Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Israel and Terrorism'
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1
Smith, Jerry D. "Israel's counter-terrorism strategy and its effectiveness /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Mar%5FSmith.pdf.
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Smith, Jerry D. "The Effectiveness of Israel's counter-terrorism strategy." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2251.
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This thesis analyzes Israeli counter-terrorism strategy and its effectiveness. Because of ongoing suicide attacks from Palestinian and other terrorist organizations, Israel will continue to have an aggressive counter-terrorism strategy. It will study how the impact of past wars, campaigns, and deadly terrorist attacks influenced the thinking of past and current leaders. By gauging the actions, and sometimes nonactions, of the international community, the Israeli government declined to become paralyzed by U.N. and world-wide condemnation of its aggressive counter-terrorism strategies. The Israelis vehemently believe the security of the nation relies on what the Israeli Defense Force (IDF), the Israeli Security Agency (ISA), and Shin Bet do to counter terrorism, not outside governments. The IDF, ISA, and Shin Bet employ three different measures in an attempt to thwart terrorist attacks both in Israel and the Occupied Territories. Defensive, operative, and punitive measures are used in different phases of terrorist attacks in an attempt to protect the lives of Israeli citizens. Of all the three measures used by the IDF and other security agencies, defensive actions have by far been the most effective to date is included.
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Brennen, Lisa M. "Hezbollah psychological warfare against Israel." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/March/09Mar%5FBrennen.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Kadhim, Abbas ; Baylouny, Anne Marie. "March 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 23, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: Hezbollah, Israel, psychological warfare, information operations, strategic communications, guerrilla warfare, fourth generation warfare, terrorism, Islamic. Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-84). Also available in print.
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Ruwel, Sandra Goldman. "Processo de institucionalização da atividade de inteligência prisional : um estudo de caso sobre Israel." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/131622.
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Este é um estudo sobre como se dá o processo de institucionalização da Atividade de Inteligência Prisional, ou seja, a incorporação institucional da prática da atividade de inteligência no âmbito prisional (AIP), considerando as variáveis da legitimidade e da efetividade. Com o objetivo de melhor compreender esse processo, a pesquisa verificou o caso específico da institucionalização da inteligência prisional israelense, seu contexto político, administrativo e da inteligência de segurança pública de Israel, bem como buscou determinar indicadores necessários a um processo de institucionalização de inteligência prisional eficiente e legítima. No processo em tela é realizada a contextualização do estudo de inteligência prisional dentro de uma análise mais ampla da área de inteligência, com o exame dos principais pressupostos teóricos a respeito do tema e o exame dos indicadores necessários a um processo de institucionalização da inteligência prisional eficiente e legítima. Para tanto, foi utilizado o método de estudo de caso único com pesquisa qualitativa (relatos dos entrevistados), observação participante (investigação nos estabelecimentos carcerários de Israel) e material teórico coletado em Israel (legislações, reportagens, artigos acadêmicos e pesquisas de opinião). A conclusão a que se chega é a de que a criação da AIP foi um fenômeno causado por atos intencionais, uma resposta às necessidades dos governantes (por meio do puro cálculo estratégico), com o objetivo principal de implementar seu domínio sobre a população carcerária, buscando informações sobre a atuação e articulação dos presos terroristas e resolvendo problemas informacionais relacionados à defesa nacional e da ordem pública. A efetividade foi preliminarmente comprovada pela demonstração, quanto ao seu impacto, de que a AIP tem condições de realizar a identificação e o acompanhamento dos presos e suas respectivas facções, de reduzir o crime organizado dentro e fora dos presídios, de antecipar crises e de neutralizar ameaças; quanto ao processo, possui uma complexidade organizacional bastante satisfatória e alto nível de profissionalização de seus agentes; no tocante à legitimidade, por sua vez, foi identificada estabilidade, bom desempenho institucional, existência de mandatos legais regulando a AIP e mecanismos de controle diversos. Porém, constatou-se problemas em relação à transparência/confiança de sua atuação, pois ela é considerada legítima quando o país se encontra em estado de guerra, de conflitos armados, com homens-bomba, terrorismo latente e ataques internos e externos que ameaçam a segurança nacional. Portanto, ela é justificada de acordo com a gravidade da situação, uma vez que se impõem medidas para neutralizá-la. Em tempos de relativa paz, a legitimidade é bastante contestada. Deduzimos que Israel demonstra uma maior preocupação com a eficácia da AIP do que com sua legitimidade (isto é, menos restrições sobre as fontes e a metodologia da Inteligência) e que há uma relação trade-off entre legitimidade e efetividade: o processo de institucionalização não apresentou equilíbrio entre a legitimidade, que nunca foi constante, e a efetividade, que se manteve como tal. A elaboração da presente tese levou à conclusão de que houve um efetivo processo de institucionalização da atividade de inteligência prisional israelense ao longo da trajetória que compreendeu o período de 2000 a 2010.This is a study on the process of institutionalization of Prison Intelligence Activity, namely, the institutional embodiment of the practice of intelligence activity within prisons (IAP), considering the variables of legitimacy and effectiveness. In order to better understand this process, we studied the specific case of institutionalization of Israeli prison intelligence, its political and administrative context and the public safety intelligence of Israel, and as well we sought to determine indicators required for a prison intelligence institutionalization process effective and legitimate. It performs the contextualization of prison intelligence study within a broader analysis of the intelligence area, with the examination of the main theoretical assumptions on the subject and the examination of indicators required for a prison intelligence institutionalization process effective and legitimate. To this end, we use the method of single case study with qualitative research (reports of respondents), participant observation (research in correctional facilities of Israel) and theoretical material collected in Israel (legislation, reports, scholarly articles and opinion polls). We concluded that the creation of IAP was a phenomena caused by intentional acts, a response to the needs of rulers (through pure strategic calculation), with the main objective of implement their stranglehold on the prison population, seeking information on the performance and articulation of the arrested terrorists and solving problems related to national defense and public order information. The effectiveness has been preliminarily proven by the demonstration, as to its impact, that the IAP can perform the identification and monitoring of prisoners and their respective factions, reduce organized crime inside and outside prisons, anticipate crises, and neutralize threats. As for the process, it presents a satisfactory organizational complexity and high level of professionalism of its agents. With regard to legitimacy, we identified stability, good institutional performance, existence of legal mandates regulating the IAP and various control mechanisms. However, we found problems in relation to transparency/confidence of its performance, because it is considered legitimate when the country is in state of war, armed conflict, with suicide bombers, latent terrorism e internal and external attacks that threaten national security. Therefore, it is justified according to the gravity of the situation, since it imposes measures to neutralize it. In times of relative peace, legitimacy is quite disputed. We assumed that Israel demonstrates a greater concern with the effectiveness of IAP than with its legitimacy (i.e., fewer restrictions on sources and methodology of intelligence) and that there is a trade-off relationship between legitimacy and effectiveness: the institutionalization process failed to provide balance between legitimacy, which was never constant, and effectiveness, which remained as such. We conclude that there was an effective process of institutionalization of Israeli prisons intelligence activity along the trajectory comprising the years between 2000-2010.
