Relevant bibliographies by topics / Israel-Arab Border Conflicts, 1949-

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Israel-Arab Border Conflicts, 1949-'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 August 2024

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Israel-Arab Border Conflicts, 1949-.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Journal articles on the topic "Israel-Arab Border Conflicts, 1949-"

1

Weinberg, Jessica P. "Muhammad Hasan Amara, Politics and sociolinguistic reflexes: Palestinian border villages (Studies in Bilingualism 19). Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1999. Pp. xix, 261. Hb $87.00." Language in Society 30, no. 4 (October 2001): 655–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404501264057.

Full text
Abstract:
Amara begins his study of language variation in Palestinian border villages in Israel and the West Bank with three main premises: (1) researchers have not paid enough attention to the sociolinguistics of what he calls “radical political situations,” of which the Israeli–Palestinian conflict is an example; (2) the connection between macro-sociolinguistic issues, such as language planning and language attitudes, and micro issues, such as variation in use of linguistic structures, has not been explored enough; and (3) socio-political events and changes affect (i.e., change) patterns of use of linguistic structures. On the third point, Amara predicts, “When a society is divided, we should expect to find a reflected linguistic division; when two societies share common cultural or political values, we should expect to find some reflection of this in their languages.” Amara sets out to investigate this prediction for three villages on the border between Israel and the West Bank. Two of the villages, Zalafa and Western Barta'a, are situated in the area of Israel called the “Little Triangle,” which designates an area that Jordan agreed to cede to Israel in the armistice agreement following the Arab–Israeli War of 1948. The armistice line drawn between Israel and Jordan in 1949 divided several Palestinian villages and cities, including Barta'a. The third village in Amara's study, Eastern Barta'a, is situated in the West Bank. Western and Eastern Barta'a were reunited in 1967, when Israel took control of the West Bank.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

T Abumbe, Gabriel, Alagh Terhile, and Dede Chinyere Helen. "Hamas-Israel Conflicts In Gaza And Its Implications For Middle East Stability." Global Journal of Social Sciences 23, no. 1 (July 13, 2024): 157–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/gjss.v23i1.13.

Full text
Abstract:
The Middle East has been marked by significant volatility since the post-World War II era, witnessing over ten wars between the Arabs and Israelis alone from 1948 to 2023. Thus, this study focuses on the Hamas-Israel conflict in Gaza and its implications for Middle East stability. The study is methodologically structured in qualitative method whereby data are drawn from secondary sources. Several major conflicts, including Operation Cast Lead (2008), Southern Israel Cross-Border Attacks (August 2011), Operation Return Echo (March 2012), Operation Pillar of Defence (November 2012), and Operation “Swords of Iron” (2023), are used as case studies in this work due to their strategic significance and decisive impacts on the affected nations and the broader Middle East region. This study argues that the unfolding wars involving Hamas and Israel have profound repercussions across the region, particularly for Egypt and Jordan, which have historically been key peacemakers with Israel. Furthermore, the humanitarian crisis and Israeli military actions have raised concerns about mass displacement, further straining Israel’s relations with other Arab countries and even in Europe, where the Palestinian issue resonates deeply. Lastly, this short war has exacerbated the already fragile state of peace in the Middle East.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Caplan, Neil. "The "New Historians": The Making of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1947-1951. . Ilan Pappe. ; Israel's Border Wars, 1949-1956: Arab Infiltration, Israel Retaliation, and the Countdown to the Suez War. . Benny Morris." Journal of Palestine Studies 24, no. 4 (July 1995): 96–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1995.24.4.00p0010n.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Abdul Razak, Bashir Hadi. "The dilemmas of the Israeli reality and the choice of war." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 2, no. 4 (February 27, 2019): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v3i4.74.

Full text
Abstract:
The Arab-Israeli conflict is among the longest and most complex conflicts in the world today, a conflict that transcends borders or a difference of influence. It is a struggle for existence in every sense. Since the establishment of Israel in 1948, one of the regional forces whose political movement is determined by the Arab world has become the result of the internal and external factors and changes that affect it. This entity is hostile to the Arabs, Which would have a negative impact on the regional strategic situation.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Dakwar, Jamil. "People without Borders for Borders without People: Land, Demography, and Peacemaking under Security Council Resolution 242." Journal of Palestine Studies 37, no. 1 (2007): 62–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2007.37.1.62.

