plenary control over its territory and ending an occupation-like situation.The analysis of the Lebanese situation is an example of the arguments raised in this Paper and does not fit the traditional post World War II (WWII) occupation legal mould for neither belligerent nor non-belligerent occupation. The complex inter-state relationship linking Lebanon-Syria-Iran-Israel, and which is intricately interlaced in a state-to-non-state actor (NSA) web as played out in the relationship between Israel-South Lebanon Army on the one hand, and between Iran, Syria and Lebanon-Hezbollah on the other hand, serve to illustrate the new 21st century conditions. These conditions press for an updating of the traditional understanding of occupation.
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Fisanov, Vоlоdymyr. "Immigration policy and the problem of renewal of multiculturalism practices in modern Canada." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.50-59.
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The goal of the article is to analyze certain aspects of Canada’s immigration policy in the context of contemporary realities, considering the concept of multiculturalism. In the paper, there are outlined the main stages of Canadian immigration policy and its impact on the politics of multiculturalism. The author emphasizes that the policy of multiculturalism, proclaimed by the Government of Canada in its modern interpretation in the late 1980s, has transformed in the first decades of the 21st century. It was caused by such factors as the rise of terrorist attacks, illegal migration and the widening of migration from South-East Asia. It was shown that Canadian immigration policy evolved to more open and liberal since the end of World War II, but at the beginning of the 21st century, the situation radically changed. This trend was especially noticeable during the activities of the conservative governments of S. Harper (2006-2015). Conservative government policy was marked by the introduction of restrictive immigration laws and the extension of bureaucratic procedures. In particular, some provisions of the «Strengthening Canadian Citizenship Act» of June 19, 2014, were analyzed. It was emphasized that this legal action had been crushed by the Bar Association of Canada, as well as in the Open Letter of 60 well-known scholars and community members to the Prime Minister of Canada. Another trend of last developments in Canadian multicultural society was influenced by American negative attitudes towards Muslims. Today, the Government of Canada must review and substantially add a policy of multiculturalism. However, it should not become a hostage to the political struggle between liberals and conservatives in the contemporary difficult realities. The escalation of feelings of danger and intolerance, based on the dialectical thе «еnemy-friend» opposition, no longer works in a society. But people are looking for effective democratic dialogue in order to normalize relationships in the multicolored society of the early 21st century.
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Zygadło, Grażyna. "“We’re missing the Latino attorney or astronaut as the hero”: Latinx Presence in Hollywood in the 20th and 21st Centuries." Polish Journal for American Studies, no. 16 (2022) (December 22, 2022): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/pjas.16/2022.04.
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The article examines the Latinx presence throughout the history of American cinema and analyses the reasons for the mis- and underrepresentation of Latinos/as in Hollywood productions focusing on major stereotypes and politics of American government towards this ethnic group influencing their cinematic description. The final part discusses the recent works produced by Latinos/as and telling their stories in the twenty-first century to demonstrate that Latinos/as are the integral part of American society who want to be justly represented and have the possibility to speak in their own name.
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Mina, Hao. "Feminism Is Still Relevant in Australia." Studies in Social Science Research 2, no. 3 (July 15, 2021): p26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sssr.v2n3p26.
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Feminist movements had been pervasive in the 20th century. It helped women to earn civil rights globally, welcomed by most civilized citizens. Then in the 21st century, it seems to have no reason to exist since there are no apparently observable and unpleasant unequal treatments towards women. Feminism, hence, is regarded as a word of the past by some people. Nevertheless, it is not the fact. By studying the situation in Australia, women in this nation have become the study object. Working opportunities in politics and business have been counted, combined with the study of relevant government policies towards different gender. The male’s changing attitude towards female in gender role has also exposed the socialization process in Australia. Through close scrutiny, it is found that feminism is still very much relevant in Australia.
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Karklins, Rasma. "Book Review: Daunis Auers, Comparative Politics and Government of the Baltic States: Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in the 21st Century." Political Studies Review 15, no. 2 (February 2017): 290–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929916686364.
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Collins, John. "Between Acceleration and Occupation: Palestine and the Struggle for Global Justice." Studies in Social Justice 4, no. 2 (December 15, 2010): 199–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v4i2.1002.
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This article explores the contemporary politics of global violence through an examination of the particular challenges and possibilities facing Palestinians who seek to defend their communities against an ongoing settler-colonial project (Zionism) that is approaching a crisis point. As the colonial dynamic in Israel/Palestine returns to its most elemental level – land, trees, homes – it also continues to be a laboratory for new forms of accelerated violence whose global impact is hard to overestimate. In such a context, Palestinians and international solidarity activists find themselves confronting a quintessential 21st century activist dilemma: how to craft a strategy of what Paul Virilio calls “popular defense” at a time when everyone seems to be implicated in the machinery of global violence? I argue that while this dilemma represents a formidable challenge for Palestinians, it also helps explain why the Palestinian struggle is increasingly able to build bridges with wider struggles for global justice, ecological sustainability, and indigenous rights.
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Greiman, Virginia. "The Winds of Change in World Politics and the Impact on Cyber Stability." International Journal of Cyber Warfare and Terrorism 9, no. 4 (October 2019): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcwt.2019100102.
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One of the greatest geopolitical challenges in the 21st century will be competing for the control of cyberspace, the 5th domain of cyberwarfare after land, sea, air, and space, and the major economic challenge of the time. With the advancement of artificial intelligence, the Internet of Things, autonomous vehicles, and unmanned drones, this challenge becomes even greater. This article explores through empirical evidence the interaction among the three powers that shape cyber intelligence and international security: globalism, regionalism, and nationalism. Recently, world politics has created a sense of urgency concerning the new world order and what that means for cyber security and the domain of cyberspace. With the recent cyberattacks targeting the American political system, the Foreign Ministry of the Czech Republic, the government of Croatia, and the 2017 attacks on the cyber systems operated by the Ukrainian government, there is concern about the stability of global connectedness and the potential for diminution of global boundaries. The concern about global stability raises the question of who controls cyberspace and who is accountable when things go wrong. The aim of the article is to advance a conceptualization for cyber governance frameworks for better control of cyber security by governments, intergovernmental organizations, and the private sector.
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Moore, Sarah. "Towards a Sociology of Institutional Transparency: Openness, Deception and the Problem of Public Trust." Sociology 52, no. 2 (January 19, 2017): 416–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038516686530.
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Transparency has become the watchword of 21st-century liberal democracies. It refers to a project of opening up the state by providing online access to public sector data. This article puts forward a sociological critique of the transparency agenda and the purported relationship between institutional openness and public trust. Drawing upon Simmel’s work, the article argues that open government initiatives routinely prize visibility over intelligibility and ignore the communicative basis of trust. The result is a non-reciprocal form of openness that obscures more than it reveals. In making this point the article suggests that transparency embodies the ethos of a now-discredited mode of what Ezrahi calls ‘instrumental politics’, reliant on the idea that the state constitutes a ‘domain of plain public facts’. The article examines how alternative mechanisms for achieving government openness might better respond to the distinctive needs of citizens living in late modern societies.