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Stenekvist, Andrea. "Terrorismens uppkomst : En studie av terroruppkomsten i Israel/Palestinakonflikten." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-135125.
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The main purpose of this study was to develop an analytical framework for the study of terrorism, and secondly to apply it on the Israel/Palestine conflict. To achieve the first purpose, I examined the history and background of the conflict. The purpose of the study has been achieved by using a qualitative text analysis. The questions that were requested answers in this study are: - What are the main reasons that might trigger terrorism?- What are the main reasons that might triggered the terrorism in this case? The outcome of this study is that the cause-factors to the terrorism appearance is modernisation and urbanisation, social tolerance of political violence, revolutionary ideologies and beliefs, powerless states and state response, the lack of political participation and minorities and terror-leader dissatisfaction. I developed the theory that I used and added other factors like occupation, strive for independence and self-sufficiency, and other like the diplomatic impasse, provocative event and religion that have characterised the conflict from the beginning.
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Jansen, Pia Therese. "The consequences of Israel's counter terrorism policy." Thesis, St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/439.
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Coelho, Sandra Cristina Rodrigues. "Hezbollah e Hamas: estudo comparativo entre duas organizações terroristas islâmicas." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/12769.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em EstratégiaO Hezbollah e o Hamas são duas das organizações terroristas, de matriz islâmica, mais proeminentes no cenário regional do Médio Oriente. Com base neste pressuposto, a presente dissertação tem o propósito perfilar e comparar as duas organizações de forma a apurar como é que estas alcançaram a efectividade operacional que actualmente possuem. Como tal, iremos investigar todos os aspectos que compõem o Hezbollah e o Hamas, respectivamente: desde as suas matrizes ideológicas, passando pelas respectivas estruturas organizacionais e pelas actividades que desenvolvem, até às redes de financiamento a que recorrem. Por fim, procuraremos delinear um paralelismo entre as componentes enunciadas de cada organização.
Hezbollah and Hamas are two of the most prominent Islamic terrorist organizations in the Middle East. On this basis, this thesis is intended to profile and compare the two organizations in order to determine how they have accomplished the operational effectiveness that currently possess. Therefore, we will research all of the aspects that comprise Hezbollah and Hamas, respectively: from their ideological framework, through their respective organizational structures and through the activities they develop, to the financing networks to which they resort. Finally, we will design a parallel between the stated components of each organization
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8
Marsden, Sarah V. "How terrorism ends : understanding the outcomes of violent political contestation." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3970.
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Existing scholarship suggests terrorism is an ineffective method of political contestation; groups rarely achieve their political objectives and are often disrupted by the security services. These findings invite us to look again at the dominant rational choice paradigm, which suggests that terrorism is selected as the best strategy to achieve predetermined goals. Unpicking the assumptions underpinning this model using historical case studies, comparative analysis and typology development, this thesis broadens our interpretation of what those who use terrorism seek to achieve. It does so via a tripartite framework. First, employing a new reading of American pragmatist thought, interpreting militant group goals as culturally and socially mediated problems opens up a new vista of outcomes, in particular examining the way terrorism seeks to change relations between people. Second, using Social Movement Theory as its organising framework, an empirically derived typology of militant groups sets out the background political conditions and organisational characteristics of 28 dormant groups. Using existing models of interpreting outcomes to assess these historical cases demonstrates the unmet challenges of providing robust explanations for why terrorism ends and what it achieves. Third, the thesis explores the promise of a mechanism and process-led approach to explaining outcomes. It does so through in-depth examination of two historical case studies: Kach and the Aden-Abyan Islamic Army. Despite being classified as failures, using largely neglected primary sources, the case studies reveal a range of fascinating and important outcomes that still resonate in Israel and Yemen today. Most of these methodological and conceptual tools are being applied to the question of terrorism's outcomes for only the first or second time. In doing so, this thesis offers greater depth than existing scholarship on how terrorism ends, by looking beyond measures such as success and failure in interpreting outcomes, whilst affording greater breadth through its ability to make comparative assessments at the level of mechanisms and processes. The result is a more detailed and robust set of explanations as to how terrorism ends and what it achieves, illustrated through detailed historical case studies of two interesting, yet often neglected, groups.
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Berger, Michael Andrew. "How resisting democracies can defeat substate terrorism : formulating a theoretical framework for strategic coercion against nationalistic substate terrorist organizations." Thesis, St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/889.
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Richman, Aaron. "Patterns Within Nine Preattack Phases That Emerged in Israel Suicide Bombing Cases." ScholarWorks, 2018. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/4555.
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From 2000 to 2013, Israel had the second highest number of deaths from suicide attacks and was on the list of countries that may experience increases in terrorism due to ongoing conflicts. Suicide bombings present highly complex situations for counterterrorism and counterinsurgency professionals. Using Freeman, Tucker, and Merton's framework of 9 preattack phases as the primary theoretical constuct, the purpose of this multiple case study was to explore specific patterns that consistently emerged in the adversary planning process for 6 successful or failed suicide bombing cases in Israel. Secondary, archival data were acquired through a data use agreement with a private security organization in Israel and a maximum variation sampling procedure was used to identify cases. These data were subjected to Straus and Corbin's open and axial coding procedures. Coded data were analyzed using Merriam's cross case analysis procedure. Findings indicated that although the nine preattack phases emerged in both the successful and unsuccessful attacks, they were more consistently present in the successful bombing cases. For the successful attacks, general planning, financing, and operational preparation received the most occurrences. The implications for positive social change are directed at counterterrorist decision makers and operators as focusing on the early planning phases of a terrorist attack will help them to better identify essential opportunities to prevent suicide attacks from occurring.
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Jaber, Fadi. "Terrorism and Photojournalism: Sensational Image and Ethical Coverage in the Arab and American Media." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/20146.
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During the 2008-2009 War on Gaza between Hamas and Israel, the Arab and American media published various sensational images of this terrorist event. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate and examine the ethicality of the Arab and American sensational images when covering a terrorist event perpetuated by the Other. The thesis draws on Aristotle’s theory of communication and virtue theory (fourth century B.C.), William James’s theory of truth (1907), as well as on contemporary theories, approaches and concepts in order to provide a philosophical and theoretical foundation of ethical publication of sensational images. As well, it looks into various definitions of terrorism, analyzes the Arab and American media codes of ethics, and benefits from relevant decision-making models. It has, therefore, established a theoretical model contingent to the terrorist event at stake – The Sensational Image of Terrorism Ethical Decision-Making Model (SITE-DMM). The thesis methodologically utilizes a qualitative comparative content analysis research design, analyzing a purposive sample of 144 sensational images from three Arab online media (Al-Ahram newspaper, Electronic Intifada, and Al-Jazeera.net TV); and three American online media (The New York Times newspaper, San Francisco Sentinel.com, and CNN.com TV) in order to examine the ethicality of publishing sensational images about this terrorist event in both the Arab and American media. Following a systematic analysis, guided by the suggested theoretical model – SITE-DMM, the findings provide a comprehensive understanding of the ethicality of the Arab and American sensational images during the coverage of the 2008-2009 War on Gaza.
