Journal articles on the topic 'Israel and Terrorism'
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1
Dugan, Laura, and Erica Chenoweth. "Moving Beyond Deterrence." American Sociological Review 77, no. 4 (July 31, 2012): 597–624. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003122412450573.
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Rational choice approaches to reducing terrorist violence would suggest raising the costs of terrorism through punishment, thereby reducing the overall expected utility of terrorism. In this article, we argue that states should also consider raising the expected utility of abstaining from terrorism through rewards. We test effects of repressive (or punishing) and conciliatory (or rewarding) actions on terrorist behavior using the newly developed GATE-Israel dataset, which identifies events by Israeli state actors toward Palestinian targets on a full range of counterterrorism tactics and policies from 1987 to 2004. Results show that repressive actions are either unrelated to terror or related to subsequent increases in terror, and conciliatory actions are generally related to decreases in terror, depending on the tactical period. Findings also reveal the importance of understanding the role of terrorists’ constituencies for reducing violence.
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Karasova, T. A. "New Trends in Israel Regional Policy (2009-2019)." MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, no. 4 (September 9, 2019): 180–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-4-67-180-200.
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Changes in Israeli regional politics were triggered by the current political situation in the Middle East, characterized by a high degree of intensity and unpredictability. The region experiences a complex process of serious political changes making Israel adjust its regional policy to the new challenges. The article focuses upon the new elements of Israelis strategy on key regional issues: the settlement of Palestinian-Israeli conflict; new approaches to countering Iranian nuclear program; the Syrian civil war and escalation of terrorism activities. The aim of the article is to describe and analyze new trends in Israeli regional strategy over the past 10 years identifying its external and internal factors. The main external factor is a close partnership of Israel with US, which plays a key role in supporting Israel’s regional and international status. The changes taking place inside the region could be considered as internal factors. They include Arab Spring; prospects for settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict; the growth of the Islamic radicalism and terrorism, new terrorist groups such as ISIS, and the civil war in Syria.The main changes of Israeli regional policy include toughening approaches to resolving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, in particular, de facto abandonment of the «two states for two peoples» formula. Equally important are events that, although not directly related to Israel, are changing its regional agenda. Assessment of Iran’s nuclear program as an existential threat explains Israel’s negative attitude to the international agreement with Iran in 2015 during the presidency of B. Obama (JCPOA). The subsequent withdrawal of the Trump administration from this agreement strengthened Israel’s anti-Iranian position. This also allowed Israel to develop cooperative ties with the so-called pro-Western states of the region, such as Saudi Arabia and some Persian Gulf countries in pursuit of containing the Iranian nuclear threat and its growing regional influence. Saudi Arabia and the Gulf countries became real partners of Israel in confronting Iran. This gives the Israeli state the opportunity to at last enter the regional system and free itself from the traditional image of rogue state among the Muslim countries in the Middle East.
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Levush, Ruth. "Compensation for Victims of Terrorist Actions: Israel as a Case Study." International Journal of Legal Information 32, no. 3 (2004): 582–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500004431.
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The State of Israel has been subjected to numerous terrorist attacks since its establishment in 1948. The issue of rehabilitation, treatment, and compensation of victims of terrorism has been extensively regulated by its law. Special state funds for compensation of victims of terrorism have been established. This brief will describe the management and distribution of state funds to such victims. In addition, the right of victims to collect damages from those responsible for terrorist attacks will be analyzed. Specifically, this brief will explore whether victims of terrorism in Israel, as a precondition for filing for state compensation, are required to waive their rights to sue those responsible for the attack, and whether the State is entitled to reimbursement for money paid to victims. In addition, the right of Israeli victims of terrorism to sue knowing or unknowing tortfeasors and to sue terrorist states or quasi states will be analyzed. Special attention will be made to the application of the doctrine of foreign sovereign immunity to states and bodies responsible for terrorist actions.
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David, Steven R. "Israel's Policy of Targeted Killing." Ethics & International Affairs 17, no. 1 (March 2003): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2003.tb00422.x.
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Since the beginning of the second intifada in the fall of 2000, Israel has pursued a policy in which alleged Palestinian terrorists have been hunted down and killed by government order. The policy is not one of assassination and is consistent with international law because Israel is engaged in armed conflict with terrorists, those targeted are usually killed by conventional military means, not through deception, and the targets of the attacks are not civilians but combatants or are part of a military chain of command. Targeted killing has also been affirmed by Israel's High Court.Although targeted killing has been pursued by Israel throughout its history, the scale of the present effort and the use of sophisticated military assets such as helicopter gunships and jet fighters set it apart from earlier practices. The effectiveness of the policy is called into doubt because it has not prevented–and may have contributed to–record numbers of Israeli civilians being killed. The policy has also resulted in informers being revealed, intelligence resources diverted, potential negotiating partners eliminated. It has also produced murderous retaliation and international condemnation of Israel. Benefits of the policy include impeding the effectiveness of terrorist operations, keeping terrorists on the run, and deterring some attacks. In addition, it affords the Israeli public a sense of revenge and retribution.Because it targets the actual perpetrators of terrorism, targeted killing provides a proportionate and discriminate response to the threat Israel faces. Improving the policy will require better civilian oversight, greater care to eliminate harm to innocent bystanders, and refraining from killing political leaders. Despite its many shortcomings, Israel is justified in pursuing this policy so long as it faces a terrorist threat that the Palestinian Authority will not or cannot control.
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Karl, Marion, Gordon Winder, and Alexander Bauer. "Terrorism and tourism in Israel." Tourism Economics 23, no. 6 (December 27, 2016): 1343–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354816616686417.
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While the relation between terrorism and tourism has been an important topic for tourism research, the questions whether terrorism affects tourism immediately and how long after a terrorism event tourism recovers are, as yet, not clearly answered. The aim of this article is to better understand the magnitude and temporal scale of the impact of terrorism on tourism. To this end, a research model differentiating between short-term and long-term effects of terrorism on tourism is developed and analyzed for the destination Israel using data on tourists from Germany. The results show both short-term and long-term impacts with a time lag between the terrorist event and the beginning of tourism decline of 1 or up to 6 months. An economic influence on the development of tourist arrivals was not detected, but seasonality plays an important role in the relationship between terrorism and tourism.