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Amu, Christian Ugwueze, Nathaniel Chinedum Nwezeaku, Linus Ezewunwa Akujuobi, Benedict Anayo Ozurunba, Sharon Nanyongo Njie, Ikedinachi Ayodele Power Wogu, and Sanjay Misra. "The Politics of Public Debt Management Among Rising Hegemonies and the Role of ICT." International Journal of Electronic Government Research 15, no. 3 (July 2019): 72–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijegr.2019070105.
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While scholars like Wogu and Misra unanimously affirmed the beneficial roles of adopting AI powered ICT systems in various sectors of government and endeavours, most countries in OECD and the Commonwealth - for reasons described as ‘a political reckless attitude' - have shied away from fully adopting and implementing intelligent debt management systems for their country's financial sectors, hence, the looming debt crisis hanging over them. Premised on the Public Choice theory, the study adopts Marilyn's Ex-post facto research design and Creswell's mix-method research approaches to interrogate the arguments proffered for and against the public debt management and the benefits of ICT, with a view to identifying the nexus that exists between the politics of debt management crisis and the role of ICT for 21st-century polities. The article identified a high degree of political rascality amongst political elites and a lackadaisical will towards the full implementation of intelligent debt management systems in the countries with looming debt crisis. Viable recommendations were proffered.
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Elinoff, Eli. "Subjects of politics: Between democracy and dictatorship in Thailand." Anthropological Theory 19, no. 1 (February 27, 2019): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499618782365.
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In May of 2014, the Thai military deposed elected Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra. Since the coup, the chief aim of the military government has been to bring order to the country by silencing politics. In this paper, I trace the drift from democracy to dictatorship as a set of disagreements about democracy and its redistribution of political capacity. Specifically, I show how debates revolving around the political capacities of the poor reflect both the emergence of a new subject of politics and the anxieties produced by shifting arrangements of the political.1 Working from the vantage point of urban railway squatter communities in northeastern Thailand, I show how disagreements between residents, non-governmental organization activists, state development agencies and the military reflect unresolved tensions between multiple orderings of the political and the unreconciled question of who is a legitimate political actor. Residents’ engagements with development projects preceding the coup expose the ways in which their emergent claims to political capacity provoked new governmental strategies to incorporate their voices but manage their political aspirations. Military rule has once again transformed the shape of the political, narrowing the horizons of political possibility for citizens such as those living along the railway tracks. Yet, even amidst such threats, the military government remains fragile precisely because the political is always contingent, composed of heterogeneous disagreements. By making these processes legible through an ethnography of disagreement, I argue that anthropology and ethnography are fundamental for understanding the emerging forms of the political in the 21st century.
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Verbora, Antonio Robert. "The Political Landscape Surrounding Anti-Cruelty Legislation in Canada." Society & Animals 23, no. 1 (February 2, 2015): 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685306-12341353.
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In 1998, the federal government launched a consultation process, which pointed out that nothing significant had been done to change federal anti-cruelty laws in Canada since 1892. The consultation process concluded that among other concerns, outdated wording of the law has prevented the prosecution of many serious nonhuman animal abusers. Since 1999, there have been a number of failed amendments to the Criminal Code anti-cruelty provisions. The study examines the trajectory of the proposed changes since 1999 to the present, using official transcripts of Canadian parliamentary debates, and seeks to understand the politics of animal cruelty legislation in Canada. Using thematic analysis, this paper explores how resistance to the amendments is articulated and rationalized, as well as the grounds upon which proponents argue in favor of amending the anti-cruelty provisions. The study ultimately sheds light on the failure to bring 19th century Canadian criminal laws into the 21st century.
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Kuznetsov, Vasily A. "Electoral Processes and Street Protests in 21st Century Algeria: Features and Traits of Algerian Political Culture." ISTORIYA 13, no. 12-1 (122) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023902-1.
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The following article discusses issues of electoral participation and street protest activity in 21st century Algeria. The work is based on the materials on Algerian election campaigns and results of the author's field research in the country. Describing the current political situation in Algeria, the author points out that the long established alienation between the civil society and government institutions is one of the most significant challenges for the country's development. The roots of this alienation are much deeper than the 2019 events when A. Bouteflika was overthrown due to mass protests and A. Tebboun became the President. Analyzing the electoral campaigns held since 2000 to this day, the author discovers that mutual distrust between the political elites and the society has been a characteristic trait of Algerian internal politics over the whole two decades. In this context, the Hirak movement founded in 2019 may be seen a an instrument of political transformation rather than merely a way to express popular discontent. However, even though this movement was successful enough to change the political leadership in Algeria, it hasn't managed to transform the essence of the system and update the social contract. Looking into the reasons for this failure, the author concludes that they stem from the specific traits of Algerian political culture formed in the colonial and early post-colonial eras.
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Bar-Maoz, Moria. "A Theory on the Involvement of Religion in National Security Policy Formulation and Implementation: The Case of Israel before and after the Religionization of Its Security Environment." Religions 11, no. 5 (May 4, 2020): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11050227.
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This article offers, for the first time, a theoretical model of religion’s influence on the formulation and execution of national security policies. To build this model, it analyses the influence of religion on Israel’s national security policymaking—before and after Israel’s security environment went through a process of religionization beginning in the 1970s. The article proposes that religion’s effect on national security policymaking is comprised of three tiers that follow one another in the decision making sequence and, yet, are independent from one another: (1) operational beliefs embedded in the state’s security thinking on the relations between religion and security; (2) opportunities and constraints on the state’s freedom of action, due to the role religion plays in global, regional and domestic politics as well as bilateral relations; and (3) governmental utilization of religion to realize national security goals. At its conclusion, the article demonstrates that the model is applicable to other countries as well, using the case of France’s policies in the 21st century.
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Нагиев, Орхан Гадироглу. "Формирование культурно-духовных ценностей в Азербайджане как следствие политики «Мягкой силы»." Revistă de Ştiinţe Socio-Umane = Journal of Social and Human Sciences 50, no. 1 (April 2022): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46727/jshs.2022.v50.i1.p75-86.
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The domestic policy of the Republic of Azerbaijan is based on the use of soft power. On the basis of this policy, the promotion and promotion of spiritual and cultural values is carried out as its special direction. Cultural diplomacy, the main instrument of soft power politics, characterized as a form of cultural struggle, is the basis of the ethics of peaceful coexistence. The only way to avoid controlled conflicts and wars is to expand the influence of cultural and spiritual values as a tool of "soft power" in diplomacy. The Azerbaijani government knows that the most powerful technologies and weapons of the 21st century are helpless before the influence created through cultural diplomacy, and carry out extensive activities to preserve, popularize and promote the national and spiritual values of our people.
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Wilson, Geoff A., and P. Ali Memon. "Indigenous Forest Management in 21st-Century New Zealand: Towards a ‘Postproductivist’ Indigenous Forest–Farmland Interface?" Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 37, no. 8 (August 2005): 1493–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a37144.