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Ribeiro, André Manuel Nunes. "O conflito israelo-árabe: elementos para uma geneoloia crítica de um dilema político internacional." Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/18079.
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Na Palestina, palco de numerosos conflitos há mais de quatro milénios, as tensões verificadas, desde o século XIX, entre árabes e os judeus tensões verificadas, desde o século XIX, entre árabes e os judeus recém-chegados resultariam numa disputa acérrima que se transformaria numa das mais fustigantes de toda a história. O final da I Guerra Mundial e o inevitável colapso do Império Otomano dariam novos contornos ao conflito israelo-árabe projectando-o para a senda internacional, nomeadamente com a posterior criação do Estado de Israel e o relacionamento deste com os Estados Árabes. O processo iniciado pelo movimento sionista, a que muitos analistas identificam como um paralelo à colonização europeia, provocaria problemas verdadeiramente insolúveis. O desenvolvimento de medidas intrínsecas ao Estado de Israel, muitas delas altamente discriminatórias, conduziu a graves situações paradoxais no seio das sociedades que alimentaram o ódio e desejo de vingança. Várias gerações vivem sistematicamente em guerra, transmitindo tais sentimentos que já terão, por sua vez, herdado. São sentimentos culturais, onde de um lado se encontra presente uma cultura de resistência e, do outro, uma cultura comandada por uma inflexibilidade total que remetem o conflito para uma complexidade imensa e hipotecam um desfecho associado a uma acalmia relativa que contribua para uma paz duradoura. O presente estudo incide em analisar os principais factores que contribuem para o agudizar do conflito permitindo posteriormente delinear as medidas necessárias que corroboram para um acordo de paz sustentável entre as duas sociedades; ABSTRACT: Palestine, scenario of many conflicts for more than four millennia, has had confirmed hostilities since the nineteenth century, among Arabs and Jews who had recently arrived and which would dispute, one of the most lashing in the whole of history. The end of World War I and the inevitable collapse of the Ottoman Empire gave a new shape to the Arab-Israeli conflict by projecting it to the path international panel, namely though the subsequent creation of the State of Israel and its relationship with the Arab states. The process initiated by the Zionist movement, which many analysts recognize has a parallel to the European colonization, truly caused insoluble problems. The development of intrinsic measures in the State of Israel, many of them highly discriminatory, lead to severe paradoxical situations within societies that fed hatred and revenge. Several generations still live in war and systematically pass on what they have inherited. These cultural emotions present on the one hand a culture of resistance and on the other hand a culture driven by a total inflexibility. These two combinations induce the conflict to an immense complexity and set back mortgages an associated outcome that would contribute to a relative calmness and a long-lasting peace. This study focuses on analyzing the main factors that contribute to further exacerbate the conflict thus allowing the outline of necessary measures that support a sustainable peace agreement between the two societies
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Persson, Anders. "Hizbollah och det rättfärdiga kriget." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22802.
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Denna uppsats syftar till att vara ett bidrag till den samtida debatten kring teorin om rättfärdiga krig. I uppsatsen utmanas rådande föreställningar om rättfärdiga krig, i synnerhet idén om att endast suveräna stater utgör legitima auktoriteter. Uppsatsen använder Hizbollah som fallstudie och författaren argumenterar för att rörelsens enorma popularitet och de facto kontroll över stora områden gjort Hizbollah till en legitim härskare. Därmed bör Hizbollah, trots att rörelsen är en icke-statlig aktör i Libanon, betraktas som en legitim auktoritet som kan utkämpa rättfärdiga krig.This essay aims to be a contribution to the contemporary debate on the “Just War Theory” in a way that challenges traditional concepts of the theory, especially the idea that only sovereign states constitutes legitimate authorities. Using Hezbollah as a case study, the author argues that the organization’s enormous popularity and de facto control over considerable parts of Lebanon makes Hezbollah a legitimate ruler of its territory. Consequently Hezbollah, despite being a non-state actor, should be regarded as a legitimate authority and thus capable of fighting just wars.
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Civcik, Zeynep. "Changes And Continuities In Israeli Security Policy." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605756/index.pdf.
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The objective of this thesis is to analyze the changes in Israeli security policy. The thesis consists of four main parts. In the first part, the factors influencing the formation of Israeli security policy such as history, religion, ideology and threat perceptions are examined. Israeli military doctrine and its offensive, defensive and deterrence strategies are identified as the most important subcomponents of the security policy. The following part analyzes the changes and continuities in Israeli threat perceptions and the implementation of the military doctrine during and after the six main wars of the War of Independence, the war against Egypt in 1956, the Six Day War, the War of Attrition, the Yom Kippur War and the War in Lebanon in 1982. In the third part, the changes in Israeli security policy during 1990s are scrutinized. With the peace process, Israel&rsquos existential threat perception decreased but new threat perceptions of terrorism and conventional and nuclear military buildup in the region emerged
therefore security was redefined by the Israeli political and military decision-makers. In the last part the impact of the collapse of peace process and Sharon&rsquo
s coming to power on Israeli security policy is analyzed. Sharon&rsquo
s period can be defined by offensive security strategies aiming at preventing terror which has been the top security problem since the Al Aqsa Intifada. As a result, this thesis argues that Israeli security policy did not indicate significant changes until 1990s, however during 1990s Israeli security situation and security policy changed as a response to the regional and international developments. Post-2000 period witnessed changes as well with Sharon&rsquo
s returning to offensive strategies.
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Brüggemann, Marc. "Der Sechstagekrieg und seine Folgen. Die Berichterstattung über palästinensischen Terrorismus gegen Israel und das Münchener Olympia-Attentat." HATiKVA e.V. – Die Hoffnung Bildungs- und Begegnungsstätte für Jüdische Geschichte und Kultur Sachsen, 2016. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A34768.
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Hall, Brian J. "THE TEMPORAL RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN POSTTRAUMATIC STRESS SYMPTOMS AND POSTTRAUMATIC GROWTH AMONG ISRAELI JEWS AND ARABS: A LONGITUDINAL CROSS-LAGGED PANEL ANALYSIS." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1310084918.
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Vanžurová, Monika. "Vliv politické a bezpečnostní situace na cestovní ruch Izraele." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-16105.
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Security and political instability may affect development of country's tourism negatively. Moreover, tourism is one of the basic development conditions of tourism. Country affected by a bad security situation, e.g. because of terrorist attacks or war, is considered as an unsafe destination by potentional visitors which may result in decline in tourist arrivals to the country. Israel has image of dangerous destination in respect of a long Arab-Israeli, or Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The aim of this study is to evaluate impact of security on inbound tourist flows to Israel based on characterization of security situation in Israel from the end of the 60's to the present and reaction of inbound tourism to this development.
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Lavi, Tali, and talilavi@netspace net au. "Tales of Ash: Phantom Bodies as Testimony in Artistic Representations of Terrorism." RMIT University. Creative Media, 2007. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20080428.114445.
