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1
Zainal, Ahmad. "Peran Amerika Serikat dalam Menengahi Konflik Israel-Palestina melalui Perjanjian Camp David dan Oslo." Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional LINO 2, no. 2 (December 8, 2022): 121–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31605/lino.v2i2.1646.
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Abstract: Artikel ini membahas tentang peran Amerika Serikat dalam menengahi konflik yang terjadi antara Israel dan Palestina. Konflik tersebut memiliki sejarah yang panjang sejak Inggris mengambil alih wilayah Arab (Palestina) dan kemudian mengakui negara Israel. Hal ini mendapat penentangan dari Palestina dan negara-negara sekitarnya. Menyikapi hal tersebut, Pada konflik Israel – Palestina, AS berperan sebagai mediator untuk mendamaikan konflik kedua negara tersebut. AS mencoba menengahi dengan membuat perjanjian antar kepala negara seperti perjanjian Camp David dan perjanjian Oslo. Perjanjian Camp David merupakan serangkaian upaya membentuk kesepakatan yang ditandatangani oleh Presiden Mesir Anwar Sadat dan Perdana Menteri Israel Menachem Begin di Camp David, tempat peristirahatan bersejarah presiden Amerika Serikat. Setelah adanya perjanjian Camp David, kemudian AS membuat perjanjian Oslo untuk mendamaikan kembali kedua negara karena konflik kembali terjadi. Perjanjian Oslo ini ditandatangani Yasser Arafat dari pihak Palestina dan Yithzak Rabin dari pihak Israel di Washington DC dengan disaksikan oleh Bill Clinton. Kesepakatan Oslo menandai pertama kalinya Israel dan Organisasi Pembebasan Palestina (PLO) secara resmi mengakui satu sama lain. Kata kunci: Amerika Serikat; Konflik Israel-Palestina; Perjanjian Camp David; Perjanjian Oslo Abstract: This article discusses the role of the United States in mediating the conflict between Israel and Palestine. The conflict has a long history since Britain took over the Arab region (Palestine) and later recognized the state of Israel. This is opposed by Palestine and the surrounding countries. In response to this, in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the US acts as a mediator to reconcile the conflicts between the two countries. The US tried to mediate by making agreements between heads of state such as the Camp David agreement and the Oslo agreement. The Camp David Agreement is a series of efforts to forge an agreement signed by Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at Camp David, the historic resting place of the US president. After the Camp David agreement, then the US made the Oslo agreement to reconcile the two countries because the conflict happened again. The Oslo Agreement was signed by Yasser Arafat from the Palestinian side and Yithzak Rabin from the Israeli side in Washington DC, witnessed by Bill Clinton. The Oslo Accords marked the first time Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) have officially recognized each other. Keywords: Camp David Accords; Israel-Palestine Conflict; Oslo Accords; United States
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Mousavi Dalini, Javad, and Arash Yousefi. "Exploring Push-Pull Factors Affecting Iranian Jews’ Emigration to Palestine, 1925-1954: A Social History Approach." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 61, no. 1 (January 21, 2024): 181–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2023.611.181-208.
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One of the controversial issues in the twentieth century was the mass immigration of Jews around the world to Palestine/Israel. For the majority of Jews who immigrated from Europe to Palestine/Israel, immigration represented an ideological paradigm constituted by two significant factors, namely race/religion and land. However, for the large proportion of Jews coming from eastern territories, such as Iranian Jews, immigration was mainly a phenomenon affected by conflicts between socio-economic conditions in their countries of origin and those in the destination. The purpose of this study is to investigate the emigration of Iranian Jews to Palestine by relying on a pull-push framework. The study argues that socio-economic turmoil in Iran and the unfavourable economic conditions affecting Jews, along with discrimination against them, were the push factors in their country of origin. Meanwhile, the pull factors in the destination were Palestine’s economic attractiveness, Jews’ need for an increasing Jewish population in Palestine to deal with Arab nations’ sanctions, and the importance of employing an incoming workforce to handle the country’s domestic problems in terms of economy, agriculture, and materials management in the first six years after the establishment of the Israel state.[Salah satu isu kontroversial di abad kedua puluh adalah imigrasi massal orang-orang Yahudi di seluruh dunia ke Palestina/Israel. Bagi mayoritas orang Yahudi yang berimigrasi dari Eropa ke Palestina/Israel, imigrasi mewakili paradigma ideologis yang dibentuk oleh dua faktor penting, yaitu ras/agama dan tanah. Namun, bagi sebagian besar orang Yahudi yang datang dari wilayah timur, seperti orang Yahudi Iran, imigrasi terutama merupakan fenomena yang dipengaruhi oleh kesenjangan antara kondisi sosial ekonomi di negara asal dan negara tujuan. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui emigrasi Yahudi Iran ke Palestina berdasarkan faktor-faktor pendorong-penariknya. Penulis berpendapat bahwa gejolak sosial-ekonomi di Iran dan kondisi ekonomi yang tidak menguntungkan orang-orang Yahudi, serta diskriminasi terhadap mereka, merupakan faktor pendorong di negara asal mereka. Sementara itu, faktor penarik dari destinasinya adalah daya tarik ekonomi Israel, kebutuhan masyarakat Yahudi akan peningkatan populasi Yahudi di Israel untuk menghadapi sanksi negara-negara Arab, dan pentingnya menambah tenaga kerja baru untuk menangani permasalahan domestik negara tersebut dari segi perekonomian. pertanian, dan pengelolaan material dalam enam tahun pertama setelah berdirinya negara Israel.]
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Palamarenko, Evgenii V. "TRENDS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMIC RELATIONS OF ISRAEL IN THE MIDDLE EAST." Today and Tomorrow of Russian Economy, no. 98 (2019): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.26653/1993-4947-2019-98-02.
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The lack of Russian-language research on the features of the economic development of Israel as an OECD member state underlines the urgent need to identify new trends in the Israeli economy. Not taking into account the existing variety of humanitarian studies, and especially the concentration of studies on the political history of Israel and its modern component, we can recognize a clear lack of work that would cover Israeli economy. Current trends in Israeli trade relations, which have begun to make the mselves clear, require both consideration of effective trade and economic interaction between Israel and Palestine, and identification of the peculiarities of hidden regional trade and economic ties. Israel and Palestine are in close cooperation on the exchange of labor and goods, despite the lack of a political settlement. For Palestine, Israel is a major trading partner, and Palestine plays a key security role for Israel. The second important aspect in covering new trends in the Israeli economy may be the need to study the nascent format of cooperation between Israel and the Middle East. The article explores the specifics of economic relations between Israel and the countries of the Middle East, reveals the growing role of economic relations between Israel and the countries of the region.