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Ginach, Michal. "Is it a war against terrorism or a war for terrorism?" Revista Latinoamericana de Psicopatologia Fundamental 9, no. 2 (June 2006): 227–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1415-47142006002004.
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The question of this study has to do with the underlying fantasy behind the Israeli pattern of encounter with Palestinians. In other words, does Israel create that which it claims to fear most, i.e. terrorism? This paper is based on my research in Israel and the United States. It is an attempt to decipher some of the collective unconscious wishes as well as the myth that motivates the Israeli political behavior vis-àvis the Palestinians. To get to this fantasy, I conducted focus groups and interviews out of which I drew the common narratives, and repeated phrases. I also looked at the Israeli political actions as a form of enactment of unconscious wishes.
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Pokrzywiński, Paweł. "Izraelskie ustawodawstwo antyterrorystyczne wobec zagrożeń XXI wieku." Przegląd Bezpieczeństwa Wewnętrznego 13, no. 24 (2021): 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20801335pbw.21.004.13561.
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Artykuł ma na celu przedstawienie założeń Prawa zwalczania terroryzmu uchwalonego w 2016 r. w Izraelu w zakresie definiowania i, zwalczania terroryzmu oraz sankcjonowania przestępstw z nim związanych. Autor ukazuje izraelską percepcję tych zagrożeń uwidaczniającą się w nowym ustawodawstwie. Zostanie ona zestawiona z przepisami obowiązującymi wcześniej, aby pokazać, jak zmieniało się postrzeganie tych zagadnień przez rządzących i jakie zmiany wprowadziło nowe prawo. W tym celu autor zastosuje metodę instytucjonalno-prawną i metodę porównawczą różnicy, a także skorzysta z teorii sekurytyzacji. Przeprowadzona analiza pozwoli mu na stwierdzenie, że z perspektywy rządzących terroryzm jest nadal uważany za główne zagrożenie Państwa Izrael. Prawo z 2016 r. wprowadziło możliwość zastosowania wielu środków nadzwyczajnych w ramach przeciwdziałania temu zjawisku. To pokazuje, że partie, które je uchwaliły, mają jastrzębie spojrzenie na kwestie związane z walką z terroryzmem. Israeli counter-terrorist legislation against the threats of the 21st century The aim of the article is to present objectives of the Israeli Counter-Terrorism Law passed in 2016. The author examines the way of defining and combating terrorism, and the penalty measures related to criminal activity linked with it. Thus, the author shows the Israeli authorities’ perception of threat connected with terrorism. The previous counter-terrorist law is compared with the new one to demonstrate the modification of the vision of security. The article seeks to answer the question what changes and views have been implemented by the new law. To achieve those aims the author used the comparison method and an analysis of the law and the securitization theory. It allowed to state that terrorism is still regarded by Israeli politicians as the main threat for the State of Israel and its citizens. The amended law allowed for the use of many emergency measures. Overall, it exhibits a hawkish stance towards combating terrorism of parties which amended the law.
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PEFFLEY, MARK, MARC L. HUTCHISON, and MICHAL SHAMIR. "The Impact of Persistent Terrorism on Political Tolerance: Israel, 1980 to 2011." American Political Science Review 109, no. 4 (November 2015): 817–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055415000441.
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How do persistent terrorist attacks influence political tolerance, a willingness to extend basic liberties to one's enemies? Studies in the U.S. and elsewhere have produced a number of valuable insights into how citizens respond to singular, massive attacks like 9/11. But they are less useful for evaluating how chronic and persistent terrorist attacks erode support for democratic values over the long haul. Our study focuses on political tolerance levels in Israel across a turbulent 30-year period, from 1980 to 2011, which allows us to distinguish the short-term impact of hundreds of terrorist attacks from the long-term influence of democratic longevity on political tolerance. We find that the corrosive influence of terrorism on political tolerance is much more powerful among Israelis who identify with the Right, who have also become much more sensitive to terrorism over time. We discuss the implications of our findings for other democracies under threat from terrorism.
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Abkar Alkodimi, Khaled. "New Perspectives in the Israel-Palestine Conflict: Righting the Wrong through metaphor in Mornings in Jenin." International Journal of Applied Linguistics and English Literature 8, no. 6 (November 30, 2019): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijalel.v.8n.6p.132.
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Majority of world opinion today is critical of Israel’s role in the current standoff with Palestine fueled by the illegitimate occupation of the West Bank, depriving millions of Palestinians of their homeland. Yet, almost all non-Islamic countries maintain diplomatic relations with Israel, recognizing it as a country. The plight of the Palestinians, especially the children uprooted from their homes and forced to lead lives of depravation as refugees as a result of Israeli occupation has become a subject for insightful writings by many writers and critics, including Abulhawa who in Mornings in Jenin, skillfully employs language to showcase not the political tragedy (though it operates as the background) but the personal one. This paper textually analyzes Abulhawa’s Mornings in Jenin to explore the author’s use of the literary metaphor to expose not only the reality in Palestine, but more importantly, the horror of Israeli violence against Palestinians, trauma both physical and psychological. The study further highlights how the author raises a significant question: Who is the real terrorist in Palestine? The findings show that the novel utilizes several literary techniques to bring forth Israeli terrorism and Palestinian agony under Israeli occupation. Via language use, Abulhawa concludes that it’s the Israeli occupation, brutality and aggression that leads to Palestinian resistance/terrorism. Mornings in Jenin, in other words, is an attempt by Susan Abulhawa to justify the means of resistance concluding that Israel is the actual terrorist and not the Palestinians who have a ‘just cause’ to resist Zionist colonization. What is remarkable is her ingenuous use of literary devices to achieve the desired effect on the readers.
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Fleet, Michael Joshua. "Defense and Counter-Terrorism in Israel." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 26 (March 31, 2015): 66–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.26.5.
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This paper is an analysis of the research question “is the Israeli defence policy of deterrence effective in minimizing domestic-terrorism?” Through a two-part examination of deterrence and then reconciliation, it explains that Israel has adopted an anachronistic geo-political view of the issues in West Bank/Gaza that must be updated to one of domestic counter-terrorism. The author argues that a reconciliation process would be a more effective method of countering domestic terrorism in Israel as it, if done correctly, can address the deeply-entrenched grievances felt by the groups involved with the conflict.