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This paper delves into the realms of tragedy, memory and representation. Drawing upon the phenomenon of the Phantom Limb and extending it towards a theory of Phantom Bodies, various artworks - literary, theatrical and visual - are examined. After the conflagration of the terrorist attack, how are these absences grieved over and remembered through artistic representation? The essay examines this question by positioning itself amongst the scarred landscapes of post-September 11 New York and suicide bombings in Israel (2000-2006). Furthermore, it investigates whether humanity can be restored in the aftermath of an event in which certain individuals have sought to eradicate it. The fragmentation of the affected body in these scenarios is understood as further complicating processes of grief and remembrance. Artists who reject political polemic and engage with the dimensions of human loss are seen to have discovered means of referring to the absence caused by the act of terrorism. Three such recurring representations present themselves: ash and remnants, presence/absence and memory building. Phantom Bodies are perceived as simultaneously functioning as a reminder of the event itself, insisting upon the response of bearing witness, and as a symbol of the overwhelming power of humanity. Challenges arise when individuals or sections of the affected society deem these artworks to be inappropriate or explicit. Works considered include: Neil LaBute's play The Mercy Seat, Sigalit Landau's art installation The Country, Jonathan Safran Foer's Extremely Loud & Incredibly Close, Spike Lee's 25th Hour, Daniel Libeskind's architectural plans for the World Trade Center site, Eric Fischl's sculpture 'Tumbling Woman', Honor Molloy's autodelete://beginning dump of physical memory and A.B.Yehoshua's A Woman in Jerusalem. The accompanying play, Tales of Ash: A diptych for the theatre, is set in Melbourne, New York and Tel Aviv and deals with life in the face of and after terror. It veers between naturalism, poetic monologue and the epic. Tales of Ash contains two plays. The first centres on Mia, a young sculptor living in New York, who loses both her lover and her creativity on September 11. Upon returning to her home in Melbourne, she finds familial bonds still entwined with guilt and family trauma. The second play revolves around Ilana and Benny, two people living in Tel Aviv, who find themselves suddenly thrust together after a devastating bombing. As they attempt to resume rhythms of life, in the face of all the inherent ferocity of a modern existence in Israel, the struggle between The Ash Woman and The Ash Takers escalates.
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Zich, Tomáš. "Critical Analysis of the 'Terrorist Label'." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-203745.
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The terrorist label became recently so widely used. It strongly influenced the language of media, politicians and society. The security discourse is seemingly dominated by the counter-terrorism policy. Both the national and international legal systems introduced laws to avert the terrorist actions. Ironically, no universal definition of terrorism has been found yet so the use of the terrorist label depends mainly on own interpretation. The thesis aims to critically analyse the terrorist label and to determine if it prevents the conflict between so called terrorists and the rest of the society from peaceful resolution. The first chapter introduces theoretical and methodological framework of the research. It is followed by the analysis of the EU's designation of Hezbollah's military wing as a terrorist organization in the second chapter. A special attention is paid to the Israeli diplomatic pressure on the EU to blacklist Hezbollah which was selected as an appropriate example of the terrorist labelling.
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Naziri, Micah B. D. C. "Persistence of Jewish-Muslim Reconciliatory Activism in the Face of Threats and “Terrorism” (Real and Perceived) From All Sides." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch158125273779039.
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Maye, Diane L. "Measures of effectiveness Israeli counterterrorism strategies and tactics during the al-Aqsa Intifada." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Sep%5FMaye.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Maria Rasmussen, Daniel Moran. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-78). Also available in print.
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Ozturk, Tugce. "Terrorism And The Israeli-palestinian Peace Process." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612774/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyzes the issue of terrorism regarding the Palestinian-Israeli Peace Process. The role of two sides on the ongoing violence and terrorism will be discussed comparatively. Focusing on the Peace Process, the thesis will trace whether terrorist activities had an impact on the collapse of the Peace Process and also will demonstrate how a peace process produced an Israeli state more militarized and a Palestinian society more radicalized and religious than ever before.
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Pezdirc, Marjetka. "The terrorism complex." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/19149.
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Discussing, defining and engaging with ‘terrorism’ has long been limited to the narrowly framed situations in which parties to an asymmetric conflict resort to the use of force and to the legitimacy they have in doing so. The problem with the limited understanding of ‘terrorism’ and ‘counterterrorism’ as ‘facts of objective reality’ is the lack of attention to the role of the extreme asymmetry of power in conflicts involving ‘terrorism’ that does not lend itself to analysis readily. This thesis introduces a new theoretical concept, the Terrorism Complex that signifies the complexity of power/knowledge relations and the complexity of power/knowledge practices that operate on a discursive and non-discursive level through time and are affected by the mechanisms of power that stem from the asymmetry of power between the actors involved in a conflict. The research into the Terrorism Complex involves an ontological and epistemological widening of the research focus to account for these effects of the interplay between power and knowledge on the production, construction and perception of ‘terrorism’. I draw on postmodern scholarship and the Critical Terrorism Studies to present a theoretical and methodological framework that is used to examine the production of knowledge in relation to the asymmetries of power. The Israeli–Palestinian conflict is used as a case study for the study of power asymmetry in the political field that determines who will be labelled a ‘terrorist’ and who will be able to claim the moral high ground. The research also reveals the surprising extent to which the power over discourse obscures the role of the systemic terrorising exercise of state power in inducing ‘terrorism’. The final chapter concentrates on the media’s role in the Terrorism Complex. It applies the findings from other chapters to observe the Terrorism Complex in action.
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Sproat, Peter Alan. "An investigation of the concept of state terrorism." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/435.
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Despite claims that state terrorism has been more of a problem than the insurgent variety, the evidence provided by both a content analysis of bibliographies on the topic of terrorism and the opinions of a great number of academics suggests that there is a far smaller amount of academic literature on state terrorism than there is on insurgency terrorism. In addition it has been noted that the literature on state terrorism, like that on terrorism generally, suffers from a lack of work on the definition of the term. Whilst it is difficult to think of any author who has methodically applied a definition to the actions of a particular actor in order to assess whether each constitutes an act of terrorism. This thesis attempts to address each of these issues. However before doing either of these things it attempts to show that the suggested reasons as to why the State cannot commit acts of terrorism can be at least questioned, whilst simultaneously showing that some authors believe that state terrorism has produced far more victims and than the sub-state variety. Then after revealing the explanations for academia's neglect of state terrorism the thesis investigates the notion of (substate) terrorism in order to identify its core meaning, before attempting to incorporate this into a 'comprehensive' definition of terrorism which would enable the political analyst to identify acts of state terrorism committed within the area of the state's jurisdiction and abroad. This definition, along with other definitions of terrorism taken from both the literature and legislation, are then tested by being applied to the 'counter-terrorist' activities of Israel, form which concluding comments on each and the general notion are made. The decision to concentrate solely upon counter-terrorist actions can also be seen to be addressing a gap in the literature, as can the choice of a Western state. The application of various definitions of state terrorism to the counterterrorist actions of Israel within Israel, the administered West Bank and abroad, therefore means that this area provides a novel testing ground for any definition. By examining the issue of state terrorism the thesis aims to raise, if not answer several important questions and issues surrounding the concept of state terrorism. In addition to illustrating the problems facing the production of any definition of the word 'terrorism' such an examination will hopefully illustrate the problems of applying any definition of terrorism. Finally the thesis aims to further the cause of knowledge by accurately describing the legalities of various aspects of Israel's counter-terrorist policies since Israel took over the administration of the West Bank in 1967. As well as using the existing literature this thesis contains both the quantitative and qualitative replies of 120 academics to a pointed questionnaire on the topic. Many of the results of this are scattered throughout the conceptual parts of the thesis including this introductory chapter, and all the quantifiable results and the sampling technique are described in Appendix A.