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The critique of indigenous forest management in New Zealand in this paper contextualises the discussion in light of recent Eurocentric debates on the transition towards ‘postproductivist’ and ‘multifunctional’ agricultural and forestry regimes. The research findings confirm recent criticisms of Australian writers with regard to the direct transferability of the notion of a transition towards postproductivism developed by European researchers and also lend support to Holmes's (2002) notion of productivist and postproductivist occupance. Long-standing productivist demands continue to be made on New Zealand's indigenous forests, especially from economically marginalised stakeholder groups who depend on the continuation of logging for economic survival. We argue that the tension between the recent adoption of a ‘postproductivist’ conservation policy at government level and the continuing ‘productivist’ attitudes among some stakeholder groups explains why the protection of remaining indigenous forests continues to be contested. The New Zealand findings also provide further evidence for those persons criticising the implied linearity and dualism inherent in the Eurocentric postproductivist transition model. We argue that processes at the New Zealand forest–farmland interface support Wilson's (2001) notion of a territorialisation of productivist and postproductivist territories into a ‘multifunctional’ territory. From a social constructionist perspective, the results highlight the fact that a clear separation into productivist and postproductivist occupance may not be easy to conceptualise as our view of agricultural land as ‘productivist’ territory and unlogged or sustainably managed indigenous forest as ‘postproductivist’ territory is largely based on a Euro–American ‘deep green’ view of unaltered ‘nonhuman’ nature. This supports Mather's (2001) suggestion that postproductivism should be cast as part of a shifting mode of social regulation of forestry with particular stakeholder groups constructing images of nature according to their interests, and where western ideas of nature as a (postproductivist) wilderness embody cultural politics which arguably serve to marginalise the interests of indigenous communities.
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Medushevsky, Nikolay A., Liudmila A. Pechishcheva, and Alisa R. Shishkina. "AFRICAN VECTOR IN INDIA’S FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGY IN THE 21ST CENTURY (POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC ASPECTS)." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 3 (2022): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2022-3-46-59.
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The research article is concerned with the mechanisms of cooperation between India and African countries in the latest historical period. The international support that India has provided to many African countries over the decades underscores the political commitment of the Indian leadership to speak on behalf of the nations of the global South. The government of Narendra Modi focuses on the common historical struggle of Indians and Africans against the colonial powers, as on the importance of developing cooperation in the politics, economy, energy, education, culture and humanitarian issues. The parties are interested in developing new approaches to environmental protection, and closely cooperate within the framework of the UN mechanism for sustainable development, actively participating in the formation and discussion of the climate agenda. Three successful Africa-India summits (in 2008, 2011 and 2015) showed a common interest in expanding the nature and areas of interaction. Moreover, India, experiencing an acute need for primary energy resources and minerals, sees in Africa not only a potential supplier of those resources, but also a capacious market for its products. In pursuit of all the interests mentioned, India, on the way of cooperation with African countries, often encounters the unpreparedness of African colleagues for direct dialogue, as well as opposition from other major players operating in the region. Among them, the UK and China play a key role. The authors come to the conclusion that at present India has a clear and comprehensive strategy for promoting its interests in Africa and considers the continent as a strategic one. At the same time, a large number of the variables associated with a specific process of interaction and regional development remain in the system of cooperation between India and African countries.
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Pratt, Douglas. "Secular New Zealand and Religious Diversity: From Cultural Evolution to Societal Affirmation." Social Inclusion 4, no. 2 (April 19, 2016): 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i2.463.
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About a century ago New Zealand was a predominantly white Anglo-Saxon Christian nation, flavoured only by diversities of Christianity. A declining indigenous population (Maori) for the most part had been successfully converted as a result of 19th century missionary endeavour. In 2007, in response to increased presence of diverse religions, a national Statement on Religious Diversity was launched. During the last quarter of the 20th century the rise of immigrant communities, with their various cultures and religions, had contributed significantly to the changing demographic profile of religious affiliation. By early in the 21st century this diversity, together with issues of inter-communal and interreligious relations, all in the context of New Zealand being a secular society, needed to be addressed in some authoritative way. Being a secular country, the government keeps well clear of religion and expects religions to keep well clear of politics. This paper will outline relevant historical and demographic factors that set the scene for the Statement, which represents a key attempt at enhancing social inclusion with respect to contemporary religious diversity. The statement will be outlined and discussed, and other indicators of the way in which religious diversity is being received and attended to will be noted.
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Tran, Tuan. "The First Annual National Vietnam Medical Education Conference “Preparing the 21st Century Physician”." MedPharmRes 2, no. 1 (April 2, 2018): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.32895/ump.mpr.2.1.1/suffix.
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President of University of Medicine and Pharmacy at Ho Chi Minh City, Department of Pediatrics - UMP We are delighted to introduce the Special Issue for the medical education derived from the 1st National Vietnam Medical Education Conference: “Preparing the 21st Century Physician”. The First Annual National Vietnam Medical Education Conference was held on 2-3 December, 2017, by the Vietnam Ministry of Health, University of Medicine and Pharmacy in Ho Chi Minh City, and the Improving Access, Curriculum and Teaching in Medical Education and Emerging Diseases (IMPACT-MED) Alliance, which is supported by United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and implemented by Partnership for Health Advancement Vietnam, a collaboration between Harvard Medical School, the Brigham & Women’s Hospital and the Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center. It has attracted approximately 300 leaders in the medical education, faculties and students from Vietnam and around the world. This conference comes at an exciting time in the socio-economic development of Vietnam. The Vietnamese health sector has made enormous strides in the control of communicable diseases, increasing the life expectancy and increasing access to the health care for its population over the past 40 years since the reunification of the country. In July 2017, Vietnam became a middle-income country, and with this new status comes new health challenges, which if not addressed, will impede the continued development of the country. Non-communicable diseases, a rapidly aging population, emerge threats of pandemics, environmental pollution, and climate change are all at our doorstep. Additionally, an increasingly connected society that demands a high-quality healthcare, the government’s plan for Universal Health Care, and the desire for regional and an international integration all represent the challenges and opportunities that we must tackle. Addressing these challenges and opportunities starts with transforming the health workforce. There is an urgent need to update the country’s system of health education including university curricula and transforming approaches to teaching and learning to train health professionals who can adapt and react to the health challenges and realize the opportunities that are presented. A comprehensive curriculum reform is difficult. However, we can build upon the experience of previous, smaller-scale reform projects, and capitalize on the investments and support from the highest level of government to transform our health education system. We have built strong partnerships among the network of universities and colleges in Vietnam to support each other, and we also have support from international partners. Education reform is a necessity for Vietnam. The conversations and discussions that we have at this inaugural conference will pave the way towards the transformation of our health education system. The conference aims to provide a forum for sharing innovations and advances in the medical education, stimulate discussions among medical education leaders, inspire further innovations, and foster a community of medical educators invested in advancing medical education research and quality improvement. This entire volume is devoted to select the manuscripts, which was generated from the conference. We hope that it will be productive, and you will be inspired, energized and motivated to continue the efforts towards health education reform for your university/college, and for the country of Vietnam.