Full text
Abstract:
UN Security Council Resolution 242, drafted to deal with the consequences of the 1967 war, left the outstanding issues of 1948 unresolved. For the first time, new Israeli conflict-resolution proposals that are in principle based on 242 directly involve Palestinian citizens of Israel. This essay explores these proposals, which reflect Israel's preoccupation with maintaining a significant Jewish majority and center on population and territorial exchanges between Israeli settlements in the West Bank and heavily populated Arab areas inside the green line. After tracing the genesis of the proposals, the essay assesses them from the standpoint of international law.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Jasim, Ass Prof Dr Fatima Falih. "Jordan’s position on the Tunisian initiative in July 1973 to settle the Arab Israeli conflict in light of the Palestinian documents." Thi Qar Arts Journal 3, no. 44 (December 31, 2023): 158–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.32792/tqartj.v3i44.501.

Full text
Abstract:
The text of the initiative of the Tunisian President Habib Bourguiba, which he proposed on July 2, 1973, to settle the Palestinian issue and end the Arab-Israeli conflict by accepting Israel’s principle of partitioning Palestine according to the United Nations resolution number (181) of 1947 and determining the borders between the Arab states and Israel through negotiations and establishing a Palestinian state, and Bourguiba’s statements aroused the surprise and astonishment of the Jordanian government because they included words that concern the Jordanian affair, so it announced its rejection of those statements and cut off diplomatic relations with Tunisia in protest of that position.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Gada, Muhammad Yaseen. "Jerusalem Unbound." American Journal of Islam and Society 32, no. 3 (July 1, 2015): 130–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v32i3.999.

Full text
Abstract:
Jerusalem represents the heart of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The everchangingevents there have perplexed and compelled analysts, political scientists,academics, and activists to devise countless solutions, especially since1948. Moreover, the last decade has witnessed a substantial change in its demographydue to the Separation Wall and the ongoing Jewish settlement inEast Jerusalem, both of which violate international law and agreements. Thephysical barrier is itself a grim reminder of Israel’s harsh unilateral and discriminatorymeasures that seriously impact for the bilateral peace process.Michael Dumper (professor of Middle East politics, University of Exeter)has written extensively on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In this book, he exploresand illustrates how, despite the wall (hard border), people on the bothsides have managed to create and retain various trans-wall spheres of influence(soft borders) by taking advantage of its porous nature to breach it by variousways. This reality, which renders Jerusalem a “many-bordered” or unboundcity, is primarily attributable to its rich, complex, and intersecting religiousand political interests that are sought and contested by many actors (p. 5).The city’s physical boundaries, discussed in chapter 1, shifted continuouslyfrom 1947 to 2003; the Separation Wall actually runs right through it. Accordingto Dumper, three major events have had long-term ramifications on thisconflict: the 1947 UN Partition Plan; the 1949 partition of East and West Jerusalembetween Jordan and Israel, respectively; and the ongoing illegal Israeli ...
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Ivanova, Nadezhda A. "U.S. policy towards Israel in the context of the Israeli-Jordanian armed clashes (1954)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 5 (2022): 1343–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2022-27-5-1343-1351.

Full text
Abstract:
The U.S. policy towards Israel in 1954 is considered on the example of foreign policy decisions taken by the American side during the Israeli-Jordanian armed clashes. As part of the unresolved Arab-Israeli conflict, the U.S. administration considered the vector of establishing partnerships with Arab countries as one of the ways to counteract the expansion of Soviet influence in the region. When resolving the issue of the Israeli-Jordanian border conflicts, the U.S. resorted to a policy of maneuvering, trying to maintain a balanced interaction with each of the parties. Meanwhile, this did not improve relations with the Arab countries, which emphasized the ongoing U.S. financial and political assistance to Israel. There was also a cooling of relations with the Jewish state, whose government was concerned about the prevailing positive trends in relations between the Arab countries and the United States. It is concluded that by 1954 the U.S. policy towards Israel was still at the stage of its formation, which was reflected in the contradictory opinions within the U.S. administration itself when resolving issues related to the foreign policy strategy regarding the Jewish state, and manifested itself in the process of unsuccessful resolution of the Israeli-Jordanian conflict.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Dnistrianskyi, Miroslav, Galina Kopachinska, and Nataliya Dnistrianska. "PROBLEMS OF UNREGULATED POLITICAL STATUS OF TERRITORIES AS A FACTOR OF DEEPENING CONTRADICTIONS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS." SCIENTIFIC ISSUES OF TERNOPIL VOLODYMYR HNATIUK NATIONAL PEDAGOGICAL UNIVERSITY. SERIES: GEOGRAPHY 51, no. 2 (December 5, 2021): 74–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.25128/2519-4577.21.2.9.