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Ahmad, S. Thoriq Musthofa, Ida Susilowati, Khairul Munzilin, and Dwi Ardiyanti. "PELANGGARAN HUKUM HUMANITER INTERNASIONAL DALAM AGRESI ISRAEL TERHADAP PALESTINA TAHUN 2022." Citizen : Jurnal Ilmiah Multidisiplin Indonesia 3, no. 3 (August 30, 2023): 175–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.53866/jimi.v3i3.385.
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Israel and Palestine have been at war with one another for many years. Israel and Palestine believe they are entitled to the same area as a piece of the state's territory, so Israel keeps attacking Palestine. This research talks about Israel's aggression towards Palestine in 2022 and how those violations of international humanitarian law relate to that aggression. In armed conflict, humanitarian law has established mechanisms. In 2022, Israel engaged in several military operations in the Palestinian territory that cost the lives of troops and civilians.
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Beckerleg, Susan. "African Bedouin in Palestine." African and Asian Studies 6, no. 3 (2007): 289–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920907x212240.
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AbstractThe changing ethnic identity and origins of people of Bedouin and African origin living in southern Israel and the Gaza Strip are explored in this paper. For thousands of years, and into the twentieth century, slaves were captured in Africa and transported to Arabia. Negev Bedouin in Palestine owned slaves, many of whom were of African origin. When Israel was created in 1948 some of these people of African origin became refugees in Gaza, while others remained in the Negev and became Israeli citizens. With ethnic identity a key factor in claims and counter claims to land in Palestine/Israel, African slave origins are not stressed. The terminology of ethnicity and identity used by people of African origin and other Palestinians is explored, and reveals a consciousness of difference and rejection of the label abed or slave/black person.
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Indriasandi, Ihwanarotama Bella, and Wildana Wargadinata. "Palestine-Israel Conflict Resolution Analysis Study in the Perspective of Islamic History." JURNAL Al-AZHAR INDONESIA SERI HUMANIORA 8, no. 2 (August 1, 2023): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.36722/sh.v8i2.1742.
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<p><strong>The Palestinian-Israeli conflict lasted over half a century and has widely influenced international political currents. This article aims to unravel the roots of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, explain alleged Israeli-American and American-Arab conspiracies, and solve the peace process in the match, which all failed. This research uses qualitative research methods by utilizing a narrative approach. The data collection technique used is library research with much secondary data, including scientific articles and textbooks related to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. These data are collected, validated, arranged in similar groups, and processed data analysis using content analysis methods. The results show that Palestine is getting worse in the face of Israel, while Israel is getting stronger in armaments, economy and gaining support from major powers such as the United States, Britain, and France. The research also found that the Jewish bill submitted by Benjamin Netanyahu to the Israeli Parliament can potentially increase the number of Jews and reduce the rights of Arab Muslims as a minority community. In addition, the number of groups in Palestine hindered the country’s unity and resulted in the exodus and deportation of Muslims with former Israeli citizenship.<em></em></strong></p><p><strong><em>Keywords</em></strong> – <em>Analysis Study</em><em>, </em><em>Conflict</em><em>,</em><em> Islamic History</em><em>, </em><em>Palestine-Israe</em><em>l.</em></p>
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Gal, Amir. "Constitutional regulation of civil marriage in Israel." Constitutional and legal academic studies, no. 1 (November 10, 2022): 6–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2663-5399.2022.1.01.
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The purpose of this paper is to review the history of the constitutional regulation of marriage and divorce in British mandate Palestine and the state of Israel from 1918 on. Israel was subject to British rule (mostly under a mandate of the League of Nations) from 1918 to 1948, and was called Palestine at the time. In 1948 some of this territory claimed its sovereignty as an independent state called Israel. The paper will highlight the different constitutional norms and procedures that govern the field of family law in British mandate Palestine and the state of Israel from the beginning of the British mandate to this day.
The paper is based upon historic scrutiny of the legislation of British Palestine and the state of Israel in the field of family law, analyzing the law in accordance with the historic developments in the region. The results of this scrutiny are that from 1948 to the third decade of the 21st century, the Israeli legislator has repeatedly acted to prevent the constitutional regulation of civil marriage, preserving the archaic millet system, an Ottoman system of marriage within religious communities, that was the basis of the British mandate’s regulation of marriage and divorce in Palestine. But as much as the original millet arrangement was enacted by the British as a voluntary system, it was given new and compulsory features by the Israeli legislator, all the while avoiding a comprehensive constitutional regulation of Israeli family law.
The paper concludes that a constitutional regulation of civil marriage is probably not possible in Israel, due to the political inability to reach an agreement between religious and secular Jews in Israel. But this did not prevent the Israeli legislature from fundamentally changing the British mandate constitutional arrangement, leaving behind a patchwork of improvised legislation that violates the basic civil rights of Israeli citizens.
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Billah, Baedt Giri Mukhoddam, Moh Junaidi Mohtar Hakim, and Uril Bahruddin. "Normalisasi Hubungan Uni Emirat Arab-Israel dan Dampaknya Terhadap Palestina." Jurnal ICMES 7, no. 1 (June 29, 2023): 62–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v7i1.147.
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Normalizing relations between the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Israel is a new history for the Arab World-Israel connection. The normalization agreement, the Abraham Accord, occurred in 2020 with the mediator of the President of the United States, Donald Trump. This study aims to map the forms of normalization of the UAE-Israel, the factors that support normalization, and their impact on Palestine. This study uses a qualitative method by coding and analyzing online news using various related literature. This study's results show three forms of normalization between the UAE and Israel: diplomatic by opening embassies and visa exemptions, tourism, and trade-economic; two factors driving normalization, namely economic and ideological factors. The impact of normalization for Palestine is to further weaken the solidarity of the Arab world in helping Palestine achieve independence from Israeli occupation
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OTTOLENGHI, MICHAEL. "HARRY TRUMAN'S RECOGNITION OF ISRAEL." Historical Journal 47, no. 4 (November 29, 2004): 963–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004066.
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Historiographical accounts of Harry Truman's recognition of Israel have placed undue importance on this apparently sudden act on 14 May 1948. US Palestine policy has not been placed in the correct historical context of the Cold War. As a ‘Cold War consensus’ developed in Washington in the early post-war period, Palestine emerged as a secondary issue to the major concern that was the ‘Northern Tier’ of Greece, Turkey, and Iran. The US was guided by broad but clear objectives in Palestine: the attainment of a peaceful solution, a desire not to implicate US troops, and the denial of the region to the Soviets. Disagreements between the White House and the State Department were all expressed within these broad policy objectives. Israeli sources have been significant by their absence in the existing historiography of recognition. These sources reveal that for the Jewish community in Palestine, diplomatic victories were of secondary importance to the practical achievement of statehood. From both a Washington perspective, and the perspective from Palestine, US recognition was not regarded as a crucial issue at the time. It was a decision taken within the context of broad US objectives in Palestine, and it did not influence the decision of the Yishuv to declare statehood.