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Merari, Ariel. "Israel Facing Terrorism." Israel Affairs 11, no. 1 (January 2005): 223–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1353712042000324535.
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Bendor, Ariel L. "THE ISRAELI CONSTITUTION AND THE FIGHT AGAINST TERRORISM." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 13, no. 1 & 2 (July 24, 2011): 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c97d4s.
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The obvious security difficulties in Israel also carry problematic political, economic and social consequences. The unique Israeli condition — as a young democratic state, whose mere existence is still not self-evident to all — also has legal implications. In Israel, the law and the courts of law are often involved in resolving political issues, including issues pertaining to foreign and security policy. This involvement is more intensive in Israel than in many other democracies.1 That is why one might be interested in comprehending some legal aspects, especially those of constitutional law, that are present in the background of Israeli reality.
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Seter, Ronit. "Jerusalem and Tel-Aviv: Different News from Israel (or, One More Step Toward Peace) — Three Contemporary Music Festivals." Tempo 59, no. 233 (June 21, 2005): 46–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040298205210239.
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When a Western musician thinks of Israel, the immediate association is of incessant political conflict and terrorism, not the country's rich cultural life. Yet, for a state that has endured one terrorist outrage after another over the last four years, Israel's thriving contemporary music scene — a part of classical music events, blossoming with over 2,300 classical concerts a year — is an astounding feat. In March 2002, while biweekly suicide attacks ended the lives of over 120 Israeli civilians, concert halls were unbelievably full despite the fear, or perhaps just because of it, as a constructive escapism. A year later, still under shaky political and economic conditions, Avigail Arnheim, the director of music events at the Tel-Aviv Museum of Art, and Dan Yuhas, the newly-elected chair of the Israel Composers' League (and the music director of the Israel Contemporary Players) initiated preparations for three concurrent festivals of contemporary music in October 2004. A Western musician, not knowing the details, would think that they were planning events for Berlin and Munich audiences, and not for Tel-Aviv and Jerusalem listeners.
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Deutsch, Michael E., and Erica Thompson. "Secrets and Lies: The Persecution of Muhammad Salah (Part II)." Journal of Palestine Studies 38, no. 1 (2008): 25–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2008.38.1.25.
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Among the handful of high-profile terrorism cases in which the U.S. government has failed to win convictions in jury trials, that of Muhammad Salah stands out. Like the cases against Sami Al-Arian, Abdelhaleem Ashqar, and the Holy Land Foundation, the case against Salah was built on the criminalization of political support for the Palestinian resistance. But while the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is at the core of all four cases, Salah's, unlike the others, was primarily about Israel: the case was manufactured in Israel, the evidence on which it was based was generated in Israel, and its prosecution depended on close U.S.-Israeli cooperation at every turn. Salah, a Palestinian-American Chicago resident and former grocer, was arrested in Israel in January 1993 while on a mission to distribute money to poverty-stricken Palestinians in the occupied territories. Accused of being a U.S.-based Hamas terrorist commander, he was interrogated by Shin Bet, tried before a military tribunal, and spent almost five years in prison in Israel. While the U.S. initially supported Salah and rejected Israel's accusations against him, in January 1995 he became (while still in prison) the first and (to date) only U.S. citizen to be branded a ““specially designated terrorist”” by his government. Upon his return home in November 1997, he was one of the main targets of an intensive terrorism funding investigation, dropped in 2000 for lack of evidence but reactivated in 2002 in the wake of 9/11. In this two-part exclusive report, Salah's lawyers recount for the first time the details of their client's labyrinthine case. Part I focused on the Israeli phase of the story, including the political context of Salah's arrest, and the investigations and legal proceedings launched against him in the United States when he returned. In essence, part I laid the foundation for the trial to come, emphasizing in particular its complex legal underpinnings and implications as well as its importance as a ““test case.”” Part II focuses on the post-9/11 period that unfolded under the George W. Bush Justice Department, starting with Salah's indictment in November 2004, continuing with the two years of contentious pretrial preparations and hearings, and ending with the trial itself. As in part I, the legal dimensions of the case are emphasized, as are the government's maneuvers to advance new standards governing the admissibility of coerced confessions and secret evidence at trial and to manipulate other established principles of the U.S. criminal justice system. This article deals solely with Muhammad Salah, but Abdelhaleem Ashqar, a former professor of business administration in Virginia, was his codefendant at trial. Both were indicted, along with twenty other coconspirators, for participation in a fifteen-year ““racketeering conspiracy”” to ““illegally finance terrorist activities”” in Israel and the occupied territories, as well as for several lesser charges. The two men had never met before the trial opened in October 2006. Despite the common charge, their cases were very different and went forward in parallel fashion, with different lawyers, witnesses, arguments, and entirely separate pretrial proceedings. When the jury trial ended in February 2007, both men were acquitted of all terrorism-related charges.
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Peleg, Kobi, and Bella Savitsky. "Terrorism-Related Injuries Versus Road Traffic Accident–Related Trauma: 5 Years of Experience in Israel." Disaster Medicine and Public Health Preparedness 3, no. 4 (December 2009): 196–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/dmp.0b013e3181c12734.
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ABSTRACTBackground: Terrorism victims comprise the minority among trauma injured people, but this small population imposes a burden on the health care system. Thirty percent of the population injured in terrorist activities experienced severe trauma (injury severity score ≥16), more than half of them need a surgical procedure, and 25% of the population affected by terrorism had been admitted to intensive care. Furthermore, compared with patients with non–terrorism-related trauma, victims of terrorism often arrive in bulk, as part of a mass casualty event. This poses a sudden load on hospital resources and requires special organization and preparedness. The present study compared terrorism-related and road accident–related injuries and examined clinical characteristics of both groups of patients.Methods: This study is a retrospective study of all patients injured through terrorist acts and road traffic accidents from September 29, 2000 to December 31, 2005, and recorded in the Israel Trauma Registry. Data on the nature of injuries, treatment, and outcome were obtained from the registry. Medical diagnoses were extracted from the registry and classified based on International Classification of Diseases coding. Diagnoses were grouped to body regions, based on the Barell Injury Diagnosis Matrix.Results: The study includes 2197 patients with terrorism-related injuries and 30,176 patients injured in road traffic accidents. All in all, 27% of terrorism-related casualties suffered severe to critical injuries, comparing to 17% among road traffic accident–related victims. Glasgow Coma Scale scores ≤8, measured in the emergency department, were among 12.3% of terrorism victims, in contrast with 7.4% among people injured on the roads. The terrorism victims had a significantly higher rate of use of intensive care facilities (24.2% vs 12.4%). The overall inpatient death rate was 6.0% among terrorism victims and 2.4% among those injured in road traffic accidents.Conclusions: Casualties from terrorist events are more severely injured and require more resources relative to casualties from road traffic accidents. (Disaster Med Public Health Preparedness. 2009;3:196–200)
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Lutz, James M. "Jewish Terrorism in Israel." European Legacy 19, no. 5 (July 25, 2014): 657. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2014.943507.