Full text
Abstract:
All international conflicts regarding unregulated political status of territories, despite the variety of their types, can be united by the lack of legitimate power in different parts of the earth's surface or the desire to establish such power. In order to differentiate all the conflicts regarding international legal unregulated political status of the territories according to their origin the following types can be proposed: 1) conflicts that arose as a result of the forcible annexation of territories, the incorporation of which is not recognized by the international community; 2) conflicts that arose due to the creation of the self-proclaimed states in the territories controlled by the occupation regimes; 3) conflicts that arose due to the creation of the self-proclaimed states as the result of domestic crisis reasons, but with the participation of foreign policy factors; 4) conflicts over disputable border areas and islands; 5) conflicts regarding political claims to dependent countries under the control of other states; 6) latent conflicts over claims on land and water areas, which according to international conventions should not be extended to the sovereignty of any state; 7) the Middle East conflict due to non-compliance with the decision of the UN General Assembly of 1947 on the establishment of a sovereign Arab state. The conflict over the legal status of Palestine and the there solution of the so-called self-proclaimed states are the main issues of geopolitical controversy among the various types of conflicts. The conflict-generating potential regarding disputes over control independent countries is much smaller today. Interstate border disputes mostly concern the status of individual islands. In order to avoid new conflicts, the UN needs to strengthen the status of Antarctica and the areas adjacent to the North Pole, making them as a neutral demilitarized territory, which can not be extended to the sovereignty of individual states. The greatest concentration of conflicts regarding the international legal unregulated political status of the territories is connected with the contradictions in the collapse of the USSR and in thein completeness and disorder of decolonization. Thus, the resolution of territorial and political conflicts requires the UN Security Council and international law modernization and reform, paying much attention to the conditions and circumstances of state and political self-determination, as well as the realization of effective sanctions in the case of annexation of territories. Among the various types of conflicts related to the international legal unresolved political status of territories, the main nodes of geopolitical controversy are Russia's occupation of Crimea and part of Donetsk and the conflict over the state status of Palestine and resolving the problems of so-called self-proclaimed states. its influence in the post-Soviet space. Key words: territorial-political conflict, types of conflicts concerning international legal unregulated status of territories, self-proclaimed states, border conflicts, status of Antarctica and Arctic.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Tal, David. "Israel's Road to the 1956 War." International Journal of Middle East Studies 28, no. 1 (February 1996): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800062784.

Full text
Abstract:
On 29 October 1956 Israeli paratroopers landed deep inside the Sinai Desert, launching the second Arab-Israeli war and adding another level to the bloody edifice of Israel's relations with its neighbors. The Israeli leadership justified its decision to go to war by pointing to “the mini-war which the Arab rulers have waged against us for eight years.” Many scholars have accepted that version of the events, which seeks to connect the multitude of border incidents from 1949 to 1956 with the war in the latter year. Indeed, a central approach in the study of the period viewed the Sinai campaign as the inevitable consequence of the succession of violent events which occurred between Israel and its neighbors, Egypt in particular, beginning shortly after the 1948 war. Benny Morris, in fact, describes Israel's participation in the 1956 war as the direct continuation of the border clashes with Egypt, finding no regional connection in Israel's involvement. Similarly, Nadav Safran, Mordechai Bar-On, and Michael Oren have argued that the border clashes, the infiltrations, and the Israeli reprisals followed one another in a relentless sequence until the final explosion in October 1956. This approach draws a connection between two “types of security” which are a permanent component of the Israeli defense doctrine: “basic security” and “day-to-day security.” The latter incorporates operational activity, unrelated to preparations for war, which the Israeli Defense Force (IDF) constantly engages in during peacetime; whereas the former refers to a situation of total war for which the IDF has prepared itself. Conventionally, events falling within the domain of day-to-day security are considered the cause of the aggravation in relations between Israel and Egypt during the early 1950s; the Sinai campaign thus becomes the inevitable end of a process of deterioration engendered by the border clashes and incidents of the preceding eight years.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
More sources

Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Israel-Arab Border Conflicts, 1949-"

1

Nasser-Eddine, Minerva. "A transcendent Lebanese identity: more than a mirage? /." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 2003. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phn267.pdf.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Karp, Candace. "The United States and the Arab-Israeli conflict, 1948-1967, with specific reference to final borders, refugees and the status of Jerusalem /." [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2002. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe16310.pdf.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Nasser-Eddine, Minerva. "A transcendent Lebanese identity: more than a mirage? / Minerva Nasser-Eddine." Thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/22091.

Full text
Abstract:
"December 2003"
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 349-387)
387 leaves : maps ; 30 cm
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, Discipline of Politics, 2005
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Books on the topic "Israel-Arab Border Conflicts, 1949-"

1

1949-, Lustick Ian, ed. From war to war: Israel vs. the Arabs, 1948-1967. New York: Garland Pub., 1994.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Wright, Clifford A. Facts and fables: The Arab-Israel conflict. London: Kegan Paul, 1989.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Bailey, Sydney D. Four Arab-Israeli wars and the peace process. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1990.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Khalidi, Walid. Khamsūn ʻāman ʻalá ḥarb 1948, ulá al-ḥurūb al-ṣihyūnīyah-al-ʻArabīyah. Bayrūt: Dār al-Nahār, 1998.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Ḥūrānī, Fayṣal. ʻAbd al-Nāṣir wa-qaḍīyat Filasṭīn: Qirāʼah li-afkārihi wa-mumārasātih. 2nd ed. ʻAkkā: Dār al-Aswār, 1987.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Moṭi, Golani, ed. 'Ḥets shaḥor': Peʻulat ʻAzah u-mediniyut ha-gemul shel Yiśraʾel bi-shenot ha-50 : ḳovets maʾamarim. [Tel Aviv]: Miśrad ha-biṭaḥon, 1994.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service, ed. Israeli-Arab conflict: A review of U.S. policy statements regarding U.N. Security Council resolution 242 and "land and peace". [Washington, D.C.]: Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1991.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service, ed. Israeli-Arab conflict: A review of U.S. policy statements regarding U.N. Security Council resolution 242 and "land and peace". [Washington, D.C.]: Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1991.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Markaz al-ʻArabī lil-Maʻlūmāt (Beirut, Lebanon), ed. لبنان 1949-1985: الاعتداءات الاسرائيلية: يوميات - وثائق - مواقف. [Bayrūt, Lubnān]: al-Markaz al-ʻArabī lil-Maʻlūmāt, 1986.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Dupuy, Trevor Nevitt. Flawed victory: The Arab-Israeli conflict and the 1982 war in Lebanon. Fairfax, Va: Hero Books, 1986.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
More sources

Book chapters on the topic "Israel-Arab Border Conflicts, 1949-"

1

Morris, Benny. "Israel, the Arab States, and the Great Powers, 1952-1956." In Israel’s Border Wars 1949-1956, 277–305. Oxford University PressOxford, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198278504.003.0009.