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Jacobson, David M. "Palestine and Israel." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 313 (February 1999): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1357617.
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Reich, Bernard. "JOSEPH HELLER, The Birth of Israel, 1945–1949: Ben-Gurion and His Critics (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000). Pp. 379. $49.95." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no. 1 (February 2002): 152–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802321068.
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Joseph Heller, associate professor of international relations at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem who has previously written about the transition from the Palestine Mandate to Israel (including a study of the Stern Gang and of Zionist politics in the pre-state period), examines a period of great interest to students of contemporary Middle Eastern history and politics, as well as to those who focus on Zionism, Israel, and the Arab–Israeli conflict. He analyzes the internal decision-making of the Zionist Yishuv (Jewish community in Palestine) leadership in Jerusalem from the end of World War II until the armistice agreements at the termination of the first Arab–Israeli War (the Israeli War of Independence; al-Nakba for the Arabs)—in other words, the events leading to and immediately following the creation of the State of Israel.
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Borhani, Seyed Hadi. "Biases and the Question of Palestine/Israel: Textbook Treatment of the Question's History in Western Universities." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 15, no. 2 (November 2016): 225–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2016.0142.
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The purpose of this study is to evaluate the purported influence of a pro-Israeli environment in the West on the production of academic knowledge about the Palestine/Israel question. The most popular college textbooks on the history of the question were analysed through textbook and context analysis in order to answer the key question of the research: ‘How the knowledge of the history of the Palestine/Israel question presented in Western academia, and why has it been presented in that particular way. The results of the textbook analysis (Historical Narrative Analysis) support the conclusion that textbook knowledge on the question is mainly pro-Israeli in bias. In relation to the ‘Why’ question, the context analysis offers the ‘Jewish pro-Israeli producer’ as being the main factor for the bias in the products. An additional factor identified is that the relevant knowledge has been produced in a certain, American or Israeli, national and educational environment.
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Browne, Brendan Ciarán. "Disrupting Settler-Colonialism or Enforcing the Liberal ‘Peace’? Transitional (In)justice in Palestine-Israel." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 20, no. 1 (May 2021): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2021.0255.
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The growing interest in ‘During Conflict Justice’ (DCJ) in areas experiencing ongoing, sustained violent ‘conflict’ has further demonstrated the confluence between transitional justice and liberal peacebuilding approaches. Nowhere so is this more evident than in the case of Palestine-Israel where an ongoing process of Israeli settler-colonialism in historic Palestine continues, with the further spotlighting of ‘justice’ issues that are longstanding and unresolved. This article critiques the application of TJ/DCJ in Palestine-Israel and calls for a radicalisation of its application so as to ensure a platforming of conversation around decolonisation. It does so by critiquing the impact of discourse, specifically the framing of the ‘conflict’ and focuses on the nefarious role of a liberal peace building agenda in Palestine-Israel, a process that has embedded a deeply unjust and inequitable status quo. An insight into several ‘top-down’ and ‘bottom-up’ strategies of TJ/DCJ in Palestine-Israel is provided, with the conclusion reached that; any TJ/DCJ praxis that does not platform meaningful conversation around decolonisation in the region will ultimately amount to the individualisation of ‘justice’ whilst failing to address root causes.
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Kshevitskaia, M. A. "US – ISRAEL COOPERATION AS A PERMANENT DESTABILIZING FACTOR IN THE MIDDLE EAST." Scientific Notes of V. I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Juridical science 7 (73), no. 3 (1) (2022): 161–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1733-2021-7-3(1)-161-169.
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The article is dedicated to the analysis of the problems of ensuring regional security in the Middle East, primarily through the settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict; the author emphasizes the Israel’s abuse of references to “military necessity”, Israel’s repeated violations of international legal norms related to the institute of occupation, issues of territorial delimitation, peaceful settlement of international disputes, law of external relations, international humanitarian law and international human rights law, as well as actual political, military, financial and moral support from the United States for all actions of Israel; the article provides a list of arguments proving Israel’s unwillingness to take into account the interests of Palestine in the settlement of the conflict, as well as the interest of Israel and the United States in maintaining the confrontation between Israel and Palestine; a special attention is paid to the review of the history of close cooperation (partnership) between the United States and Israel, due to which the United States is unable to be an impartial and fair arbiter in the dispute between Palestine and Israel.
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Robinson, Glenn E. "After Arafat." Current History 104, no. 678 (January 1, 2005): 19–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2005.104.678.19.
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Arafat's death provides that rare historical opportunity for enormous and generally beneficial change to take place in Palestine… . [But] Palestine's comparative weakness, its political economy, and the occupation are not upended so easily. Neither are its fundamental requirements for a comprehensive peace with Israel.
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Purwanta, Hieronymus. "National Identity in Israel History Lessons." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 8, no. 12 (December 3, 2021): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v8i12.3133.
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This study explores the relationship between national identity and history lessons in Israel as a means of nation-building. The problems raised are: (1) What is the construction of Israel's national identity? (2) How has national identity discoursed on nation-building projects? The historical method with a nationalistic approach developed by Ernest Renan and Anthony D. Smith is used as a research and analysis framework. Renan explained that nationalism is a combination of the struggles of the ancestors in the past and the desire to unite in the present. On the other hand, Smith formulated nationalism in three main elements: national integration, national autonomy, and national identity. The results of the study show that Israel's national identity rests primarily on Zionism and the Holocaust. Therefore, the subject matter of history primarily discusses the efforts of the Israeli people to return to Palestine as an ideal place to build the nation. On the other hand, the Nazi/Hitler massacre in Germany, known as the Holocaust, was seen as the pinnacle of suffering for the Jewish community in exile.
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Sa'di, Ahmad H. "Communism and Zionism in Palestine-Israel: A Troubled Legacy." Holy Land Studies 9, no. 2 (November 2010): 169–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2010.0103.
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The political marginalisation of the Palestinians inside Israel between 1948 and 1977 has been widely discussed in the literature. The Israeli Communist Party is often credited with being the sole political organisation which gave an outlet during this period to the critical and oppositional political, literary and artistic activities of the Palestinian citizens of Israel. The Party organs in particular have done their utmost to popularise this claim, which has also become an article of faith for many Arab left-wing intellectuals. The question tackled in this article is: why did the Israeli State grant a margin of freedom to the Communist Party during this period, while denying it to every single Palestinian organisation inside Israel? I discussed this question at a conference on the Left in Palestine held at SOAS in February 2010. While the reader will be spared here the details of the subsequent personal accusations levelled against me in the organs of the Communist Party, I argue here (as in my SOAS paper) that the Communist Party was given this freedom of action for a range of reasons and in particular those to do with the Soviet support for the establishment of Israel and the important pro-Zionist role played the Communist Party during the 1948 War for Palestine. Other reasons are related to the endorsement by the Communist Party of Zionism's tenets and claims in support of the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine, including the ‘modernising’ nature of the Zionist project.