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Perliger, Arie, Badi Hasisi, and Ami Pedahzur. "Policing Terrorism in Israel." Criminal Justice and Behavior 36, no. 12 (November 11, 2009): 1279–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0093854809345827.
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Bassil, Charbel. "The Effect of Terrorism on Tourism Demand in the Middle East." Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 20, no. 4 (December 1, 2014): 669–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/peps-2014-0032.
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AbstractThis paper uses a seemingly unrelated regression model (SUR) to test the individual effects of domestic and transnational terrorism on tourism demand to Lebanon, Turkey and Israel over the period 1995–2007. Tourism demand is measured by the logarithm of the number of arrivals to each country. Moreover, this paper tests whether tourism depends on the magnitude of the terrorist attacks by disaggregating terrorism into three levels of intensity – low, medium and high. The results show significant own and spillover effects for domestic and transnational terrorism on tourism demand to each of the three selected countries. In addition, the results show that the effect of terrorism on tourism depends on the intensities of the terrorist attacks.
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Shahrabani, Shosh, Sharon Teitler-Regev, Helena Desivilya Syna, Evangelos Tsoukatos, Vitor Ambrosio, Sandra Maria Correia Loureiro, and Fotini Voulgaris. "The effects of socio-political context on Tourism." EuroMed Journal of Business 15, no. 1 (November 21, 2019): 22–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/emjb-08-2018-0050.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the effects of tourists’ perceptions of political and economic instability and risks of terrorism on their intentions to travel to countries associated with various risks. Design/methodology/approach A total of 648 Greek, Israeli and Portuguese students completed a questionnaire focusing on their perceptions concerning factors that shape their travel decisions. Findings The findings showed that among tourists from Greece and Portugal, the experience of economic crisis and the salience of economic and political hardships mitigated their intentions to travel to destinations with similar problems. These factors had no effect on Israelis, who have not experienced such problems in their country. Frequent terrorist incidents diminished the intentions of Greek tourists to travel to destinations marked by terrorism, such as Israel. Thus, different factors affect tourists’ travel-related decisions in each of the three countries. Originality/value The study sheds light on how potential tourists construe the risks of traveling to specific destination countries based on hazards in their home countries, a topic that to date has received little research attention.
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Kumar, Deepa. "Terrorcraft: empire and the making of the racialised terrorist threat." Race & Class 62, no. 2 (July 3, 2020): 34–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396820930523.
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Terrorism is so associated with Arabs, Muslims and South Asians that it has become common sense in the post 9/11 world. Drawing on various bodies of scholarship, this article traces the complex evolution of ‘race’ in relation to Arabs and Muslims from the 1960s to mid-’80s, alongside changing notions of ‘terrorism’, to advance an argument about the historically contingent nature of the racialised terrorist threat. The author argues that ‘terrorcraft’ – or terrorist racialisation – is a process. First, the racialised terrorist was crafted deep in the US empire. Counter-insurgency doctrine was instrumental in the US security state’s creation of the ‘Arab terrorist’ through racial profiling. Second, the ideology of terrorcraft followed, rather than preceded, the security state’s racialising practices, though racial stereotypes of Arabs and Muslims pre-date the 1960s. The ‘Arab terrorist’ is a new project of racial formation, the author argues. Third, the US’s strategic alliance with Israel after 1967 and two conferences organised by the Israeli Jonathan Institute laid the basis for the transatlantic production of terrorcraft. Over time, it evolved from its initial focus on Arabs to include Muslims during the 1980s and South Asians in the 1990s.
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Cohen-Louck, Keren. "Perception of the Threat of Terrorism." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 34, no. 5 (April 28, 2016): 887–911. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260516646091.
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In light of the tense and ongoing security situation in Israel, one important issue that needs to be analyzed and understood is the perception of terrorism threats. Most studies focused mainly on the psychological implications of terrorist acts; this study examines the complexity of the manner in which the individual perceives the threat of terrorism. In all, 40 Israeli adults (22 women and 18 men) were interviewed using semistructured in-depth interviews. Qualitative analysis indicates that the components of the perception of terrorism that construct the evaluation and subjective perception of the participants are as follows: (a) perception of control, which is a feeling of loss of control and helplessness due to uncertainty, inability to predict threats, and the vagueness of the threat; (b) perception of vulnerability to the threat, such as a feeling of vulnerability to and potential victimization by terrorism; and (c) perception of fear of terrorism that includes responses of fear, anxiety, feeling of danger, and emotional distress. In addition, gender differences were found in the analysis. The findings of this study help gain a better understanding as to how people perceive the threat of terrorism. The findings also enable an understanding of the complexity of living under ongoing terrorism threats and may assist in understanding how citizens cope with and adjust to this threat.
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Kapeliouk, Amnon. "Israel, Terrorism, and the PLO." Journal of Palestine Studies 16, no. 1 (1986): 187–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537044.
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Kapeliouk, Amnon. "Israel, Terrorism, and the PLO." Journal of Palestine Studies 16, no. 1 (October 1986): 187–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1986.16.1.00p0028o.
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Meisels, Tamar. "Targeted killing with drones? Old arguments, new technologies." Filozofija i drustvo 29, no. 1 (2018): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1801003m.