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Yehoshua, Sagit. "Social-psychology profile of terrorist leaders in Israeli prisons." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2013. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/socialpsychology-profile-of-terrorist-leaders-in-israeli-prisons(4140fcfb-246a-4546-b9d1-91fa7258aa36).html.
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The aim of this study is to investigate the Social-psychology profile of terrorist leaders in Israeli prisons. The research was conducted with the cooperation of the Intelligence Department of the Israeli Prison System. The study is qualitative and was conducted through in-depth interviews with leaders of terrorist organisations in prisons around Israel. A total of 18 Palestinian leaders were interviewed in several prisons around the country. The participants were leaders of major terrorist organisations in Israel: Fatah, Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad. The research focuses on five main themes: 1. Social influence factors: Adolescence, family, social surroundings, the organisation and their influence on the leader's adjustment to imprisonment. 2. Personality profile of the leaders and whether they have symptoms of a psychopathic personality based on Hare psychopathy check list (PCLSV) 3. Mindset: General perspectives such as rationalisations for committing terrorist acts, perceptions towards the victims, Israeli society and their actions in relation to the conflict. 4. Leadership profile: What kind of leaders are they? How do they perceive this position? How do they see their conduct and achievements as leaders? Would they want to continue their leadership position outside of prison? 5. Imprisonment: the effect of the prison experience and their radicalisation or de-radicalisation process. The main findings of this research suggest that the leaders of terrorist groups in Israeli prisons are going through a unique process while incarcerated, that psychopathic personality profile was found among them and their rationalisations for carrying out the terrorist acts are quite varied. Furthermore, the findings of this study highlight the importance of the aspects of social surrounding and culture on the prisoner’s mind-set and conduct, as well as on their adjustment to imprisonment and their radicalisation or deradicalisation process.
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Salama, Ibrahim. "Essai sur l'evolution du concept des droits nationaux palestiniens, de la guerre de 1973 a la proclamation de l'etat palestinien independant." Paris 11, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989PA111009.
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L'analyse de l'evolution du concept des droits nationaux palestiniens entre 1973 et 1988 permet a la fois de le definir sur le plan juridique et de mieux comprendre les obstacles au reglement israelo-palestinien. Desormais, la solution de deux etats en palestine, l'un juif et l'autre arabe, aussi controversee fut-elle en 1947, represente la meilleure solution, sinon la seule qui permettrait d'etablir la paix au moyen-orientThe analysis of the evolution of the concept of palestinian national rights between 1973 and 1988 permit to define those rights from the legal point of view as well as to better understand the obstacles of their realization. At present, the solution of two states in palestine constitutes the better, if not the only solution that might establish peace in the middle east
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Ghannad, Hervé. "Rupture et continuité dans la politique étrangère de la République Islamique d'Iran." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LYO20030.
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Depuis la révolution iranienne de 1979, la diplomatie du régime en place semble marquer une rupture avec un anti-occidentalisme affiché –l’affrontement sous forme de guerre asymétrique avec les USA-, un antisionisme déclaré-les déclarations du Président Ahmadinejad- et le réveil de la vieille rivalité arabo-musulmane –Guerre Iran/Irak et perturbations par des fidèles iraniens du pèlerinage de la Mecque. Des moyens conventionnels et non conventionnel sont employés, du terrorisme avec de nombreux attentats, au pan chiisme avec l’utilisation à des fins politiques de communautés chiites dans les pays du Golfe, en passant par le chantage de la fermeture du détroit d’Ormuz où transitent près de 40 % du pétrole de la planète. Pourtant, cette attitude, si ambiguë et si violente par certains égards, semble n’est que le reflet de la continuité diplomatique, au regard de l’histoire de cette antique civilisation. La peur de l’éclatement interne, comme d’ailleurs celle des pays limitrophes, ont poussé ce pays depuis des millénaires à adopter une diplomatie de l’équilibre, dans une sorte de diplomatie des 4 points cardinaux. De plus, la Perse puis l’Iran a toujours possédé un désir hégémonique régional au niveau du Golfe persique, désir qui s’est traduit par de nombreuses guerres avec ses voisins, notamment avec l’ex Mésopotamie- L’Irak. Cela s’est traduit par la recherche d’une armée puissante, le nucléaire n’étant qu’un moyen pour affirmer sa grandeur ou diplomatie de la synthèse. Les négociations actuelles placent la République islamique d’Iran au centre du grand jeu asiatique où s’affrontent deux supers puissance en devenir, l’Inde et la Chine. Offrir la possibilité à l’Iran d’être reconnu comme un acteur civil du nucléaire la positionne comme une référence vis-à-vis des pays arabes : l’Iran devient , de facto , hégémonique Les ruptures ne sont en fait que des continuités liées aux valeurs perses, fondées sur l’indépendance, le désir de briller et de dominer. L’histoire, la religion, et l’Iranité sont la source de ces valeurs identitaires, terreau et fondement de la diplomatie de la République islamique d’IranSince the Iranian revolution of 1979, the diplomacy of the regime seems to mark a break with an anti-Westernism -l'affrontement displayed in the form of asymmetric war with the USA-a-Zionism declared presidential statements and waking Ahmadinejad- the old Arab-Muslim rivalry -Guerre Iran / Iraq and disturbances by Iranian faithful pilgrimage to Mecca. Conventional and non-conventional means are employed, with many terrorist attacks in Shia pan with the use for political purposes Shiite communities in the Gulf, through blackmail closing the Strait of Hormuz where handling approximately 40% of the oil on the planet. Yet this attitude, so ambiguous and so violent in some ways seem is but a reflection of the diplomatic continuity, in terms of the history of this ancient civilization. Fear of the internal breakdown, as also that of neighboring countries has driven this country for thousands of years to adopt a diplomacy of balance, in a kind of diplomacy 4 cardinal points. Furthermore, Persia and Iran has always had a regional hegemonic desire in the Persian Gulf, a desire that has led many wars with its neighbors, including the former Mésopotamie- Iraq. This was reflected by the search of a powerful army, nuclear being a means to assert its size or diplomacy synthesis. The current negotiations put the Islamic Republic of Iran at the center of the great Asian game where two great power clash in the making, India and China. Provide an opportunity for Iran to be recognized as a civil nuclear player in the position as vis-à-vis the reference of Arab countries: Iran becomes de facto hegemonic Ruptures are in fact only continuities related to Persian values, based on independence, the desire to shine and dominate. The history, religion, and Iranianness are the source of these identity values, soil and foundation of the diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran
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Chamberlin, Paul. "Preparing for Dawn: The United States and the Global Politics of Palestinian Resistance, 1967-1975." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1243876457.