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Pratama, Affilah Putra, Nara Setya Wiratama, and Heru Budiono. "The Israel-Palestine Sovereignty Struggle: A Historical Review Based On Territorial Claims." JURNAL HISTORICA 7, no. 2 (December 4, 2023): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/jh.v7i2.43976.
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The land of Palestine is holy land for the three major religions, namely Islam, Christianity and Judaism. Israel and Palestine are countries that claim that this land is their territory, so this has sparked a prolonged conflict between the two. This research aims to provide an overview of the history of territorial claims in the Israeli-Palestinian region, territorial claims based on an Israeli-Palestinian perspective, and efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Researchers use the historical method with a qualitative approach, which has stages of heuristics, criticism, interpretation and historiography. The research results concluded that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a complex problem. The involvement of religious, political and historical dimensions in it can influence a person's views and understanding of the Israeli-Palestinian territorial claims. Through this research, it can be seen that the importance of good diplomacy and mediation can encourage the creation of commitment and trust in each other, thereby creating a sense of tolerance which can be used as the key to fair sovereignty for both parties.
Keywords: Israel, Palestine, Islam, Judaism
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Levine, Mark. "DEBORAH S. BERNSTEIN, Constructing Boundaries: Jewish and Arab Workers in Mandatory Palestine, Israel Studies Series (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2000). Pp. 293. $71.50 cloth, $23.95 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no. 1 (February 2002): 143–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802281064.
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Constructing Boundaries is the latest entry in a growing body of revisionist scholarship on the history and political economy of Palestine under the British, contesting the once cherished notion that the Jewish and Palestinian communities of Palestine/Israel were best investigated and understood as isolated and autonomously developing entities. By focusing on one urban setting—Haifa, which during the Mandate period become Palestine's most important port and industrial center—this work provides new insight into how the industrial economy of Palestine shaped, and in turn was shaped by, the conflictual interaction of the two communities.
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Rabinovich, Itamar. "The Israeli-Palestinian War of Narratives: Nur Masalha's Palestine: A Four Thousand Year History in Context." Bustan: The Middle East Book Review 12, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 129–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bustan.12.2.0129.
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ABSTRACT Palestinian academic Nur Masalha, who lives and teaches in London, published a thick volume seeking to anchor his arguments in an academic framework of a sort. Palestine: 4000 Years of History is an effort to document the argument for historical continuity between the Semitic-Arab peoples who had inhabited Palestine and the contemporary Palestinians. For Masalha, Palestine is a defined entity with its own native population embodied in the Palestinian Arabs. There was also a Jewish presence in Palestine during the biblical period but it was brief and insignificant. For the Jewish people and the Zionist Movement the term “Palestine” referred to the Land of Israel, the historical homeland of the Jewish people of the Land of the Bible. Terminology and nomenclature are important components of every national conflict. At the heart of such conflicts is the struggle for control of a specific territory and the respective claims by the contenders to absolute ownership of that territory. Such conflicts over the very name of a contested territory are not unique to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This article surveys the historical evolution of the contest over narratives between Israelis and Palestinians.
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Fan, Xingtai. "Discussing New Trends in Peace Between the Palestinian - Israeli Conflict." Journal of Social Science Humanities and Literature 7, no. 2 (April 25, 2024): 55–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.53469/jsshl.2024.07(02).07.
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The Palestinian - Israeli conflict has stirred up again, focusing on the global perspective. Why have conflicts between Palestine and Israel continued for nearly a century? The disputes between Palestine and Israel revolve around territorial and security issues. The deep-seated conflicts involve historical origins, religious beliefs, nationalism, international situations and other complex factors. Thousands of years of grievances and centuries of war have brought a heavy price to the people of the two countries. How will the "Palestinian - Israeli conflict" end? Where is the road to peace? It not only requires the two countries to trace their history, reflect on the present, and plan for the future, but also requires the coordinated intervention of all countries in the world and the joint efforts of global humanitarians.
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ATANASIU, Mirela. "MULTILATERAL CONFLICTS OF PALESTINE - HISTORY, PRESENT AND TRENDS." Strategic Impact 79, no. 2 (October 7, 2021): 56–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/1841-5784-21-04.
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Palestine, a historical land inhabited by both Jews and Arabs, has been the source of disagreement for the two ethnic communities since their establishment in this territory. Over time, as a consequence of this antagonism, the Middle East region has hosted a multilateral conflict generated by a number of factors (historical, ethnic, national and religious), which is currently manifested in three subsequent disputes: Arab-Israeli, Israeli-Palestinian and religious. The social dispute was initially generated by the inter-communal misunderstandings between Arabs and Jews, in the territory of the British mandate of Palestine and degenerated into a series of wars between Israel and the Arab states that led to an open armed conflict between Israel and Gaza. Also, the religious dispute, which permanently accompanied the other two, is related to the equally claiming by Jews and Muslims of both the entire territory of this historical land, as well as Jerusalem. The paper is intended to be a clarification of what the historic Palestinian region represents and how it has transformed under the impact of the conflict generated against the background of the desire for statehood expressed by Jews and Arabs in the same space. In the following, some aspects will be shown presenting the historical sources of territoriality, statehood and conflict in the region, and current forms of Palestinian multilateral conflict, as well as the predominant side of the conflict in the contemporary period, focusing on developments in the first half of 2021, but also some trends that are expected in the evolution of the Palestinian issue.
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Zhen, Wang, Alfred Tovias, Peter Bergamin, Menachem Klein, Tally Kritzman-Amir, and Pnina Peri. "Book Reviews." Israel Studies Review 35, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 109–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350108.
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Aron Shai, China and Israel: Chinese, Jews; Beijing, Jerusalem (1890–2018) (Boston: Academic Studies Press, 2019), 270 pp. Hardback, $90.00. Paperback, $29.95.Raffaella A. Del Sarto, Israel under Siege: The Politics of Insecurity and the Rise of the Israeli Neo-Revisionist Right (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2017), 298 pp. Paperback, $26.94.Dan Tamir, Hebrew Fascism in Palestine, 1922–1942 (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), 210 pp. Hardback, $99.99.Alan Dowty, Arabs and Jews in Ottoman Palestine: Two Worlds Collide (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2019), 312 pp. Hardback, $65.00.Guy Ben-Porat and Fany Yuval, Policing Citizens: Minority Policy in Israel (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2019), 250 pp. Hardback, $89.99.Deborah Golden, Lauren Erdreich, and Sveta Roberman, Mothering, Education and Culture: Russian, Palestinian and Jewish Middle-Class Mothers in Israeli Society (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017), 225 pp. Hardback, $114.25.