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The question of how to contend with terrorism in keeping with our preexisting moral and legal commitments now challenges Europe as well as Israel and the United States: how do we apply Just War Theory and International Law to asymmetrical warfare, specifically to our counter terrorism measures? What can the classic moral argument in Just and Unjust Wars teach us about contemporary targeted killings with drones? I begin with a defense of targeted killing, arguing for the advantages of pin pointed attacks over any alternative measure available for combatting terrorism. Assuming the legitimacy of killing combatants in wartime, I argue, there is nothing wrong, and in fact much that is right, with targeting particular terrorists selected by name, as long as their assassinations can be reasonably expected to reduce terrorist hostilities rather than increase it. Subsequently, I offer some further thoughts and comments on the use of remotely piloted aircrafts to carry out targeted killings, and address the various sources for discomfort with this practice identified by Michael Walzer and others.
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Mubarok, Kiagus Zaenal. "Pembuktian Israel Sebagai Pelaku State-Terrorism." Padjadjaran Journal of International Relations 2, no. 1 (May 31, 2020): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/padjir.v2i1.27365.
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Definisi mengenai terorisme sangat beragam namun masih sedikit yang menyepakati bahwa negara sangat mungkin melakukan terorisme. Dalam kasus Palestina-Israel, pasca UN Partition Plan 181 tahun 1947, milisi-milisi Zionis telah melakukan berbagai aksi kekerasan dengan tujuan untuk mengusir warga Arab Palestina dari wilayah yang ditetapkan oleh PBB sebagai calon negara Israel. Setelah Israel resmi dideklarasikan pada 14 Mei 1948, aksi-aksi kekerasan itu terus berlanjut dan dilakukan oleh militer Israel. Penelitian ini berupaya menjawab pertanyaan apakah aksi-aksi kekerasan yang dilakukan Israel dapat dikategorikan sebagai state-terrorism dan di dalam artikel ini telah dibuktikan bahwa Israel memenuhi ketiga karakteristik terorisme, yaitu melakukan kekerasan, menciptakan ketakutan di tengah populasi, dan aksi kekerasan itu bertujuan untuk mengubah perilaku bangsa Palestina agar tidak lagi memperjuangkan kemerdekaan mereka. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan metode kualitatif dengan menelaah berbagai dokumen, artikel jurnal, dan pemberitaan media massa..
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CHRISTISON, KATHLEEN. "““ALL THOSE OLD ISSUES””: GEORGE W. BUSH AND THE PALESTINIAN-ISRAELI CONFLICT." Journal of Palestine Studies 33, no. 2 (January 1, 2004): 36–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2004.33.2.36.
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Despite an array of formulas for peace put forth during his administration, President Bush and his policy-making team have been almost totally uninterested in involving the United States in any serious effort to resolve the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The quick demise of all peace initiatives——each of which succumbed to the administration's focus on terrorism rather than on Israel's occupation as the root of the conflict——is testimony to the Bush team's near total identification with Israel's interests. This article examines the Bush administration's bias toward Israel and the factors influencing that approach: Bush's own willful ignorance of the situation on the ground and lack of concern for Palestinian grievances, his apparent personal rapport with Ariel Sharon, and the strong domestic political pressures on him, including from the pro-Israel lobby, Congress, neoconservatives, and the fundamentalist Christian lobby. All these factors combine to make any U.S. pressures on Israel highly unlikely.
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Hassan, Riaz. "Global Rise of Suicide Terrorism: An Overview." Asian Journal of Social Science 36, no. 2 (2008): 271–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853108x298743.
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AbstractSuicide attacks are the targeted use of self-destructing humans against a perceived enemy for political ends. After reviewing terrorism and suicide terrorism trends between 1980 and 2003 the paper shows that suicide attacks have increased dramatically between 2004 and 2005 and have become a global phenomenon. Three main sites of suicide terrorism namely, Iraq, Israel and Sri Lanka are examined in some detail including information about the main terrorist groups responsible for sponsoring suicide attacks and some profiles of individuals involved. The paper then examines the main sociological explanations of suicide attacks, including a description of the strategic logic behind these atrocities, and the notion of life being a weapon. It concludes with an overview of the recommendations emerging from studies that seek to prevent suicide terrorism.
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Mitts, Tamar. "Terrorism and the Rise of Right-Wing Content in Israeli Books." International Organization 73, no. 1 (September 24, 2018): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818318000383.
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AbstractIn the past few years the Western world has witnessed a rise in the popularity of right-wing political discourse promoting nationalistic and exclusionary world views. While in many countries such rhetoric has surfaced in mainstream politics only recently, in Israel, right-wing ideology has been popular for almost two decades. Explanations for this phenomenon focus on Israeli citizens’ attitudinal change in the face of exposure to terrorism but largely do not account for why such ideas remain popular over the long term, even after violence subsides. In this study I examine whether the long-lasting prominence of right-wing nationalistic politics in Israel is linked to the perpetuation of right-wing ideology in popular media. Analyzing the content of more than 70,000 published books, I find that content related to the political right has increased in Israeli books after periods of terrorism, a change that has become more pronounced over the years.
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ROMANOV, DMITRI, ASAF ZUSSMAN, and NOAM ZUSSMAN. "Does Terrorism Demoralize? Evidence from Israel." Economica 79, no. 313 (December 13, 2010): 183–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0335.2010.00868.x.
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Waisman, Yehezkel, Limor Aharonson-Daniel, Meirav Mor, Lisa Amir, and Kobi Peleg. "The Impact of Terrorism on Children: A Two-Year Experience." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 18, no. 3 (September 2003): 242–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00001114.