Full text
Abstract:
Abstract As we have seen, the United States and Britain both hoped to see an Israel Arab settlement. The conflict tended to undermine Arab-Western relations and, at least theoretically, opened the door to Soviet penetration. Dulles and British officials like Shuckburgh were ‘convinced that the USSR was plotting and planning to gain control of the Middle East’. Israeli-Arab hostilities might result in East-West confrontation. Similarly, there existed a danger that, in line with the provisions of the Tripartite Declaration and the Anglo-Jordanian defence pact, such hostilities could suck Britain (and perhaps the United States) into armed conflict with one or other of the local parties. The increase in frequency and size of Israeli-Jordanian and Israeli¬ Egyptian border clashes during 1953-6 correspondingly increased the danger. Both British and Israeli leaders acknowledged, and were at times deterred by, this threat.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

"CENTRAL ISRAEL AND THE JORDAN BORDER 1949–1967." In The Routledge Atlas of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 53. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203074527-53.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Morris, Benny. "The Emergence and Nature of Arab Infiltration into Israel." In Israel’s Border Wars 1949-1956, 28–68. Oxford University PressOxford, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198278504.003.0002.

Full text
Abstract:
Abstract The 1948 war left in its wake not only a refugee problem but also an infiltration problem. Each year between 1949 and 1956, thousands of Palestinian Arabs illegally crossed the border into Israel from Jordan’s West Bank, the Egyptian-controlled Gaza Strip and the Sinai Peninsula, Lebanon, and Syria. In 1952, when the marauding peaked, there had been, according to the IDF, some 16,000 cases of infiltration-over 11,000 along the Jordanian-Israeli border alone, and some 5,000 along the frontier with Egypt. Israel police figures show a gradual drop after 1952, to ‘7,018’ in 1953, ‘4,638’ in 1954, ‘4,351’ in 1955, and ‘2,786’ in the first four months of 1956. No doubt, many infiltrations went completely unnoticed and unrecorded.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Morris, Benny. "Arab Attitudes and Policies towards Infiltration, 1949-1955." In Israel’s Border Wars 1949-1956, 69–98. Oxford University PressOxford, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198278504.003.0003.

Full text
Abstract:
Abstract Infiltration from Arab territory into Israel posed a serious dilemma for the Arab governments, armies, and local authorities. Border-crossings were provoking Israeli countermeasures which might lead to full-scale clashes resulting in disproportionate Arab casualties and, conceivably, further territorial losses. On the other hand, popular Arab feeling, including among local officials and military and paramilitary commanders, was sympathetic to the border-crossers. They, too, saw the fields and houses across the border-the objects of infiltrator sorties-as Arab property stolen by the Jews, and regarded Israelis who were robbed, injured, and, occasionally, murdered by infiltrators as brutal usurpers deserving their fate.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Morris, Benny. "The Beginning of the Retaliatory Policy." In Israel’s Border Wars 1949-1956, 185–211. Oxford University PressOxford, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198278504.003.0006.

Full text
Abstract:
Abstract In addition to defensive measures, Israel adopted a retaliatory policy in its effort to combat infiltration. The policy emerged immediately after the signing of the armistice agreements, in response to specific attacks by Arab infiltrators. To a lesser extent, retaliatory strikes were launched in response to anti-Israeli actions by the regular forces of the Arab states.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Morris, Benny. "The Costs of Infiltration." In Israel’s Border Wars 1949-1956, 99–117. Oxford University PressOxford, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198278504.003.0004.

Full text
Abstract:
Abstract Arab infiltration into Israel produced 'the same effects as irregular [i.e. guerrilla] warfare', stated an Israeli report in 1953. 'It disturbs the peace; engenders an atmosphere of war; harms the economy of the country, both directly and by necessitating extensive security measures.' It had a particularly deleterious effect on the country's border areas, placing 'a very serious strain on Israel agricultural [frontier] settlements' .
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Heller, Joseph. "Israel and the United States on the road to war (November 1955–November 1956)." In The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948-67. Manchester University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526103826.003.0006.

Full text
Abstract:
This chapter is dominated by John Foster Dulles, who navigated America’s foreign relations. His main idea was to prevent the Middle East from becoming a third cold war front, in addition to the Far East and western Europe. Israel, however, rejecting Dulles demand for border concessions, continued to press the US for a security guarantee, although its chances for implementation were nil. Israel’s retaliatory acts against Jordan reduced US confidence in Israel’s strategic requirements. Anderson’s mission to Israel ended in failure, since Israel could not concede its basic interests. Israel’s attack on Egypt in cooperation with France and Britain rook the US bu surprise, but America acted immediately punish Israel by imposing financial sanctions. The failure of the Suez campaign left Israel with more isolated, and in danger that the Soviet-Arab combination, along with American apathy, might threaten its very existence.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Rozin, Orit. "Israeli Border Kibbutzim in the Shadow of Syrian Artillery." In Emotions of Conflict, Israel 1949-1967, 137–62. Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198890348.003.0005.