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Keleş, Ruşen. "Sustainable development, international cooperation and local authorities." Ekistics and The New Habitat 69, no. 415-417 (December 1, 2002): 333–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.53910/26531313-e200269415-417359.
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The author is a Professor of Local Government and Urban Studies at the Faculty of Political Science , Ankara University and Eastern Mediterranean University. He served as Director of the Ernst Reuter Center for Urban Studies as well as Director of the Center for Environmental Studies, Ankara University for many years. His numerous publications include The Politics of Rapid Urbanization: Government and Growth in Modern Turkey (New York , Holmes and Meier, 1985), Housing and the Urban Poor in the Middle East: Turkey, Egypt, Jordan and Morocco (Tokyo, IDE, 1986), Urban Management in Turkey (Ankara, Turkish Social Science Association, 1988), Urban Poverty in the Third World: Theoretical Approaches and Policy Options Tokyo (IDE, 1988). Dr Keleş has been a correspondent of Ekistics since 1965. He is a member of the World Society for Ekistics (WSE) and has also served as a member of its Executive Council. The text that follows is a slightly edited and revised version of a paper presented at the WSE Symposion "Defining Success of the City in the 21st Century," Berlin, 24-28 October, 2001.
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Narayan, John. "British Black Power: The anti-imperialism of political blackness and the problem of nativist socialism." Sociological Review 67, no. 5 (April 16, 2019): 945–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026119845550.
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The history of the US Black Power movement and its constituent groups such as the Black Panther Party has recently gone through a process of historical reappraisal, which challenges the characterization of Black Power as the violent, misogynist and negative counterpart to the Civil Rights movement. Indeed, scholars have furthered interest in the global aspects of the movement, highlighting how Black Power was adopted in contexts as diverse as India, Israel and Polynesia. This article highlights that Britain also possessed its own distinctive form of Black Power movement, which whilst inspired and informed by its US counterpart, was also rooted in anti-colonial politics, New Commonwealth immigration and the onset of decolonization. Existing sociological narratives usually locate the prominence and visibility of British Black Power and its activism, which lasted through the 1960s to the early 1970s, within the broad history of UK race relations and the movement from anti-racism to multiculturalism. However, this characterization neglects how such Black activism conjoined explanations of domestic racism with issues of imperialism and global inequality. Through recovering this history, the article seeks to bring to the fore a forgotten part of British history and also examines how the history of British Black Power offers valuable lessons about how the politics of anti-racism and anti-imperialism should be united in the 21st century.
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Laforest, Rachel, and Steven Rathgeb Smith. "Nonprofits in a Time of Turbulence: Challenges and Opportunities." Nonprofit Policy Forum 8, no. 2 (September 26, 2017): 117–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2017-0021.
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AbstractWe have entered a period of turbulent economic and political change. Internationally, slower growth coupled with youth unemployment and rising inequality have driven a renewed interest in social policy. In the US, the preferred policy approach since the 1990s has been to move away from cash assistance to direct service provision spurring demand for nonprofit services at the local level (Smith 2015, “Managing Human Service Organizations in the 21st Century.” Human Service Organizations: Management, Leadership, & Governance 39 (5):407–411). Recently, however, we have observed a power backlash against trade, immigration and economic insecurity that is reshaping politics and bringing about significant cuts in social service programs and health care at a time when the need is high. Fiscal scarcity will no doubt create an additional burden for nonprofits working with communities in need. In Canada, the federal government is moving in the opposite direction with greater investment in the social policy fields, including healthcare, childcare, housing and poverty reduction initiative. These investments will mean a greater flow of resources to the nonprofit sector, but the government has been clear that in exchange they want to tie funding to results and performance.
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Ratnawati, Ratnawati, and Oberlin Silalahi. "Women Regional Heads and Gender-Responsive Policies in Tabanan Regency, Bali, Indonesia." Eduvest - Journal of Universal Studies 2, no. 9 (September 15, 2022): 1742–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36418/eduvest.v2i9.574.
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This study examined the contribution of women's government heads to gender-responsive policies at the local level. It was carried out due to the increase in the number of women leaders in various countries as heads of government at the national and local levels in the 21st century, which contributed to the realization of gender-responsive policies. This paper argues that the social capital owned by women regional heads contributes to realizing gender-responsive policies. This study was carried out using the focus group discussions (FGD) methodology, with data collected from 19 key informants through in-depth interviews and documents. The result showed that the success of women regional heads in realizing gender-responsive policies is influenced by their social capital in the form of material capital, access to information with organizations and public officials, and the provision of a network capital that is bonding, bridging, and linking. Furthermore, there are other factors, namely personal capacity related to knowledge and understanding of gender-responsive policies, involvement and experience of women regional heads in organization activities, and support politics of the regional parliament/DPRD. This study provides insight for women willing to advance in the election contestation process by considering their previous experience and involvement in political activities as essential factors in realizing gender-responsive policies.
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Davidovitch, Nitza, and Erez Cohen. "Effective Regulation of the Israeli Higher Education System in the Global and Neoliberal Era." Higher Education Studies 11, no. 3 (June 8, 2021): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/hes.v11n3p21.
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For over six decades Israel’s system of higher education has been managed by the Ministry of Education and the Council for Higher Education (CHE). During this period, significant transitions have occurred in the academic system throughout the world and in Israel, leaving their mark on research and teaching and on the related regulatory agencies. The purpose of the study is to examine the need for regulation of higher education in a capitalist world, with Israel serving as a case study.
The study examines the CHE’s management of changes that occurred in the academic world and the overall considerations utilized by the pilots of this regulatory agency, which led to shaping policy from a perspective of time and with an eye to the challenges of the future, in comparison to supervisory agencies around the world. The research method is based on research literature addressing the system of higher education in Israel and elsewhere as well as on interviews with senior academics occupying key positions in the CHE in the past and present. The research findings indicate that the CHE has a bureaucratic image, a short-sighted policy, and that it reacts to events more than leading them, as opposed to its declared goal of promoting high standard, innovative, and accessible research and teaching processes to benefit the economy and society.
The conclusion generated by the research findings is that implementation of a hybrid model suitable for the twenty first century, which combines liberalization and regulation, should be explored. This model will let institutions of higher education develop independently while reducing government supervision, and will allow the regulatory body to regulate their activity via incentives and restrictions, while identifying market failures that it will define. Such a regulatory body will include an array of academic experts from the field of higher education with proven experience in the fields of academic research and teaching, in order to separate the managing of Israel’s system of higher education from politics and bureaucracy.
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Ukas, Ukas, and Zuhdi Arman. "THE ROLE OF LAW IN ECONOMIC GLOBALIZATION IN INDONESIA." JIM UPB (Jurnal Ilmiah Manajemen Universitas Putera Batam) 9, no. 1 (December 2, 2020): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33884/jimupb.v9i1.2173.