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AbstractObjectives:To review and analyze the cumulative two-year, Israeli experience with medical care for children victims of terrorism during the prehospital and hospital phases.Methods:Data were collected from the: (1) Magen David Adom National Emergency Medical System Registry (prehospital phase); (2) medical records from the authors’ institutions (pediatric triage); and (3) Israel Tr auma Registry (injury characteristics and utilization of in-hospital resources). Statistical analyses were performed as appropriate.Introduction:During the recent wave of violence in Israel and the surrounding region, hundreds of children have been exposed to and injured by terrorist attacks. There is a paucity of data on the epidemiology and management of terror-related trauma in the pediatric population and its effects on the healthcare system. This study focuses on four aspects of terrorism-related injuries: (1) tending to victims in the prehospital phase; (2) triage, with a description of a modified, pediatric triage algorithm; (3) characteristics of trauma-related injuries in children; and (4) utilization of in-hospital resources.Results:During the study period, 41 mass-casualty events (MCEs) were managed by Magen David Adom. Each event involved on average, 32 regular and nine mobile intensive care unit ambulances with 93 medics, 19 paramedics, and four physicians. Evacuation time was 5–10 minutes in urban areas and 15–20 minutes in rural areas. In most cases, victims were evacuated to multiple facilities. To improve efficiency and speed, the Magen David Adom introduced the use of well-trained “first-responders” and volunteer, off-duty professionals, in addition to “scoop and run” on-the-scene management. Because of differences in physiology and response between children and adults, a pediatric triage algorithm was developed using four categories instead of the usual three. Analysis of the injuries sustained by the 160 children hospitalized after these events indicates that most were caused by blasts and penetration by foreign objects. Sixty-five percent of the children had multiple injuries, and the proportion of critical to fatal injuries was high (18%). Compared to children with non-terrorism-related injuries, the terrorism-related group had a higher rate of surgical interventions, longer hospital stays, and greater needs for rehabilitation services.Conclusion:Terrorism-related injuries in children are severe and increase the demand for acute care. The modifications in the management of pedi-atric casualties from terrorism in Israel may contribute to the level of preparedness of medical and paramedical personnel to cope with future events. Further studies of other aspects of traumatic injuries, such as its short- and long-term psychological consequences, will provide a more comprehensive picture of the damage inflicted on children by acts of terrorism.
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Metcalfe, Christi, and Olivia Hodge. "Empowering the police to fight terrorism in Israel." Criminology & Criminal Justice 18, no. 5 (November 10, 2017): 585–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748895817739664.
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Police agencies are often seen as reliant on the public to give them the authority and power necessary to carry out their responsibilities, including controlling crime. As many police agencies begin to take on counterterrorism functions, this empowerment of the police is necessary in their fight against terrorism. To our knowledge, no study to date has focused on the empowerment of the police in their counterterrorism role and the factors that influence the willingness of the public to afford the police discretionary authority in terrorism matters. Using a sample of Israeli Jewish adults, we assess the impact of legitimacy-based evaluations, as well as fear of terrorism and political ideologies, on the public’s willingness to empower the police to handle homeland security matters. Police legitimacy and political ideology have a direct impact on police empowerment, while procedural justice, police performance, distributive fairness, and fear of victimization by terrorism also have indirect effects.
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Kratcoski, Peter C., Mag Maximilian Edelbacher, and Dilip K. Das. "Terrorist Victimization: Prevention, Control and Recovery." International Review of Victimology 8, no. 3 (September 2001): 257–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026975800100800302.
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An Ancillary Meeting on the topic of ‘Terrorist Victimization: Prevention, Control, and Recovery’ was held at the United Nations Center in Vienna, Austria on Wednesday, April 12, 2000 in conjunction with the Tenth United Nations Congress on the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders. The Congress focused on ‘Crime and Justice: Meeting the Challenges of the 21 st Century.’ The Ancillary Meeting was sponsored by the State University of New York, Plattsburgh, USA and chaired by Dr. Dilip K. Das, Professor in the Department of Sociology and Criminal Justice at that University. The speakers included Alex P. Schmid, Officer-in-Charge, Terrorism Prevention Branch, United Nations; George H. Millard, Sao Paulo, Brazil, Dr. Ely Karmon, Senior Research Scholar, International Policy Institute for Counter-Terrorism, Kerzlyia, Israel; and Dr. Harvey W. Kushner, Professor and Chair, Department of Criminal Justice and Security Administration, Long Island University, Brookville, New York, USA. Other presentations were made by Dr. David Rapoport, University of California, Los Angeles, California, USA; Niles Lathem, The New York Post, Washington, D.C., USA, Arvind Verma, Department of Criminal Justice, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana, USA, Dr. S. Subramanian, Raghavendra Nagar Shvrampally, Hyderabad, India, George Ballard, Grand Valley State University, Allendale, Michigan, USA and Boaz Ganor, International Policy Institute for Counter-Terrorism, Herzlyia, Israel. In the presentations by speakers from Europe, North America, North Africa, the Middle East, Asia and South America and in the ensuing discussions, a wide variety of issues, concerns, and prevention strategies were covered in a global framework, and also applied to situations in specific countries and continents. The papers and the sessions focused on a number of themes, including an assessment of the main contemporary trends in terrorism, the politicalization of terrorism, the effects that terrorism has on primary and secondary victims, the linkage of terrorism with organized crime, and the measures that governments, international organizations, and justice agencies can take to curtail and eradicate terrorism, including international cooperative efforts.
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Takeyh, Ray. "Iran, Israel and the Politics of Terrorism." Survival 48, no. 4 (December 2006): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396330601062691.
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Kliot, Nurit, and Igal Charney. "The geography of suicide terrorism in Israel." GeoJournal 66, no. 4 (August 2006): 353–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10708-006-9034-z.
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Boukala, Salomi. "False reasoning and argumentation in the Twitter discourse of the Prime Minister of Israel." Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict 6, no. 1 (July 2, 2018): 58–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlac.00003.bou.
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Abstract This paper explores the Twitter discourse of the Prime Minister of Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu, regarding security issues and the threat of ‘Islamist terrorism’ as manifested in the latest election campaign (March 2015) and his tweets and statements on Operation Protective Edge (July – August 2014). By focusing on national security and the underlying threat of terrorism against Israel and the West on Twitter, I argue that Netanyahu disseminates his political agenda further and attempts to communicate political decisions on the Gaza conflict in a digital environment. By synthesizing Aristotle’s dialectic and rhetoric and the Discourse Historical Approach (DHA) to Critical Discourse Studies (CDS), and drawing on the concepts of topos and fallacy, I attempt to understand and explain how the Gaza conflict is communicated on social media by the Israeli Prime Minister. My aim is also to shed light on the validity of social media in political discourse and to examine whether and how social media can play a role in the propagation of political discourse in times of crisis through an argumentative discourse analysis of the tweets posted by the Prime Minister of Israel.
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Vertigans, Stephen. "Social Barriers to Peace: Socialisation Processes in the Radicalisation of the Palestinian Struggle." Sociological Research Online 9, no. 3 (August 2004): 79–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.967.