Full text
Abstract:
Abstract The Israel–Syrian border was a constant point of friction. Hostilities erupted over the cultivation of land and the control of the demilitarized zones and over water resources. Northern kibbutzim both exacerbated Syrian violence and were its victims. Covering the interwar period, 1956–1967, this chapter traces the subjective emotional reaction of kibbutz members exposed to Syrian violence. It also considers the symbolic role played by “children under fire” within Israeli Jewish society at that time. On the one hand, kibbutz children epitomized Israel’s ideal emotional traits. Yet, on the other hand, an ethos of a “proper childhood” that developed in the interior, especially in the country’s urban centers, contradicted the lived experience of these kibbutzim. Members of these kibbutzim developed unique cultural practices to cope with the emotional challenge.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Morris, Benny. "Qibya." In Israel’s Border Wars 1949-1956, 240–76. Oxford University PressOxford, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198278504.003.0008.

Full text
Abstract:
Abstract In the course of the early 1950s, as strife along the borders continued, two schools of thought emerged in Jerusalem about the proper response to Arab depredations. While the focus of debate between the two was usually the retaliatory policy in general and individual reprisal operations in particular, in more general terms the argument was over the way Israel should deal with the surrounding Arab world. Inevitably, there was also disagreement over relations with the West and the United Nations. Through the mid-1950s, the ‘Activists’ (or Bit’honistim (the security-minded ones)), led by Ben-Gurion (prime minister and defence minister from 1948 until the end of 1953, defence minister from February 1955 until 1963, and prime minister from November 1955 until 1963),
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Morris, Benny. "The Slide to War." In Israel’s Border Wars 1949-1956, 371–418. Oxford University PressOxford, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198278504.003.0012.

Full text
Abstract:
Abstract The IDF raid on Gaza triggered a qualitative and quantitative rise in the level of Israeli-Arab, and specifically Israeli-Egyptian, hostility and violence. Egypt responded to the raid by a policy of low-level harassment along the frontiers and by the conclusion of a major weapons deal with the Soviet Union, the Czech arms deal. Israel, for its part, decided (a) also to acquire major new armaments, and (b) to confront and destroy the Egyptian army before it became too strong.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Conference papers on the topic "Israel-Arab Border Conflicts, 1949-"

1

Uslu, Kamil. "The Evaluation of the Energy Resources of Exclusive Economic Zones in Eastern Mediterranean." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02348.

Full text
Abstract:
The Eastern Mediterranean has attracted new attention on the gas potential in the world. In fact, overseas research in the eastern Mediterranean waters began in the late 1960s with a number of wells opened by Belpetco. With the overseas production of the region in recent years, it has entered the world agenda. However, these discoveries have triggered additional conflicts between the states on the establishment of sovereign rights and the limitation of the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). In 2009, a large amount of energy was produced in the Eastern Mediterranean Region. The resulting supply, economic line in the westward movement, between Cyprus and Turkey, Turkey would reach out to EU countries. Arish-Ashkelon, which supplies gas to Israel, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon, has been identified as a pipeline. The other line is the Arab Gas Pipeline. The cooperation with the implementation of the line was met and accepted. But the Syrian civil war has postponed this view for now. When Cyprus joined the EU in 2004, the Sea of Levantine made the European Union a sea border for all practical purposes. In the early 2000s, Cyprus and Turkey's EU membership expectancy, could boost optimism about the possibility of a breakthrough. Turkey should not be admitted to the EU has prevented the solution of the Cyprus problem. Turkey and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) and made clear that the agreement with the International Exclusive Economic Zone reached 200 Mile limits. The energy source derived from the region, the future of both Turkey and the TRNC will be able to improve the economic well-being. Thus, will contribute to peace in the region.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
You might also be interested in the extended bibliographies on the topic 'Israel-Arab Border Conflicts, 1949-' for particular source types:
Journal articles Books
We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!

To the bibliography