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Stern, Rephael G. "Legal Liminalities: Conflicting Jurisdictional Claims in the Transition from British Mandate Palestine to the State of Israel." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 2 (March 30, 2020): 359–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000080.
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AbstractThis article explores the legal and temporal dimensions of the transition from British Mandate Palestine to the State of Israel on 15 May 1948. I examine the paradoxical character of Israeli jurisdictional claims during this period and argue that it reveals the Israeli state's uncertainty as to whether the Mandate had truly passed into the past. On one hand, Israel recognized the validity of the Mandate administration's jurisdiction until 15 May; I employ the Israeli trial of the British citizen Frederick William Sylvester to demonstrate how Israel even predicated its own jurisdictional claims on their being continuous with those of its predecessor. In this case, the Mandate administration was cast as having entered the realm of the past. Conversely, the Israeli state contested Mandate laws and legal decisions made prior to 15 May to assert its own jurisdictional claims. In the process, Israeli officials belied their efforts to bury their predecessors in the past and implicitly questioned whether the past was in fact behind them. By simultaneously relying upon and disavowing past British legal decisions, the Israeli state staked a claim on being a “completely different political creature” from its British predecessor while retaining its colonial legal structures as the “ultimate standards of reference.” Israel's complex attitude toward its Mandate past directs our attention to how it was created against the backdrop of the receding British Empire and underscores the importance of studying Israel alongside other post-imperial states that emerged from the First World War and the mid-century decolonizing world.
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Ben-Dor, Oren. "The One-State as a Demand of International Law: Jus Cogens, Challenging Apartheid and the Legal Validity of Israel." Holy Land Studies 12, no. 2 (November 2013): 181–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2013.0069.
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This article provides the initial contours of an argument that uses International Law to challenge the validity of Israeli apartheid. It challenges the conventional discourse of legal debates on Israel's actions and borders and seeks to link the illegalities of these actions to the validity of an inbuilt Israeli apartheid. The argument also connects the deontological doctrine of peremptory norms of International Law (jus cogens), the right of self-determination and the International Crime of Apartheid to the doctrine of state recognition. It applies these to the State of Israel and the vision of a single democratic state in historic Palestine.
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Toth, Anthony B. "LAILA PARSONS, The Druze Between Palestine and Israel, 1947–49, St Antony's Series (New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000). Pp. 197. $65.00 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no. 1 (February 2002): 159–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802351067.
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Laila Parsons situates her study alongside those of the so-called new historians of the Arab– Israeli conflict who in recent years have rewritten large parts of the dominant narratives of the “traditionalist” historians. One of elements of these narratives has been the assumption that the struggle between Arabs and Jews was a starkly bipolar affair, with a relatively small number of Jews in conflict with a much larger, monolithic population of Arabs. Recent “revisionist” works, however, have shown that this interpretation is inaccurate. For example, an integral part of Zionist policy was to make contact with various Arab leaders and groups before, during, and after the emergence of the State of Israel and forge relationships that could advance the movement's geopolitical agenda. Scholars who have worked on this question include Avi Shlaim (Collusion across the Jordan: King Abdullah, the Zionist Movement, and the Partition of Palestine and The Politics of Partition: King Abdullah, the Zionists and Palestine, 1921–1951) and Kirsten Schulze (Israel's Covert Diplomacy in Lebanon). In The Druze Between Palestine and Israel, a compact and narrowly focused study based on the author's doctoral thesis, Parsons skillfully employs archival sources in Israel, as well as published accounts in English, Arabic, and Hebrew, to show how Zionist officials developed relationships with Druze leaders and representatives and how these links could benefit both sides.
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Brenes, Manuel, and Roberto Guzmán. "Mahmud Darwish’s Prose and Poetry as Means of Peaceful Resistance for the Palestinians: The Importance of Re-Writing the History of Palestine." Theory in Action 16, no. 2 (April 30, 2023): 40–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3798/tia.1937-0237.2309.
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Mahmud Darwish was undoubtedly one of the major Palestinian poets of the peaceful resistance against Israeli aggression, expulsions of Palestinians from their own lands, their houses and their other properties. Darwish also wrote prose, like for example Fi Hadrat al-Ghiyab (In the Presence of Absence) work in which he emphasized the need to re-write the history of Palestine, since Israel has constantly destroyed Palestinian villages, and has expelled the Palestinians from their own towns. Israel has systematically substituted these villages and their names by Hebrew ones. This way Israel conveys the notion that they are Hebrew villages. On the other hand, it is possible to notice that Israel denies the pre-existence of the Palestinian settlements, towns and villages in those places. For Darwish, therefore, there is a clear need to re-write the history of Palestine, in order to show that where there are nowadays many Jewish towns, there were Palestinian villages in the past. [Article copies available for a fee from The Transformative Studies Institute. E-mail address: journal@transformativestudies.org Website: http://www.transformativestudies.org ©2023 by The Transformative Studies Institute. All rights reserved.]
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Sayigh, Rosemary. "The Nakba and Oral History." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 17, no. 2 (November 2018): 151–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2018.0189.
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This article takes account of the disastrous effects for the Palestinian people of the establishment of Israel in Palestine, scattering them geographically, and transforming them into refugees, exiles, or 2nd class Israeli citizens. It further argues that this national catastrophe has not been adequately recorded as community and individual experience. The potential of oral history for historicising marginal experience is discussed, along with its neglect by Palestinian cultural institutions. Finally, it covers those individual and NGO researchers who have partially filled the gap in certain regions of the shatat.
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Peled, Yoav, and Gershon Shafir. "The Roots of Peacemaking: The Dynamics of Citizenship in Israel, 1948–93." International Journal of Middle East Studies 28, no. 3 (August 1996): 391–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800063510.
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The Declaration of Prsinciples signed by Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in September 1993 marked a dramatic about-face in Israel's traditional policy toward the PLO and the Palestinian issue in general. This turn of events came as a surprise not only to journalists and commentators following day-to-day political events, but also to scholars engaged in the academic study of Israeli society. The prevailing notion among these scholars had been that the Israeli polity was suffering from what Horowitz and Lissak (1989) called “overburden” due to domestic debates over the disposition of the occupied territories. Thus, it was concluded, Israel was unable to launch bold policy initiatives to try to solve its deadlocked conflict with the Arabs.