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Legal development has a more comprehensive and basic meaning compared to the promotion and renewal of law in the context of increasing the nation's competitiveness, legal politics in Indonesia directs legal development to encourage economic growth. The research objective is to determine economic growth, especially in the business world and in the industrial world which determines investment capacity, especially law enforcement and protection. The method used is normative juridical. The results of this study see Law as a social engineering tool that was born because the concept of law is taught to direct people to better understand change. Law as an instrument of development control includes development in the economic field. Enforcement of law and justice in particular in the economic development of activities and developing development in accordance with long-term government programs. The role of law in economic globalization in the 21st century is certainly expected aspects of globalization in legal and economic growth, the development of economic law also includes investment law, which of course must run in accordance with long-term development tools.
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Himmah, Dhurotun Nasicha Aliyatul, and Nurul Yaqien. "KEPEMIMPINAN PEREMPUAN DALAM PERSPEKTIF ISLAM." J-MPI (Jurnal Manajemen Pendidikan Islam) 2, no. 2 (December 30, 2017): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/jmpi.v2i2.5483.
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<p><em>Women's leadership has always been a discussion of controversy, especially in explaining, interpreting and determining the law of a woman's leadership. This study aims to: (1) Review the interpretation related to the concept of leadership with the interpretation model of maudhu'i Al-Qur'an letter An-Nisa verse 34 and Al-Mujadalah verse 11 according to some classical and contemporary commentators including Ibn Abbas, Imam Jalaludin, Ibn Kathir, Mustafa Al-Maraghi, Muhammad Hasbi and Quraish Shihab, (2) Assessing the relevance of the concept of female leadership in an Islamic perspective with the concept of leadership in the 21st century. This type of research is literature study using descriptive-analytic method, historical-philosophical approach, carried out with documentation techniques, analysis, interpretation, checking the validity of the data to obtain the results of the study according to purpose. The results of the study show that there are differences between the thoughts of classical mufassir and contemporary mufassir on women's leadership based on An-Nisa verse 34. It is the differences in times, conditions, situations and civilizations that influence it. The 21st Century is no longer a century where women cannot join in politics, government, social affairs, education, and so on. Contemporary mufassir allow women to be leaders as long as they do not violate the sharia and do not ignore the main task of being a wife. Relevance is related to the realization of the Constitution of 1945 article 27 concerning equal rights and obligations of Indonesian citizens, and Article 31 related to the right of education for all citizens of Indonesia relevant to the letter of Al-Mujadalah verse 11. The relevance is related to the realization of Article 27 of the 1945 constitution concerning the equality of Indonesian citizens' rights and obligations, and Article 31 concerning the right of education of all Indonesian citizens relevant to Al-Mujadalah verse 11. Men or women who are leaders, most importantly is the realization of the good leadership for creating baldatun thayyibun warabbun ghafur.</em></p>
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Nam Tien, Tran. "THE RISE OF INDIA IN THE NEW BALANCE OF POWER IN ASIA SINCE THE BEGINNING OF 21ST CENTURY: IMPACTS ON INDIA - VIETNAM RELATIONS." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 9, no. 2 (April 8, 2021): 246–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2021.9226.
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Purpose of the study: The study focuses on the rise of India in the new balance of power in Asia since the beginning of the 21st century. It had three major purposes: (a) to discover the new balance of power in Asia (b), to examine the possible predicting scenario about the role of India in Asia’s order; (c) to understand critical influences of the Indian rise that affect on India-Vietnam relations.
Methodology: This study describes a qualitative study based upon a combination of three main methods such as historical method, analysis-synthesis method (documentary analysis), and case study method. The data were sourced from secondary data and content analysis in various publications of governments, foreign governments, or international bodies. Moreover, foreign policy journals, books, magazines, newspapers, and public records.
Main Findings: The study had some key research findings. The first main finding was that the rise of India would contribute to the common development of Asian countries and affirm the position of Asia on the world map. The second major finding was that India-Vietnam relationships supported India becoming a peaceful superpower dominating East Asia, especially Southeast Asia.
Applications of this study: The implications of the study can be supported by the observation of foreign policy substitutability. This study about the rise of India can be used to get the support of the policymaker or government to make the foreign policy adapting to the new era in Asia. Moreover, the study is also a valuable document for students majoring in International Relations, International History, and Politics.
Novelty/Originality of this study: There is no or has not been any study that discusses the rise of India in the new balance of power in Asia since the beginning of the 21st century and its impacts on India-Vietnam relations.
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Beserra, Me Elijalma Augusto, Roberta Freire d’Aguiar de Almeida, Maria Helena Maia e Souza, and Profa Dra Eva Mônica Sarmento da Silva. "The Practice of Integrated and Articulated Actions within the Scope of the Brazil Sem Misery Plan - PBSM as a Instrument for the Social Inclusion of Small Beekeepers in the Semiarid Pernambuco: The Case of Beekeepers of Quixaba - PE." International Journal of Advanced Engineering Research and Science 9, no. 10 (2022): 365–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijaers.910.40.
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Even with all the evolution achieved by humanity, it is still possible to identify in several societies that there are people in extreme poverty. Combating this sad reality is a task not only for governments but for all those who make up this society. In Brazil, the commitment to the fight against extreme poverty formed the agenda of the social democratic governments that commanded national politics during the first two decades of the 21st century. Recognized by international agencies as a successful example of a government program aimed at the socio-economic inclusion of the most needy part of society, the Brasil Sem Miséria Plan - PBSM focused on creating structuring conditions so that individuals, in extreme poverty, could enter the job market, managing to obtain an income capable of granting them social inclusion, dignity, food sovereignty and financial freedom. In this sense, the present study aims to discuss the integrated and articulated practices promoted within the scope of the PBSM with small beekeepers in the semi-arid region of Pernambuco, especially in the municipality of Quixaba - PE. Beekeepers benefited from the program, and how the combination of actions developed by the government, society, and producers managed to change the living conditions of this group, and how these practices can be used as an example for other locations.
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Khalili, Laleh. "THE LOCATION OF PALESTINE IN GLOBAL COUNTERINSURGENCIES." International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, no. 3 (July 15, 2010): 413–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743810000425.
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I begin with a pair of narratives:[Jenin] itself showed signs of the Government's wrath. It was in a shocking state, having the appearance of a front-line town in a modern war. Huge gaps were visible between the blocks of buildings and houses, while piles of rubble lay across the streets. . . . Many men had been arrested and detained, while many buildings, including shops and offices, had been demolished as a punitive measure by the military.On the fourth day, they managed to enter [the Jenin camp] because . . . this giant tank could simply run over booby traps, especially since they were very primitive booby traps. Once the army took over our street, they started shooting missiles from the air. On the fifth day they started shelling homes. A large number of people were killed or wounded. My neighbour's home was blown up by missiles . . . Close to us was a group of [detained] young men. They were handcuffed, naked, and lying on their stomachs . . . They would take each one of us and force us onto the ground, stomping on our backs and heads. One soldier would put his machine gun right on your head, and the other would tie you up.The first narrative dates from 1939, when the British finally suppressed the Arab Revolt; the second is from the Israeli counterinsurgency against Palestinians during the second intifada in 2002. What is striking about the two narratives is not only the similarity of “control” measures and the targeting of politically mobilized towns and villages across time but also the persistence of these techniques across different administrative/colonial systems. Further, these practices—house demolitions, detention of all men of a certain age, and the targeting of civilian spaces and populations—are familiar from other counterinsurgency contexts, whether British and French colonial wars in the 20th century or the 21st-century wars of the United States in Iraq and Afghanistan.