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Billik, Ronja Chiara. "Trolling Terrorists : How the Israel Defense Forces use Twitter to Construct an Image of Hezbollah." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för konst, kultur och kommunikation (K3), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-46094.
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This thesis examines who the Israel Defense Forces use their English languageTwitter account to construct an image of Hezbollah online during times without violent conflict. The goal is to understand how this behavior fits within Israel’sPublic Diplomacy strategy. Using Critical Discourse Analysis to analyze tweets concerning Hezbollah between May 2020 and May 2021, I identify one maindriver of the adaptation of social media into the military’s public diplomacy toolkit: mediatization. Results show that the Israel Defense Forces has adopted Twitter as a communication channel outside the gatekeeper function and control of traditional media outlets, to share their Public Diplomacy message directly with foreign audiences – including their enemies, such as Hezbollah. I identify five main categories or intentions with which the Israel Defense Forces address Hezbollah on Twitter: 1) Remembrance, 2) Current Developments and Information, 3) Iraian Proxies 4) tweets mentioning Hezbollah directly and 5)tweets Shaming, Blaming or Calling-out Hezbollah or the international community and media on their approach to the group.
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Saint-Gelais, Jean-François. "La violence territoriale matérielle comme terrorisme d'État? : Israël et les démolitions administratives d'habitations palestiniennes." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/25752.
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Si les travaux scientifiques consacrés au terrorisme infraétatique se sont multipliés au cours de la dernière décennie dans le sillon des attentats du 11 septembre 2001, il n’en va pas de même en ce qui concerne l’étude du terrorisme d’État, qui reste marginale. Ce mémoire propose une conceptualisation de la violence physique déployée par un État contre des objets tangibles dans les espaces de vie de populations civiles, nommée « violence territoriale matérielle », et son intégration à la théorisation du terrorisme des Critical Terrorism Studies. Appliquant la conceptualisation à l’examen du cas israélo-palestinien, l’analyse empirique se concentre sur les démolitions administratives d’habitations perpétrées par Israël en Cisjordanie et vise à établir si elles sont constitutives d’une forme de terrorisme d’État.
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Férey, Amélie. "Les politiques d’assassinats ciblés en Israël et aux Etats-Unis : juger de la légitimité de la violence étatique en démocratie libérale." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018IEPP0002.
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Les assassinats ciblés désignent l’utilisation étatique de la force létale avec l’intention préméditée et délibérée de tuer individuellement les personnes sélectionnées se trouvant en dehors des frontières nationales. Sont-ils légitimes au regard de notre compréhension des règles démocratiques et libérales ? Pour répondre à cette question, cette thèse de doctorat dresse une comparaison entre les pratique israélienne et américaine. Les assassinats ciblés participent d’une discussion sur la légitimité de l’assassinat politique en même temps qu’ils procèdent des évolutions des théories des bombardements et de l’utilisation préventive/préemptive de la force. (Chap. I) La discussion générale sur leur légitimité doit donc être complétée par une étude soulignant les spécificités nationales de ces politiques. (Chap. II) Israël et les États-Unis se sont servis de ces pratiques pour conduire une reformulation partielle du droit international. (Chap. III) L’absence de mécanismes efficaces de contrôle des normes juridiques lors de conflits armés pose problème. Nous évaluons les procédures et institutions existantes et proposons un élargissement du régime de responsabilité des drones proposés par Allan Buchanan et Robert Keohane aux opérations d’assassinats ciblés. (Chap. IV) Leur efficacité tactique ne garantit pas leur pertinence pour une stratégie de long terme contrant le terrorisme. (Chap. V) Leurs conséquences sur la politique étrangère sont-elles bénéfiques ? Nous montrons qu’ils contribuent à renforcer la souveraineté des États faisant la guerre aux « illégitimes ». (Chap. VI) Ceux-ci sont-ils compatibles avec les valeurs morales prônées par les démocraties israéliennes et américaines ? Ils promeuvent une conception libérale de l’action politique légitime en renouvelant les exigences de transparence à l’égard de l’utilisation secrète de la force. (Chap. VII) Ce débat ouvre des pistes pour un aménagement de la raison d’État en démocratie libérale en précisant le contenu théorique d’une moralité d’exception. (Chap. VIII)The term “targeted killings” is commonly employed to refer to the intentional, premeditated and deliberate use of lethal force by states to kill selected individuals who are not in their custody. My research questions the justifications used to legitimize targeted killings within the liberal-democratic framework. I first give a chronological account of lethal practices pertaining to targeted killings and the context of their emergence. In the literature, targeted killings are discussed in reference to political assassination, theories of bombing in warfare and the use of preventive/preemptive force. (Chapter I) I then explore the national specific features of targeted killings by comparing Israeli with American discussion. (Chapter II) I analyze how targeted killings have been the spearhead of a recasting of legal obligations of Israel and the United States restricting use of force against irregular actors. (Chapter III) I then analyze national and international actual and hypothetical accountability mechanisms. I complete Allan Buchanan and Robert Keohane proposition of a “Drone Accountability Regime” by extending it to targeted killings. (Chapter IV) Their tactical efficiency does not guarantee their relevance for a long-term strategy aiming at countering terrorism. (Chapter V). What are their consequences on the international level? Targeted killings contribute to reinforce sovereignty of States waging war against “unlawful combatants”. (Chapter VI) Are they compatible with the moral values put forward by Israeli and American democracies? Targeted killings promote a new conception of legitimate violence by strengthening transparency demands towards secret use of force. (Chapter VII) This debate opens up avenues for “Raison d’État” in a liberal democracy by specifying the theoretical content of an exceptional morality. (Chapter VIII)
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Hallberg, Arvid. "Expecting the Unexpected : The Marginal Effect of Unanticipated Terrorist Attacks on Foreign Direct Investment in Israel and Turkey." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-297402.
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The paper examines if and to what to extent unanticipated terrorist attacks affect Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) net inflow in Israel and Turkey between 1975 and 2014. The paper utilises two new conceptualisations and operationalisations to determine what makes a year contain unanticipated terrorist attacks and applies them using linear regression on the change in FDI between given years. Using this new operationalisation 10 out of 40 years in Israel and 13 out of 40 years in Turkey were deemed to have experienced unanticipated terrorist attacks. Two models, one controlling for changes in GDP growth, market size, exchange rates and inflation, and one without control variables are used to examine the effect of unanticipated attacks on FDI. The results indicate that unanticipated terrorist attacks had a statistically significant negative effect on FDI into Israel but no discernible effect in Turkey. The reason for this discrepancy between the two countries is likely because of the geographic location of terrorist activity in each country, global political pressures, and the type of terrorist activity.
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Haccoun, Alexis. "La mise en balance des libertés et de la sécurité dans le cadre du contrôle juridictionnel des mesures antiterroristes : l'exemple de la Cour suprême israélienne." Aix-Marseille 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010AIX32072.