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Silpiah, Siti Karomah, Siti Rosanti, Siti Mundiroh, and Sri Ayuni. "The Oslo Agreement in the Peace Process and the Role of the United States in Resolving the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict." HISTORICAL: Journal of History and Social Sciences 1, no. 1 (November 27, 2022): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.58355/historical.v1i1.18.
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This paper aims to find out the history or background of the Oslo agreement, the direction of policies and the efforts made in the peace of both parties and the results of the Oslo agreement. The results obtained by the author regarding the Oslo agreement are that the Oslo agreement occurred in 1993 against the background of land disputes in the West Bank and the Gaza Peninsula. Where the Israeli side asked Palestine to be officially recognized as the state of Israel. Meanwhile, Palestine asked to establish authority/self-government (occupied territory) in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, but the relationship between the two sides continued to be damaged by the prolonged conflict, which resulted in losses for the surrounding population. So there was a negotiation for peace called the Oslo agreement. The Oslo Agreement is one of the important peace processes between Israel and Palestine that aims to resolve the prevailing conflict.
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Rabkin, Yakov M. "Russia, China and India and the Israel–Palestine Conflict." Holy Land Studies 12, no. 1 (May 2013): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2013.0057.
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Outside the Middle East, the future of Israel/Palestine is most often discussed in terms of US foreign policy, where the issue has also acquired religious overtones. This article examines the policies of three nuclear powers – Russia, China and India – on this issue. The analysis takes into account these countries' policies with respect to the entire region, including Iran, in which Russia and the two Asian giants have significant interests. While the three nuclear powers have close contacts with Israel and its military, they opposed Israel's position at the historic UN vote held on 29 November 2012.
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Shaw, Martin. "Palestine and Genocide: An International Historical Perspective Revisited." Holy Land Studies 12, no. 1 (May 2013): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2013.0056.
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This commentary reviews the responses to an earlier article, ‘Palestine in an International Historical Perspective on Genocide’ (Holy Land Studies, 9:1, 1–25), arguing that they illustrate both the possibilities and the limitations of serious debate about these issues. The responses mostly neglected the analytical core of the argument relating to 1948, which is therefore restated, emphasising Palestine's unique combination of elements that were parts of three general patterns implicated in genocide production (settler colonialism, East European nationalism, conflicts of decolonisation). The paper also gives further attention to the implications of the perspective for understanding the ‘genocide’ question in the subsequent history of the Israel-Palestine conflict.
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Wetherell, David. "The Use and Misuse of Religious Language: Zionism and the Palestinians." Holy Land Studies 4, no. 1 (May 2005): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2005.4.1.73.
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Every discipline which deals with the land question in Canaan-Palestine-Israel is afflicted by the problem of specialisation. The political scientist and historian usually discuss the issue of land in Israel purely in terms of interethnic and international relations, biblical scholars concentrate on the historical and archaeological question with virtually no reference to ethics, and scholars of human rights usually evade the question of God. What follows is an attempt, through theology and political history, to understand the history of the Israel-Palestine land question in a way which respects the complexity of the question. From a scrutiny of the language used in the Bible to the development of political Zionism from the late 19th century it is possible to see the way in which a secular movement mobilised the figurative language of religion into a literal ‘title deed’ to the land of Palestine signed by God.
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Bennis, Phyllis. "The 2016 U.S. Presidential Campaign: Changing Discourse on Palestine." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 1 (2016): 34–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.46.1.34.
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This essay examines the discourse on Palestine/Israel in the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign, charting the impact of the Palestine rights movement on the domestic U.S. policy debate. Policy analyst, author, and long-time activist Phyllis Bennis notes the sea change within the Democratic Party evident in the unprecedented debate on the issue outside traditionally liberal Zionist boundaries. The final Democratic platform was as pro-Israel and anti-Palestinian as any in history, but the process of getting there was revolutionary in no small part, Bennis argues, due to the grassroots campaign of veteran U.S. senator Bernie Sanders. Bennis also discusses the Republican platform on Israel/Palestine, outlining the positions of the final three Republican contenders. Although she is clear about the current weakness of the broad antiwar movement in the United States, Bennis celebrates its Palestinian rights component and its focus on education and BDS to challenge the general public's “ignorance” on Israel/Palestine.
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Ellis, Marc H. "Arguing Particularity Against the Grain: One-State Or Two-States in Palestine-Israel?" Holy Land Studies 11, no. 2 (November 2012): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2012.0042.
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Increasingly the discussion of Israel/Palestine is moving toward a one-state configuration, redressing the injustice experienced by the Palestinians in the creation of the state of Israel and its ongoing expansion that increasingly limits Palestinian life and a possible future beyond an apartheid-like reality. As well, the discussion is framed with the context of universal human and political rights. This makes sense. Yet the erasure of particularity in this discussion is troubling. Certainly one way of looking at the history and future of Israel/Palestine is to note and understand the particular communities involved. This essay seeks to address Jewish particularity, especially in light of the prophetic. In the context of Jewish life – in the crisis of Israel/Palestine – how are Jews called upon to respond?
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Amir, Gal, and Na'ama Ben Ze'ev. "Lawyers in transition – Palestinian Arab lawyers in the first decade of the Jewish state." Continuity and Change 35, no. 3 (December 2020): 371–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416020000223.
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AbstractThis article traces the careers of 12 Palestinian Arab lawyers who practised law during the last years of the British Mandate in Palestine (1920–1948), and who became Israeli citizens after 1948. The State of Israel made efforts to limit the professional practice of Palestinian lawyers and to supervise them. Yet, despite the pressures, most of them continued their legal practice and became active in the Israeli public sphere. We show that the Palestinian lawyers’ struggle to maintain their practice in Israel was used to assert autonomy for the legal profession, and concurrently, it was perceived as a touchstone for minority civil rights in the state.
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John, Docker. "The Two-State Solution and Partition: World History Perspectives on Palestine and India." Holy Land Studies 9, no. 2 (November 2010): 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2010.0102.
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This essay contends that the two-state solution for Palestine-Israel derives its plausibility from the long career of partition, as idea and event, in the twentieth century and into the twenty first; as well as India and Palestine we can think of Ireland, Germany, Vietnam, Korea, and Cyprus. I put forward some comparative ‘world history’ reflections on partition in Palestine and India, focusing on individual thinkers who saw partition as a tragic mistake: Martin Buber and Walid Khalidi in relation to Palestine, and Gyanendra Pandey in relation to India. Gandhi will figure as well, for both Palestine and India. My contention is that the histories of partition in India and Palestine illuminate each other.
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Rapoport, Meron. "Between Jerusalem and Gaza: Why Unilateralism Will Not Work." Review of Middle East Studies 53, no. 01 (June 2019): 54–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2019.14.