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Contemporary analysis of the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians tends to focus upon Islamic terrorism and Israeli state aggression. Representations and analysis are dominated by media images of terrorist/freedom fighters atrocities and military incursions. Explanations have concentrated upon ‘tit-for-tat’ killings and, in the case of Islamic terrorists/freedom fighters, their actions are seen as acts of desperation against a backdrop of materialist exclusion. These accounts often inform about current events but do not develop broad levels of understanding and explanation that are required if the reasons for the contemporary nature of radicalism within the conflict are to be established. This paper aims to address why violence is increasing today when many of the issues facing Palestinians have been experienced for generations. It is argued that while material problems are central to understanding the long-term conflict, social experiences and interactions are also crucial to understanding the contemporary situation. Consequently attention within this paper is placed upon changes in socialisation processes and discursive consciousness that have become instrumental in the radicalisation of many Palestinians and as such are barriers to peace.
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Zachary, Shlomy. "Between the Geneva Conventions: Where Does the Unlawful Combatant Belong?" Israel Law Review 38, no. 1-2 (2005): 378–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700012772.
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The growing impact of terrorist acts in the past few years has lead to dramatic changes in the internal laws of the growing number of States that suffer from terrorism, but has also lead to various attempts to adapt international law - more specifically, the International Laws of War - to the new situation or threat, as many perceive it. The Laws of War, like most areas of Public International Law, deal with the relations between nations, while hardly dealing with non-governmental entities like terrorist organisations or the individual terrorist, thereby creating an apparent legal “loophole”. One of the solutions found by States in order to deal, legally, with terrorists, was by defining them “unlawful combatants”.This essay tries to examine the development of the term “unlawful combatant”, by examining some complications that might occur from the use of the term “unlawful combatant” as an intermediate, new status in international law. By using it as a new status. States try to exclude terrorists from finding protection under the Geneva Conventions, which are intended to safeguard various individuals during armed conflicts. After examining the term “unlawful combatant”, both from an historical and legal aspect, this essay will attempt to show that the existing Laws of War, which acknowledge only two statuses – the ‘civilian’ and the ‘combatant’ – provide a satisfactory solution to the problem of terrorism in its non-governmental sense. After exploring recent policies and legal developments in Israel and the Unites States, countries that use the term “unlawful combatant”, this essay will criticise the ambiguity of these definitions, and point out future problems that might arise from this ambiguity during armed conflicts.
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GETMANSKY, ANNA, and THOMAS ZEITZOFF. "Terrorism and Voting: The Effect of Rocket Threat on Voting in Israeli Elections." American Political Science Review 108, no. 3 (July 28, 2014): 588–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055414000288.
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How does the threat of becoming a victim of terrorism affect voting behavior? Localities in southern Israel have been exposed to rocket attacks from the Gaza Strip since 2001. Relying on variation across time and space in the range of rockets, we identify the effect of this threat on voting in Israeli elections. We first show that the evolution of the rockets’ range leads to exogenous variation in the threat of terrorism. We then compare voting in national elections within and outside the rockets’ range. Our results suggest that the right-wing vote share is 2 to 6 percentage points higher in localities that are within the range—a substantively significant effect. Unlike previous studies that explore the role of actual exposure to terrorism on political preferences and behavior, we show that the mere threat of an attack affects voting.
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Murphy, Sean D. "Self-Defense and the Israeli Wall Advisory Opinion: An Ipse Dixit from the ICJ?" American Journal of International Law 99, no. 1 (January 2005): 62–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3246090.
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In October 2003, the Israeli permanent representative addressed the United Nations General Assembly on why Israel felt compelled to build a lengthy barrier spanning hundreds of kilometers across certain areas of the occupied West Bank of the Jordan River. Among other things, Ambassador Dan Gillernian stated: [A] security fence has proven itself to be one of the most effective non-violent methods lor preventing terrorism in the heart of civilian areas. The fence is a measure wholly consistent with the right of States to self-defence enshrined in Article 51 of the Charter. International law and Security Council resolutions, including resolutions 1368 (2001) and 1373 (2001), have clearly recognized the right of States to use force in self-defence against terrorist attacks, and therefore surely recognize the right to use non-forcible measures to that end.
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Daoud, Suheir Abu Oksa. "Israel and the Islamist Challenge: Old Dilemmas, New Approaches." Politics and Religion 12, no. 1 (July 30, 2018): 55–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000263.
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AbstractThis paper explains Israel's decision to outlaw the Islamic Movement Northern Faction in Israel (IMNF) and examines the methods and strategies adopted by the IMNF and its leaders that prompted the state's actions. Based on the British Defense Regulations from the British Mandate for Palestine, the State of Israel outlawed the IMNF on November 17, 2015, accusing the group of incitement, racism, and terrorism. Sheykh Kamal Khatib, former deputy leader of IMNF, declared that the IMNF had been a tool to serve the Islamic project and regardless of having been outlawed, the movement “would find a “thousand ways” to serve that project.’” I argue that the IMNF's shift in focus from the Palestinians to the larger Muslim community disrupted politics within Israel. Even so, Israel's policy change was based on political and personal calculations, rather than on national and regional security pressures.
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Cristal, Moty. "Negotiating under the Cross: The Story of the Forty Day Siege of the Church of Nativity." International Negotiation 8, no. 3 (2003): 549–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571806031310743.
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AbstractThis article provides an insider's observation of negotiations with terrorists, in particular, the negotiation process carried out by Israel and armed Palestinians who were barricaded in the Church of Nativity in Bethlehem. By applying various negotiation methodologies, the author describes the challenges, strategies and methods used by the military Crisis Negotiation Unit to manage and resolve this international crisis, and draws general lessons for future negotiation situations developed within the modern counter-terrorism arena.
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Ellenberg, MD, MPH, PhD, Eytan, Mark Taragin, MD, MPH, Zvia Bar-On, MD, MHA, Osnat Cohen, SW, and Ishay Ostfeld, MD, MHA. "Terrorism reports: The tip of the iceberg." American Journal of Disaster Medicine 12, no. 4 (October 1, 2017): 257–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5055/ajdm.2017.0278.