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Boeva, Luc. "Recensie van: Re-Thinking the State. Critical Perspectives on the Citizen, Politics and Government in the 21st Century / Filip De Rynck, Bram Verschuere & Ellen Waeyenberg (eds.) (2009)." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 69, no. 4 (January 26, 2011): 366–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v69i4.12340.
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Octastefani, Theresia. "The Dynamics of Women and Political Heritage in Yogyakarta: A Critical Reflection in Welcoming the Next Leader." MUWAZAH 10, no. 2 (December 25, 2018): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.28918/muwazah.v10i2.1783.
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Yogyakarta Special Region (DIY) is an area still retains a strong cultural heritage, ranging from customs of Javanese-Islamic culture and Mataram Sultanate system. DIY becomes the only province that has a special authority to institutionalize the administration of government by placing the roles and responsibilities of the Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat Sultanate and Kadipaten Pakualaman in filling the positions of provincial leaders. This process was legitimized by Indonesian Law No. 13 of 2012 about Special Administrative Status for Yogyakarta. But over time, polemics have emerged since Sri Sultan Hamengku Buwono X issued Sabda Raja and Dawuh Raja who reaped pros-cons and were clashed with the royal tradition’s values from generation to generation. Based on these realities, it becomes interesting to discuss about the dynamics of women and politics of heritage in DIY as a critical reflection in welcoming the next leader. On the one side, the system of the Javanese-Islamic Mataram Sultanate as a cultural heritage must be maintained. But on the other side, the aspect of modernity through the struggle for gender equality also opens the opportunity for Indonesian women are also capable of being and have become capable democratic leaders in the 21st Century.
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Gregory, Eric. "Review EssayThe Jewish Roots of the Modern Republic." Harvard Theological Review 105, no. 3 (July 11, 2012): 372–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816012000144.
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A concise study of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Protestant Hebraica does not immediately suggest a provocative contribution to contemporary debates about secularization, religion, and politics. But that is what Eric Nelson’s learned yet accessible book about the Jewish sources of early modern republicanism provides.1According to Nelson, Professor of Government at Harvard University, the distinctive authority of the Hebrew Republic made possible the Protestant development of three central ideas: republican liberty, care for equality, and religious toleration. Nelson’s rehabilitation of the neglected Christian Hebraism of the late Renaissance and Reformation seeks to challenge historiographies which characterize modern political thought in terms of a rationalist independence from theology. These dominant narratives roughly describe a transition frompolitical theologytopolitical sciencethat excludes religious conviction from political argument.2Nelson invokes (but does not engage) Mark Lilla’s description of “the Great Separation” of religion and politics as one expression of this threshold of disenchantment.3He also associates this narrative with figures as diverse as Hans Blumenberg, Leo Strauss, C. B. Macpherson, Michael Oakeshott, John Rawls, and Jonathan Israel. The book, therefore, contributes to scholarship that complicates the primacy of the “Enlightenment” origins and character of Western politics. It also raises complex questions about our relation to these origins. Much like Nelson’s own argument about the way Jewish sources helped reorganize accepted categories, his book opens new spaces for scholarly conversation across multiple fields of study. This review briefly raises normative implications of Nelson’s book for scholars of theology, ethics, and religious studies. I examine stronger and weaker versions of Nelson’s historical narrative as well as his gestures at their implications.
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Gutorow, Władimir. "O niektórych cechach swoistych ewolucji współczesnego rosyjskiego sytemu politycznego." Politeja 12, no. 7 (34/2) (December 31, 2015): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.12.2015.34_2.02.
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On some peculiarities of evolution of the contemporary Russian political system
The article deals with the problem of Russian political system evolution at the turn of the 20th and 21th centuries. The author attempts to answer the following question: if contemporary Russian state system does not fit a classical model of liberal democracy, is it reasonable to talk about hopeless stagnation of political system in Russia, generated by the process of new bureaucratic deformation, or is it possible to outline some tendencies of Russian state system evolution that fit the process of global degradation of democratic institutions in every region all over the world without any exceptions? The answer implies a quite important verification and statement concerning the situation: does the level of political government in Russian „imperial center” meet that contemporary criteria, obeyed in the development of civilized states. At the beginning of the 21st century, after long period of chaotic decentralization, Russia has entered the stage, when the federal center attempts to „establish order” in the country by means of tough administrative decisions. New stage of Russian politics connected with the Ukrainian crisis and the referendum in the Crimea signifies the explicit tendency of political elite to start a new page of national history.
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Saharuddin, Desmadi, Meirison Meirison, Inayatul Chusna, and Ade Sofyan Mulazid. "Capitulation and Siyasah Syar’iyah Al-Maliyah Impact on Economic Stability of the 18th & 19th Ottoman Turks." QIJIS (Qudus International Journal of Islamic Studies) 7, no. 2 (January 6, 2020): 329. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/qijis.v7i2.4847.
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<p><em></em>Free trade and foreign investment that characterize the 21st Century trade and business model do not benefit all parties, particularly Islamic countries. Only those who have well-established economic system and large capital gain the most benefit. This condition had occurred during the Ottoman Khalifah. Therefore, this article aims to prove that free trade and foreign investment during the Ottoman, in the form of capitulation, brought negative impact on the Ottoman’s economy and politics. Capitulation is an agreement between the Ottoman and Western European countries that regulated economic and legal sectors by giving privilege to the European countries to come and trade in the Ottoman. The Ottoman became a free market place that eliminated the Islamic economic system. The Ottoman saw the agreement as its Siyasah Syar’iyah Al-Maliyah to protect the political sovereignty when facing European countries. Once the agreement benefited the Ottoman, later it caused economic political problems. The domestic industries faced difficulty when competing with foreign trades. The Ottoman government did not have full authority over the law and justice of the Europeans in the Ottoman. The capitulation that was expected by the Ottoman to protect its economy and politics had put the country under the domination of Western Europe. What happened to the Ottoman is proof that the free market is only beneficial to developed countries with active industries. Therefore, this historical fact should be reference for Islamic countries in conducting their foreign economic system.</p>
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Wahyuddin, Imam. "Perkembangan Islam Arab Saudi." TASAMUH: Jurnal Studi Islam 10, no. 2 (September 3, 2018): 423–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.47945/tasamuh.v10i2.81.