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AbstractThe moving of the American embassy to Jerusalem coincided with the bloodiest day of the Great March of Return demonstrations. Each of these events had its own history and motivation but they tell the same story: as stable solution could be based only on reciprocal recognition of the attachment of both Israeli and Palestinians to the whole of historic Palestine/Eretz Israel
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Hegghammer, Thomas. "ʿAbdallāh ʿAzzām and Palestine." Welt des Islams 53, no. 3-4 (2013): 353–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685152-5334p0003.
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ʿAbdallāh ʿAzzām (1941–1989) helped make jihadism more transnational by spearheading the effort to bring Muslim foreign fighters to Afghanistan in the 1980s. But why would a West Bank native devote himself to a war in Central Asia and not to the Palestinian struggle? In order to understand ʿAzzām’s unusual ideological trajectory, this article examines his relationship with Palestine, notably his experiences growing up in the territories, the extent of his involvement in the armed Palestinian struggle, and his views on the conflict with Israel. The article draws on previously underexploited primary sources, including ʿAzzām’s own writings, rare Arabic-language biographies, and interviews with family members. I argue that ʿAzzām’s Palestinian background predisposed him to transnational militancy. His exile in 1967 made him an aggrieved and rootless citizen of the Islamic world. His time fighting the Israel Defense Forces with the Fedayeen in 1969–70 gave him a taste of combat and a glimpse of pan-Islamic solidarity in practice. The inaccessibility of the battlefield after 1970 combined with ʿAzzām’s distaste for the leftist PLO led him to pursue the more accessible jihad in Afghanistan instead. There, he hoped to build an Islamist army that could reconquer Palestine. When Ḥamās rose as a military organization in the late 1980s, ʿAzzām embraced and supported it. Thus ʿAzzām was, to some extent, a byproduct of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
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Ellis, Marc H. "The Future of Israel/Palestine: Embracing the Broken Middle." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 3 (1997): 56–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538157.
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This essay argues that the limitations and injustices of the Oslo agreement force a rethinking of the future of Israel/Palestine. The "separation" embodied in Oslo allows Jews to see the Israeli state as innocent and Palestinians to yearn for empowerment, but over the past hundred years a common history has been forged. The author argues that the disappointments on both sides constitute a "broken middle" that could serve as a common ground on which to build a shared future. The article ends with a plea for binationalism as the way to justice and reconciliation, arguing on historical, practical, and especially ethical grounds.
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Fitria, Fitria, and Gilang Rizki Aji Putra. "Problematika Antara Israel dan Palestina." ADALAH 6, no. 2 (June 29, 2022): 40–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/adalah.v6i2.26872.
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This article examines how Indonesian diplomacy takes place in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Armed friction and clashes between Palestinian fighters and the Israeli military still occur and can even affect Palestinian civilians. Judging from the history of Indonesia's closeness to Palestine, Indonesia is one of the countries that actively call for the independence of Palestine with a two-state solution. This article is described using conflict resolution theory. Furthermore, the author finds the findings of Indonesian diplomacy in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Indonesia plays an active role through its role as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council.
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Paulin, Tom. "Cultural Struggle and Memory: Palestine-Israel, South Africa and Northern Ireland in Historical Pespective." Holy Land Studies 4, no. 1 (May 2005): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2005.4.1.5.
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Mordechai Vanunu and a former Israeli Attorney General, Michael Ben-Yair, have characterised Israel as an apartheid state. Their concerns were anticipated by Edwin Montagu, a British Jew who was a member of Lloyd George's cabinet and who courageously opposed the Balfour Declaration. After discussing these three critics of Zionism, I consider how cultural struggle in Palestine-Israel, South Africa and Northern Ireland has expressed itself through the Arts, through journalism, through constant historical research and a constant articulation of the cultural memory. The essay goes on to argue that such a struggle is imaginative and spiritual, and must not be apprehensive of appealing to the resources of the imagination to make its overwhelming case against the apartheid policies practiced by Israel and passively supported or colluded with by so many people.
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Slyomovics, Susan. "MEMORY STUDIES: LEBANON AND ISRAEL/PALESTINE." International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no. 3 (July 30, 2013): 589–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074381300055x.
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Why are humans fated to remember and forget? For Plato, it is because we are wounded by our memory of a previous existence, namely the Platonic “realm of ideas,” to which we forever long to return. In the social sciences, especially history and anthropology, burgeoning cross-disciplinary methodologies and approaches have emerged to study the ways in which humanity remembers and forgets; “cultural memory studies” and the “anthropology of memory” constitute a contemporary realm of ideas concerned with discursive contestations over memory and history. The books under review here, all of which relate to the study of collective memory in Lebanon or Israel/Palestine, have recourse to French theories, despite time lags due to delayed English translation. Foundational writers of a field loosely grouped under the rubric “memory studies” include French sociologist Maurice Halbwachs, whoseLes cadres sociaux de la mémoire(1925) and posthumously publishedLa mémoire collective(1950) both appeared in English in 1980, under confusingly similar titles. The English-language publication of Halbwachs’ corpus on the individual in relation to “collective memory” coincidentally corresponded with the American Psychiatric Association's 1980Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Third Edition, in which categories of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) extended collective memory into collectivetraumaticmemory, through the notion that “Post-traumatic disorder is fundamentally a disorder of memory.” Another seminal thinker in this field is Pierre Nora, especially the multivolume, multiauthored essays produced under his direction entitledLes Lieux de mémoire, which appeared in French between 1984 and 1992.
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Omer, Atalia. "Restorative Justice Pathways in Palestine/Israel: Undoing the Settler Colonial Captivity of Jewishness." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 41, no. 2 (2023): 154–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2023.a911223.
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Abstract: Jewish critique of Zionism is not an abstract exercise, but one that is also, and necessarily, about Palestinians and sociopolitical realities in Palestine/Israel, where Zionist sovereignty defines the space in its entirety. This article traces sites of Jewish Israeli decolonial restorative justice potential and argues that some interventions that appear restorative, in effect, obscure and normalize historical injustices. Accordingly, a spectrum of Jewish critics posit Zionism as a form of Jewish "moral exile" or "moral transgression," and they seek Jewish authenticity to return "home" ethically. I argue that, to the degree that restorative justice practices are missing from ethical Jewish reflections on Zionism and Israelism, the sources of such Jewish critiques of Zionism remain diasporic. Focusing on the potentials of Jewish Israeli restorative justice, including those articulated by the feminist organization Zochrot and the petition of Jewish Israelis against Israeli apartheid propelled by the escalation of violence in May 2021, offers a pathway for unsettling and troubling the diasporic as the primary Jewish source of an ethical critique of Israelism as the idolatry of the Jewish State and as Zionism's imbrication in a settler colonial paradigm.