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Les "attentats hécatombes" dans des grandes métropoles occidentales (New York, Londres, Madrid) ont suscité l'adoption par des Etats démocratiques de dispositifs antiterroristes dont le caractère liberticide a rendu nécessaire le contrôle juridictionnel des juges. Ce dernier, qui se fonde massivement sur l'instrument de la mise en balance (ou critère de proportionnalité), traduit une rupture avec l'approche juridique déontologique traditionnelle et marque l'adhésion à une logique instrumentaliste où la légalité de l'atteinte aux libertés individuelles est appréciée en référence aux gains sécuritaires escomptés du fait de la mesure incriminée. Ce passage à une logique instrumentaliste s'inscrit dans une tendance structurelle de recours croissant à ce type de rationalité, en théorie politique, pour évaluer la pertinence d'un choix collectif ou individuel: ce positionnement invite à penser la mise en balance en liaison avec ce vaste ensemble théorique dans le cadre d'une approche transdisciplinaire et à mettre à jour les échanges entre la pratique juridique et la théorie de la décision. Cette étude, qui s'appuie sur le cas de la Cour suprême d'Israël, met en évidence le rôle fondamental des concepts issus de la théorie de la décision (analyse marginale. . . ) dans l'usage de la mise en balance et met en question la possibilité d'une création ex nihilo par les juristes. En retour, elle montre en quoi la mise en balance peut nourrir la réflexion théorique sur la question des choixThe slaughter bombings on Western cities (New York, London, Madrid) has provoked the adoption by democracies of counterterrorist legislations whose restrictions on liberties imposed judicial review by national Courts. This review, based on the principle of the "balancing test" (or "proportionality test"), represents an upset of the traditional deontological judicial approach and marks the adhesion to a consequentialist view in which the legality of the restriction to the individual liberties is evaluated in reference to the anticipated benefits on security of the incriminated act. The adoption by the judges of a consequentialist posture come within the framework of a broad tendency of increasing resorting to this kind of rationality in political theory to evaluate the relevance of an individual or public choice: this location invites to study the balancing test in link with this broad theoretical whole in the framework of a transdisciplinary approach and to bring to the fore the exchanges between the balancing test and the choice theory. This work, which rely on the case of the Israel Supreme Court, emphasizes the fundamental role of the concepts stemming from the choice theory (marginal analysis. . . ) in the use of the balancing test and challenge the idea of a ex nihilo creation. In return, it shows how the balancing test can improve the study of the choice theory
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Acosta, Benjamin Timothy. "The Palestinian Shahid and the development of the model 21st century Islamic terrorist." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2008. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/3367.
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The purpose of this study seeks to uncover the relationship between the political objectives of the primary Palestinian political entities, the methods used by those entities to pursue their goals, and the socio-cultural fluctuation vis-á-vis the acceptability of, and participation in, suicide terrorism that has occured as a result.
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Witte, Oliver R. "Inflammatory and Conciliatory Rhetoric in the Arab-Israeli Conflict: A Content Analysis of How Three Newspapers Covered Two Provocative Events." OpenSIUC, 2014. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/866.
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This study focuses on contrasting responses to two highly provocative acts from the Israeli-Palestinian conflict: Ariel Sharon's controversial visit to the Temple Mount in February 2000, and a Palestinian terrorist cell's suicide bombing of a nightclub in Tel Aviv in 2005. Sharon's visit to the Temple Mount in 2000 led to the second intifada, the bloodiest outbreak of violence in the conflict's recent history. However, what followed the suicide attack in Tel Aviv in 2005 were several weeks of restraint from both sides. This study positions media texts as antecedents and consequents to these two key focal points in history and examines their content. The central method for the study is quantitative content analysis. Three newspapers were selected primarily for their ability to set the public agenda: English editions of the Israeli Haaretz and Jerusalem Post, and the Palestinian Al-Quds, translated into English from its original Arabic. The corpus for the study comprised 820 news and opinion articles about Arab-Israeli relations from one week of articles from each side of Sharon's visit to the Temple Mount and one week of articles from each side of the suicide bombing. Media texts were coded for two operationally defined constructs: inflammatory words and conciliatory words. Inflammatory words were fighting words symptomatic of violent and aggressive behavior. Conciliatory words were related to pacification, symptomatic of appeasing, and passive behavior. Built-in dictionaries of Diction, Version 6.14.5, a software program, were used to confirm the validity of the two principal constructs. Results confirmed the newspapers' propensity to focus on violent news and also suggested that media content is likely to be shaped and influenced by acts of violence on the ground. Results also supported speech-act theory and indicated that inflammatory or violent texts in the media perform the functions of agenda-setting or news-framing and potentially cultivate violent behavior among readers. The constructs of inflammatory and conciliatory words and their application in constructing a practical Threat Index are among the key contributions of this study.
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Kelly, Robert J. "APPLYING THE ISRAELI PRACTICE OF RECONSTRUCTION FOLLOWING A TERRORIST ATTACK AS A MODEL FOR CITIES IN THE UNITED STATES." Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/32844.
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CHDS State/LocalA component of the Israeli counter-terrorism policy includes a strategic choreographed response to restore and reconstruct physical damage caused by a terrorist attack with the goal of removing all markings of the attack in an expeditious timeframe. The investment of reconstructing a damaged scene is intended to yield increased resiliency for the impacted population and devalue the fear intended to be delivered with the attack. The critical element of the Israeli model is that the government accepts that attacks will occur and has developed a response for such attacks beyond aiding the injured and processing a crime scene. Application of the Israeli model to the United States merits review, as there is a strong likelihood that future terrorist attacks will occur on domestic soil in the United States and a best practice may be extrapolated from the Israeli model. The intended restoration of normalcy that follows Israels reconstruction efforts is designed to mitigate the psychological impact of a terrorist attack and serve as a palm to the damaged psyche of an impacted population. The State of Israel recognizes that the element of fear is a coconspirator in terror attacks and has developed a response to it. The subject of this thesis will address the specific response of reconstructing a damaged scene following a terrorist attack.
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Balicka, Agnieszka. "Changes in international law in response to terrorist attacks : a comparative study of Israeli and the US state practice." Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2013. https://radar.brookes.ac.uk/radar/items/0b809f02-06cd-4422-b894-d4ea2a0bf6bc/1/.