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The kingdom of al-Sa'ūdiyah actually existed since 1446. However, as a strong dynasty and established the Saudi Arabia state is since the era of Abd. Aziz ibn Abd. Rahman al-Sa'ud (Ibn Saud) with the spirit of Wahhabism and British aid. Officially in 1932 the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia became an Islamic state with a monarchic system under King Ibn Saud. This paper will discuss the history of Islamic development in Saudi Arabia which is now as an Islamic State. Saudi Arabia is now dominated by the kingdom of al-Sa'ūdiyah which is influenced by Wahabiyah religious beliefs. From the beginning of the nineteenth century the Wahabiyah movement received support from Muhammad Ibn Sa'ud. They began expansion which culminated in the conquest of most of the Arabian peninsula and made social, religious and political set agendas in Saudi Arabia. Wahabiyah continues to expand and exist in Saudi Arabia, especially in the mid-19th to the 20th century, and its development pattern is based on top down. Thus, the development of Islam in Saudi Arabia can not be separated from Wahabiyah influence. In the midst of social change, Saudi authorities continue to maintain Wahabiyah as a royal religious ideology. In fact, Wahabiyah ulama also play a role in giving religious approval to the policies of the royal government. However, other factors that also make Islam flourish in Saudi Arabia are the historic impact as the main influence of Muslims since the Prophet era and Saudi Arabia's strategic position for various information reforms in the Islamic world as it controls Mecca and Medina as the sacred city (Haramain). On the other hand, the development of Islam in Saudi Arabia can also be seen in terms of Islamic politics played by the royal government and its foreign political economy which is deemed to be close to the Brtish, US or the West in the Middle East, preferably in the Israel and Palestinian conflict
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Wahyuddin, Imam. "PERKEMBANGAN ISLAM ARAB SAUDI." Tasamuh: Jurnal Studi Islam 10, no. 2 (November 7, 2018): 423–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.32489/tasamuh.45.
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The kingdom of al-Sa'ūdiyah actually existed since 1446. However, as a strong dynasty and established the Saudi Arabia state is since the era of Abd. Aziz ibn Abd. Rahman al-Sa'ud (Ibn Saud) with the spirit of Wahhabism and British aid. Officially in 1932 the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia became an Islamic state with a monarchic system under King Ibn Saud. This paper will discuss the history of Islamic development in Saudi Arabia which is now as an Islamic State. Saudi Arabia is now dominated by the kingdom of al-Sa'ūdiyah which is influenced by Wahabiyah religious beliefs. From the beginning of the nineteenth century the Wahabiyah movement received support from Muhammad Ibn Sa'ud. They began expansion which culminated in the conquest of most of the Arabian peninsula and made social, religious and political set agendas in Saudi Arabia. Wahabiyah continues to expand and exist in Saudi Arabia, especially in the mid-19th to the 20th century, and its development pattern is based on top down. Thus, the development of Islam in Saudi Arabia can not be separated from Wahabiyah influence. In the midst of social change, Saudi authorities continue to maintain Wahabiyah as a royal religious ideology. In fact, Wahabiyah ulama also play a role in giving religious approval to the policies of the royal government. However, other factors that also make Islam flourish in Saudi Arabia are the historic impact as the main influence of Muslims since the Prophet era and Saudi Arabia's strategic position for various information reforms in the Islamic world as it controls Mecca and Medina as the sacred city (Haramain). On the other hand, the development of Islam in Saudi Arabia can also be seen in terms of Islamic politics played by the royal government and its foreign political economy which is deemed to be close to the Brtish, US or the West in the Middle East, preferably in the Israel and Palestinian conflict.
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Aminov, I. I. "Ethics of Russian parliamentarian as a subject matter of normative and legal regulation." Actual Problems of Russian Law, no. 8 (September 20, 2019): 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2019.105.8.047-054.
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Professionalization of ethics in the first quarter of the 21st century leads to the fact that it increasingly acts as a regulator of behavior of representatives of all branches of government: legislative, executive and judiciary. To this end, scholars — authors of modern concepts of political ethics — increasingly correlate fundamental ethical values with the features of modern politics, law, democratic organization of the society that put forward as fundamental such ethical qualities as professionalism, discipline, financial integrity, political correctness, prevention of malpractice and power abuse in the activities of members of the Council of Federation and deputies of the State Duma in their interpersonal and intergroup relations.Since the authority of the Parliament, as the highest legislative (representative) body, largely depends on personal and moral qualities, ethical standards of behavior of holders of state authorities should be enshrined not only in the regulations of the Chambers of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, but also in an independent normative legal act — the code of ethics regulating ethical behavior of the lawmakers and responsibility for its violation. The adoption of such an important codified act will make it possible to control the individual, personal and behavioral characteristics of parliamentarians, their interaction with the public, the mass media, to establish uniform moral guidelines for parliamentarians and voters and directions of the legislative activity.
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Sibarani, Dame Maria-Nova. "Economic Policy in Indonesia and Prospects of Russian-Indonesian Trade and Economic Cooperation." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 450–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-3-450-462.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the current economic situation in Indonesia and the prospects for RussianIndonesian economic cooperation. The author covers the economic development of Indonesia since 1998 Asian economic crisis, the domestic economic agenda and the policy of new President D. Widodo, as well as the history and potential for the further development of trade and economic relations between Russia and Indonesia. The relevance of the research is determined by the increasing role of Indonesia in international politics in the 21st century. Indonesia is the fourth largest country in terms of population, after China, India and the United States. Its economy is 16th in the world and first in ASEAN. It is a member of G20. It is expected that Indonesia will enter the top five largest world economies by 2030. For Russia, the development of relations with the rapidly developing Asian countries is an important element in of its foreign policy strategy of diversifying trading partners and entering the promising markets of developing countries. The main purpose of the article is to analyze current challenges faced by the Indonesian government in implementing new economic policy, to identify promising areas of bilateral cooperation of Russia and Indonesia in the context of anti-Russian sanctions. The article points out the potential of these relations and the mutual benefits for the Russian and Indonesian economy. The author used mainly the historical method, which allows tracing the history of the development of the economic situation in Indonesia and the evolution of Russian-Indonesian relations. While analyzing Indonesia’s domestic economic policy, the key research method has been a comparative analysis, which contributed to summarizing the achievements of Indonesian politics. In conclusion, the author identifies promising areas for further development of Russian-Indonesian trade and economic relations taken into account modern Indonesian economic policy’s need agenda.
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TAŞ, Elif Nur, Zeynep PARALI, and Hatice Nur ÇETİN. "DÜNYA BASININDA TÜRKİ YE’Nİ N S/İ HA GÜCÜ VE KÜRESEL Sİ YASETE YANSIMALARI." “Küresel siyaset: Türkiye’den bakış”, Spring,2021 (April 30, 2021): 202–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.30546/2616-4418.bitd.2021.202.