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Mudore, Syarif Bahaudin. "PERAN DIPLOMASI INDONESIA DALAM KONFLIK ISRAEL-PALESTINA." Jurnal CMES 12, no. 2 (December 12, 2019): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/cmes.12.2.37891.
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<p>This article examined how Indonesian diplomacy has taken place in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Friction and armed clashes between Palestinian fighters and the Israeli military still occur and can even befall Palestinian civilians. Throught the history of Indonesia's closeness with Palestine, Indonesia is one of the countries actively calling for Palestinian independence with a two-state solution. The scientific relationship between Palestinian scholars and Indonesian students studying in Egypt made Palestine one of the countries that recognized Indonesia's independence with Egypt. Relations between the two countries continue today. This article is described using conflict resolution theory. Furthermore, the authors find the findings of Indonesia's diplomacy in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Indonesia plays an active role through its role as a nonpermanent member of the UN Security Council. Even Indonesia opposed US President Donald Trump's policy on Jerusalem as the Capital of Israel and moves its embassy to Jerusalem. It is proven that Indonesia plays the role of co-sponsor, facilitator, mediator, participator, initiator, actor, motivator and justifier in helping resolve the IsraeliPalestinian conflict.</p>
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Brenner, Rachel Feldhay. "Between Identity and Anonymity: Art and History in Aharon Megged's Foiglman." AJS Review 20, no. 2 (November 1995): 359–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036400940000698x.
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In a recent article, “Israeli Literature Over Time,”Aharon Megged describes his work as “unremittingly concerned with burning national issues,” mainly with the issue of Israel′s relationship to the Diaspora.1 Megged′s intense preoccupation with the Zionist ideology of the negation of the Diaspora emerged in his 1955 story “Yad va-shem” (“The Name”). The story presents a scathing criticism of Israel′s dissociation from the history of the Diaspora and especially from the catastrophe of the Holocaust. “Yad va-shem” was followed by an article entitled “Tarbutenu ha-yeshana ve-ha-hadasha” (“Our Old and New Culture”) in which Megged deplored Israel′s severance of its Diaspora roots and urged a reexamination of the negative attitude toward the destroyed European Jewish culture.In 1984, Megged published Massa ha-yeladim el ha-aretz ha-muvtachat (“The Children's Journey”), a novel based on a true story about a group of young survivors of the Holocaust on their way to Palestine.3 This work, as Dan Laor notes in his review, “offers a perspective of the Diaspora in the Holocaust which differs from [the typical Israeli attitude of] contempt infused with pity” toward the Diaspora Jew.
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Stein, Rebecca L., Noa Levin, and Andrew Fisher. "The visual terms of state violence in Israel/Palestine: An interview with Rebecca L. Stein." Philosophy of Photography 14, no. 1 (April 1, 2023): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/pop_00068_7.
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This interview with media anthropologist, Rebecca L. Stein, conducted by Noa Levin and Andrew Fisher in Spring 2023, takes her recent book Screenshots: State Violence on Camera in Israel and Palestine (2021) as its starting point in order to explore issues of state violence and the militarization of social media in Israel/Palestine. This book marks the culmination of a decade-long research project into the camera dreams introduced by digital imaging technologies and the fraught histories of their disillusionment. Stein discusses the way her research has critically conceptualized the recent history of hopes invested in the digital image in this geopolitical context, by the occupier as much as the occupied, and charts the failures and mistakes, obstructions and appropriations that characterize the conflicted visual cultures of Israel/Palestine.
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McKee, Emily. "ENVIRONMENTAL FRAMING AND ITS LIMITS: CAMPAIGNS IN PALESTINE AND ISRAEL." International Journal of Middle East Studies 50, no. 3 (August 2018): 449–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743818000806.
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AbstractAs activists frame campaigns, their region's broader cultural and political context intercedes. In Israel and Palestine attempts to work across national lines and undertake activism that links ecological, economic, and social issues have long been stymied. This article examines how the fraught historical and contemporary relationships of Israelis and Palestinians with land bestow both flexibility and limitations on their framing of campaigns. In particular, it ethnographically analyzes the framing of two projects—the building of an “eco-mosque” and a Jordan River restoration effort—to examine how activists grapple with frame flexibility and its limits. It finds that an Israeli tendency to deterritorialize environmental issues and curb environmental campaigns that are “too political” conflicts with Palestinian criticism of apolitical frames because they euphemize violence and domination. These cases demonstrate how local connotations can make or break environmental campaigns. The eco-adage, “Think global, act local” is not enough. One must think local, too.
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STEIN, REBECCA L., and TED SWEDENBURG. "Popular Culture, Relational History, and the Question of Power in Palestine and Israel." Journal of Palestine Studies 33, no. 4 (2004): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2004.33.4.005.
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The marginalization of popular culture in radical scholarship on Palestine and Israel is symptomatic of the conceptual limits that still define much Middle East studies scholarship: namely, the prevailing logic of the nation-state on the one hand and the analytic tools of classical Marxist historiography and political economy on the other. This essay offers a polemic about the form that alternative scholarly projects might take through recourse to questions of popular culture. The authors argue that close attention to the ways that popular culture ““articulates”” with broader political, social, and economic processes can expand scholarly understandings of the terrain of power in Palestine and Israel, and hence the possible arenas and modalities of struggle.
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Vertommen, Sigrid. "Surrogacy at the Fertility Frontier." History of the Present 14, no. 1 (April 1, 2024): 108–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21599785-10898374.
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Abstract Surrogacy is a popular assisted reproductive practice in Israel, and it has been legal since 1996, albeit, until recently, only for married heterosexual couples. Same-sex couples who aspired to genetic parenthood were therefore “forced” to look for available surrogates abroad, in countries such as the United States, India, Nepal, Mexico, and Russia. This resulted in the emergence of a lucrative transnational surrogacy industry in Israel that relies on the reproductive labor power of racialized egg cell providers and surrogates in the global South, East, and North. While much of the existing research on surrogacy in Israel explains its ubiquity by centering cultural accounts of Jewishness, this article rethinks contemporary policies, practices, and markets of assisted reproduction from the vantage point of the “colonial episteme,” by unpacking the complex “intimacies” and reproductive afterlives of settler colonialism and racial capitalism in Israel/Palestine. The article argues that surrogacy operates both as a demographic frontier in the consolidation of a Jewish state in Israel/Palestine and as a commodity frontier for the accumulation of capital in a booming surrogacy industry. Surrogacy and other reproductive technologies also emerge as sites of reproductive resistance through practices of surrogacy strikes and sperm smuggling.