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Importance: Medical impact of terror is a public health issue as the threat is growing all over the world.Objective: Our objective was to compare the number of injured and incidents in the three different databases and reports [Global Terrorism Database (GTD), Israeli Security Agency (ISA) and National Insurance Institute (NII)] in Israel.Design: Retrospective study.Setting: Analyses of three different databases (GTD, ISA and NII) and basic comparison.Main Outcome(s) and Measure(s): The victims reimbursed for medical expenses are the largest population. The number of injured as described by GTD and ISA database are less important. The 2010-2013 years are marked by more incidents recognized in Israel vs GTD assessment (except in 2014).Conclusions and Relevance: The number of victims being reimbursed for medical and mental health services is radically different from the GTD and the ISA reports. Public Health specialists should be advised of this phenomenon to deliver their right approach (including mental health) to growing threat and develop new definition of victim of terror.
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Bar-Dayan, Yaron, Moti Hagby, Avishay Goldberg, Steven Becker, and Dagan Schwartz. "Health implications of radiological terrorism: Perspectives from Israel." Journal of Emergencies, Trauma and Shock 2, no. 2 (2009): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.4103/0974-2700.50747.
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El-Sarraj, Eyad, and Lenore Meldrum. "The Impact of Terrorism on Palestinians in Israel." Journal of Trauma Practice 1, no. 3-4 (June 2002): 125–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j189v01n03_07.
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Ayalon, Ofra, and Frances S. Waters. "The Impact of Terrorism on Jews in Israel." Journal of Trauma Practice 1, no. 3-4 (June 2002): 133–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j189v01n03_08.
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MacKinney, John. "The Balance of Pain: Terrorism Deterrence in Israel." Comparative Strategy 34, no. 1 (January 2015): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495933.2015.991631.
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Allo, Awol. "Marwan Barghouti in Tel Aviv." Social & Legal Studies 26, no. 1 (August 1, 2016): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0964663916651000.
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On 15 April 2002, Marwan Barghouti, a high profile Member of the Palestinian Parliament and a close aide of the late Palestinian leader, Yasir Arafat, was arrested and transferred to Israel for trial. On 14 August 2002, he was charged with multiple counts of crimes including acts of terrorism, murder and conspiracy to murder. In the Courtroom in Tel-Aviv, Barghouti was being tried for acts of terrorism, but in the court of public opinion, Israel was using the trial to slander and discredit the Palestinian leadership as a bunch of ‘murderous gangs,’ and ‘enemies of all mankind.’ On his part, Barghouti uses the judicial space to go beyond the surface problem of law and legality to the deeper question of occupation – a problem that is at the depth but also all across the normative structure of Israel’s legal order. Through re-signification, the accused becomes the accuser, putting the state of Israel and the occupation on trial. In this article, I consider the ways in which the accused and the accuser repurpose the legal material to produce and disseminate ideas, concepts, and images productive to their respective politics. Attending to the ways in which discourses of occupation, resistance, and terrorism were synchronized with the legal form, the article reflects on how the narratives move from the legal to the political, from the personal to the social, from the local to the global, and from the theological to the political, creating the conditions of possibility for meaning and understanding.
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Slater, Jerome. "Muting the Alarm over the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: The New York Times versus Haaretz, 2000–06." International Security 32, no. 2 (October 2007): 84–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2007.32.2.84.
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The prospects for a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict remain poor, largely because of Israeli rigidity as well as Palestinian policies and internal conflicts. The United States has failed to use its considerable influence with Israel to seek the necessary changes in Israeli policies, instead providing the country with almost unconditional support. The consequences have been disastrous for the Palestinians, for Israeli security and society, and for critical U.S. national interests in the Middle East. Amajor explanation for the failure of U.S. policies is the largely uninformed and uncritical mainstream and even elite media coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the United States. In contrast, the debate in Israel is more self-critical, vigorous, and far-ranging, creating at least the possibility of change, even as U.S. policy stagnates. Acomparison of the coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by the two most prestigious daily newspapers in the United States and Israel—in particular, over the breakdown of the peace process in 2000 and the ensuing Palestinian intifada, the nature of the Israeli occupation, the problem of violence and terrorism, and the prospects for peace today—underscores these differences. While the New York Times has muted the alarm over the dangers of the United States' near-unconditional support for Israeli policies toward the Palestinians, Haaretz has sought to sound the alarm.
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Gambill, Gary C. "The Balance of Terror: War by Other Means in the Contemporary Middle East." Journal of Palestine Studies 28, no. 1 (1998): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538055.
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This article analyzes how both state and nonstate actors in the Middle East have used terrorism as a policy instrument to attain specific political objectives. The author presents a formula for measuring the utility of terrorism with respect to several important variables. The seventeen-day clash between Israel and Hizballah in April 1996 is accorded special attention because of the virtually exclusive reliance on terrorism by both sides.
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Machitidze, G. G. "Iran’s Fight against International Terrorism." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 5 (November 11, 2020): 252–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-5-74-252-265.
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Abstract: The article analyzes the reasons that prompted the Arab states to consolidate their efforts and create the League of Arab States. Attention is focused on the deep differences that existed between the states that came forward with the idea of strengthening Arab unity and determined the nature of this regional organization and the features of its charter, which provided its members with the opportunity to preserve their political system, sovereignty and the specifics of foreign policy.The heterogeneous nature of LAS had an impact on its the goals and objectives. The focus of this organization was to protect pan-Arab interests and support all Arab states in achieving political independence.The aggravation of the situation in Palestine after the Second World War became a central item on the agenda of all the Arab League meetings. This organization indicated its position on the Palestinian issue in the preparatory period for its official proclamation. The article discusses the activities of the Arab League, aimed at introducing a complete boycott of Israel, which, amid expansion of the Arab League, other Arab states also joined. The Arab-Israeli conflict, due to the targeted efforts of the Arab League, consolidated the Arab geopolitical community and contributed to the formation of a national Arab identity. The LAS in its documents built a common Arab narrative, having two underpinnings: the recognition of the Palestinian Arab people as a victim of the Western powers and Zionists, as well as foreign policy of Israel.The article traces the relationship between the activities of the Arab League and the changes that have occurred in the regional and international environment. The gradual transition of the Arab League to the search for a political settleme maintain Arab unity by using the traditional tool – the unresolved Arab-Israeli conflict. The LAS member-states should have taken a pan-Arab stance on the settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict in order to preserve national identity. The refusal of all Arab League members to accept the American settlement plan, proposed by D. Trump administration in early 2020, was a confirmation that this regional organization retains its position as a defender of Arab unity and pan-Arab interests.