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Technological innovations in the ield of informatics, rapid developments in subjects such as artiicial intelligence and robotic engineering have put Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAV) and Armed Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UCAV) into the battleield of the 21st century. At this point, states whose common concerns are security have taken the path of both obtaining intelligence and developing unmanned aerial systems, whose use is rapidly increasing in the ield of war-defense. It is known that many countries are currently working on developing and producing UAVs, beside United States of America (USA) and Israel which both have advanced unmanned aerial systems. Because states that are developing and manufacturing their own unmanned aerial systems are aware that this situation will provide a strategic advantage in terms of their military, political and economic interests. In this context, Turkey didn’t stay indifferent to the developments of unmanned aerial systems emerging in each passing day, it has made considerable momentum towards the last ifteen years to develop national and indigenous UAV systems. Especially since mid-2010, these systems have been used eficiently in both intra border operations and crossborder operations The main question of this article is how Turkey’s UAV/UCAV power is relected in global politics and in this direction, world press will be scanned. In this context, this study will primarily explained by Turkey’s domestic and national development of unmanned aerial systems adventure in general terms; then Turkey’s use of these vehicles in where and for what purpose will be evaluated. Afterward it will be evaluated that how Turkey’s power of UAV/UCAV is perceived by other states in economic and military-political aspects by examining the relevant state press and publishing organizations Keywords: Turkey, Unmanned Aerial Vehicles, Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicles, Press- Publishing Organizations.
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Josephson, Paul R. "EMPIRE-BUILDING AND FRONTIER OF SOVIET AND POST-SOVIET TIMES." Ural Historical Journal 73, no. 4 (2021): 88–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30759/1728-9718-2021-4(73)-88-96.
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The paper deals with the strategies of colonization and assimilation of frontier in Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia in relation to, Siberia and the Far East. These frontier spaces were disturbing the Soviet leadership for they were both vulnerable for an external invasion and unsupportive of the new socialist order. Thus, countryside of Soviet Russia was also seen as frontier of its own kind. The conquest of frontier and its integration into the socialist, industrial economy was implemented by Stalinist leadership through the violent collectivization, which was accompanied by colonization in the periphery strengthened by the flow of exiles and labor camp prisoners from the collectivized western areas. From the point of view of Soviet leaders, the frontier territories were both resource pantry and “empty spaces” to settle. To stimulate colonization Soviet government was establishing the “corridors of modernization”, a network of infrastructure, connecting the newly constructed “company towns”, the outposts of frontier conquest. Such politics was simultaneously integrating indigenous peoples of frontier into the socialist economy and destroying their way of life. In spite of efforts of Soviet rulers from Stalin to Brezhnev, the assimilation of frontier did not succeed. However, in the 21st century Russian leadership continues to treat Arctic, Siberia and the Far East along the Soviet lines, as frontier spaces of economic and symbolic conquest and military-political contestation. Unlike the Soviet era, though, nowadays the concept of frontier had found its way into Russian historical and political thought.
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Rafi, Ali, Kaneez Fatima, and Jabbar Ali. "Redefining Greece in 2021: An Overview of the New Government's Plan to Revive Greece." Global Regional Review VI, no. II (June 30, 2021): 235–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2021(vi-ii).26.
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This article aims to provide an overview of the two programs designed by the current Greek government to revive the country and prepare it for the 21st Century. Both plans, "Greece 2021" and "Greece 2.0" comprise four pillars outlining a wide range of programs to be implemented between 2021 and 2026. The first pillar of "Greece 2021" aims to highlight the significance of the events that led to the War of Independence in 1821. This will define how these events had impacted the world of politics and eventually the revolt of 1821. The purpose of "Greece 2021" is to remind the world, particularly the Greek youth, of the country’s glorious past,specifically, the previous 200 years of modern Greece. The young generation is also provided with the opportunity to envision the future status of Greece and play an active role in achieving the desired status. For this, a wide range of projects and events such as scientific conventions, cultural events, exhibitions are going to be held across the globe. However, at the same time, the EU has approved Greece’s proposed Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF) worth over €30 billion. It contains massive plans to transform the Greek economy by means of investments in digitization, infrastructure development, and modernizing business processes. RRF is expected to generate around180,000 jobs and secure 7Percent GDP growth in a sustainable manner by reducing the impact of human activities on the environment
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Wojnarowska-Szpucha, Sylwia. "Geopolitical and geostrategic situation of Lithuania in the context of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation - with an outlook to 2019." Przegląd Nauk o Obronności, no. 15 (February 1, 2023): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.37055/pno/159601.
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ObjectivesThis paper discusses the problems faced by Lithuania in its current geopolitical and geostrategic situation, as a post-Soviet state that has fairly recently joined the structures of the European Union and NATO. As one of the Baltic States with a relatively small territory and without significant natural resources, it must rely on cooperation with other states and the trade exchange, mainly with the Russian Federation. Lithuania is a small state, which - seemingly - would be capable of pursuing only regional politics, not geopolitics in the strategic sense.Methodsanalysys, inference, reductive reasoning, SWOT analysisResultsThe conducted analysis and rational assessment of Lithuania's geopolitical and geostrategic problems shows that it is increasingly difficult to predict the direction in which the broadly defined policy and strategy of the country will develop in the 21st century and in the far future.ConclusionsBased on the consideration presented in this paper, it can be concluded that Lithuania, as a member of the European Union and NATO, does not have its own geopolitics and geostrategy, as it is still dependent on the policy of the Russian Federation. This dependence is, to a large extent, due to its geographical location in the Baltic region, through which important communication and transport routes from the Russian Federation to Central and Western Europe run. In addition, almost 6 per cent of Lithuania's population are Russians, in relation to whom the Russian government pursues its own demographic policy by indoctrinating them in Russian schools and universities.
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Iyanu, Ogunseye Inioluwa, and Ayantayo Temitope Oluwafemi. "Political Communication, Twitter-Diplomacy and Political Violence in Nigeria: Criminalizing the Covid democracy or what?" JPPUMA Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Sosial Politik Universitas Medan Area 10, no. 1 (June 5, 2022): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31289/jppuma.v10i1.7039.
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Man is a relational being. In his dealings with others, he seeks to maximize his association and satisfy his various needs. The torrents of Globalization, diplomacy, social norms, the new media, and popular representation are omnipresent instruments that may determine, control, interpret, and shape the various institutions of governance, public policy, and the conduct of international relations by heads of states and government across borders even in the era of the ‘covid-19 new normal’. It will also show that the Twitter ban is harmful to maintaining a friendly relationship between Nigerian citizens, involvement in governance, and the country's democratic progress. The main purpose of this study is to examine how essential Twitter is for the survival of democracy in Nigeria during Covid-19. This paper argues that Sustainable Democracy does allow for active participation of interested citizens in the state of affairs of the country with citizen involvement and Mobilization via Twitter. This is reflected in the opinions, perceptions, and reactions of people in the 21st Century- Knowledge diplomacy, in an outburst against the Twitter Post of President Muhammadu Buhari on June 2, 2021. The researchers used the conflict theories of political systems and human needs. Secondary data sources were used in the study. The Paper concluded that revolutions in technology are not a hindrance to good governance, and democratic dispensation can only continue for as long as leaders can tolerate public dissension, and media scrutiny and embrace the positivity and uniqueness of media power in politics according to rule of law.