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The aim of this thesis is to contribute to the understanding of the nature, status and determinants of international law in the aftermath of September 11 terrorist attacks upon the US. More specifically, I am interested in the variation of legal responses of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to policies of counter-terrorism adopted by states, which have been victims of attacks launched by non-state actors. What does this variation imply are the nature, status and determination of international law? Thus, meetings of the UNSC and statements delivered by representatives of five states that are the permanent members of this international body constitute the main empirical focus of my study. Although there admittedly are limitations to such an approach, the study will suggest that the UNSC can usefully be treated as a proxy of international society as understood by Hedley Bull in that regard. Although the reasons for undertaking military interventions in question were related to national security as well as the inherent right of self-defence, international society responded to these interventions in different ways. In relation to 1982 Israel’s invasion of Lebanon in order to fight the PLO, international society condemning Israeli actions did not recognise its right to self-defence. In 2006, however, when Israel launched a military operation on Lebanese territory in order to fight Hezbollah, the response of international society was the opposite, in that Israel’s right of self-defence was recognised. By looking at the subject from various International Relations theoretical perspectives my thesis analyses the possible reasons behind the decision of international society to treat these two Israeli operations in different way. In order to deliver coherent conclusions, further analyses of the 9/11 attacks and the response of international society towards the US-led invasion of Afghanistan constitute the second case study. This thesis contributes to the understanding of the status of international law through the lenses of different theoretical standpoints. A study of the interventions in question from the angle of international provision governing the use of force allows for a more in-depth and a comprehensive analysis of the role of international law in the contemporary world. It also enables a thorough scrutiny and critique of traditional IR perspectives and a greater appreciation of the comparative, explanatory merit of the English School theory of International Relations and Constructivism.
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Lindquist, Torkel. "A war of words : from Lod to Twin Towers : defining terrorism in Arab and Israeli newspapers 1972-1996 (2001) - a study in propaganda, semantics and pragmatics /." Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis : Univ.-bibl. [distributör], 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-3408.
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Kervella, Amandine. "Les discours de la presse française sur le terrorisme perpétré dans le cadre du conflit israélo-palestinien et du conflit tchétchène, face à la "guerre contre le terrorisme"." Lyon 3, 2008. https://scd-resnum.univ-lyon3.fr/out/theses/2008_out_kervella_a.pdf.
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Cette thèse questionne l'influence du contexte de « guerre contre le terrorisme » sur les discours de presse français portés sur le terrorisme se déroulant de la cadre du conflit israélo-palestinien et du conflit tchétchènie. Son objectif est de faire émerger les normes symboliques structurant ces discours, ainsi que leurs évolutions. La première partie de la thèse s'intéresse tout d'abord au terrorisme et à sa médiatisation avant d'envisager une série de conséquences des attentats du 11 septembre sur la définition du terrorisme mais également sur les modalités de lutte contre cette forme de violence. La deuxième partie évoque quant à elle, l'importance prise par les débats relatifs au domaine religieux dans le contexte de « guerre contre le terrorisme ». Elle s'intéresse tout d'abord aux controverses développées sur l'islam, sa nature et ses relations avec la violence et le terrorisme. Elle interroge ensuite la place du religieux dans les deux conflits étudiés. La troisième partie propose l'étude d'un corpus de presse, portant sur des attentats survenus au cours des deux conflits. Cette étude est menée à travers une analyse de discours basée sur la théorie actancielle d'A. J. Ce corpus est constitué de 45 articles de presse, relevés dans Le Monde, Le Figaro et Libération, concernant des attentats perpétrés entre 2000 et 2004This thesis examines the influence of "war against terrorism" on the speeches of French press on terrorism taking place in the context of Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the Chechen conflict. His goal is to highlight the symbolic standards structuring these speeches, and their developments. The first part of the thesis focuses first on terrorism and on the link between terrorism and media. In a second time this part studies the consequences of the September 11 attacks on the definition of terrorism but also on how to fight against this form of violence. The second part speaks about the importance of the discussion on religious matters in the context of "war against terrorism. " It focuses first controversy developed on Islam, its nature and its relationship to violence and terrorism. She then questioned the place of religion in both conflicts studied. The third part proposes the study of a body press on attacks during the two conflicts. The study is being conducted through an analysis of discourse based on the theory of AJ. Greimas. This body is composed of 45 newspaper articles, statements in Le Monde, Le Figaro and Liberation, involving attacks between 2000 and 2004
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Lindquist, Torkel. "A war of words : from Lod to twin towers : defining terrorism in Arab and Isreali newspapers 1972-1996 (2001) : a study in propaganda, semantics and pragmatics /." Uppsala : Uppsala Universitet, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39278353r.
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Kandil, Magdi Ahmed. "The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict in American, Arab, and British Media: Corpus-Based Critical Discourse Analysis." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/alesl_diss/12.
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The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is one of the longest and most violent conflicts in modern history. The language used to represent this important conflict in the media is frequently commented on by scholars and political commentators (e.g., Ackerman, 2001; Fisk, 2001; Mearsheimer & Walt, 2007). To date, however, few studies in the field of applied linguistics have attempted a thorough investigation of the language used to represent the conflict in influential media outlets using systematic methods of linguistic analysis. The current study aims to partially bridge this gap by combining methods and analytical frameworks from Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Corpus Linguistics (CL) to analyze the discursive representation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in American, Arab, and British media, represented by CNN, Al-Jazeera Arabic, and BBC respectively. CDA, which is primarily interested in studying how power and ideology are enacted and resisted in the use of language in social and political contexts, has been frequently criticized mainly for the arbitrary selection of a small number of texts or text fragments to be analyzed. In order to strengthen CDA analysis, Stubbs (1997) suggested that CDA analysts should utilize techniques from CL, which employs computational approaches to perform quantitative and qualitative analysis of actual patterns of use occurring in a large and principled collection of natural texts. In this study, the corpus-based keyword technique is initially used to identify the topics that tend to be emphasized, downplayed, and/or left out in the coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in three corpora complied from the news websites of Al-Jazeera, CNN, and the BBC. Topics –such as terrorism, occupation, settlements, and the recent Israeli disengagement plan—which were found to be key in the coverage of the conflict—are further studied in context using several other corpus tools, especially the concordancer and the collocation finder. The analysis reveals some of the strategies employed by each news website to control for the positive or negative representations of the different actors involved in the conflict. The corpus findings are interpreted using some informative CDA frameworks, especially Van Dijk’s (1998) ideological square framework.
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Chamas, Abbas. "Les mouvements de libération entre résistance et terrorisme : le cas du Hezbollah et du Hamas." Paris 5, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA05DA08.
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Après le 11 septembre 2001, le monde a vu se déclencher un nouveau conflit jamais connu auparavant avec cette intensité : « la guerre contre le terrorisme ». Celle-ci a commencé en Afghanistan, bastion et refuge d’Al Qaida, responsable présumé des attaques qui ont frappé New York et Washington. Elle s’est poursuivie en Irak, accusé d’établir des liens avec des réseaux terroristes, constituant selon la doctrine américaine « une menace » contre la sécurité des Etats-Unis d’Amérique et de leurs alliés Israël. Dans ce même ordre d’idées, Israël a mené des offensives contre des mouvements de libération comme le Hezbollah libanais et le Hamas palestinien au nom de « la guerre contre le terrorisme ». Transformer des mouvements de résistance anticoloniaux classiques et des régimes laïques en cibles de cette guerre au même titre qu’Al-Qaida et d’autres réseaux criminels, a représenté plus qu’une erreur : une catastrophe. Le risque d’amalgame entre terrorisme et mouvements de libération nationale est au centre des débats sur la définition du terrorisme depuis fort longtemps. La présente thèse intitulée « les mouvements nationalistes entre résistance et terrorisme, le cas du Hezbollah et du Hamas » porte sur la confusion entre les deux notionsAfter the events of the 11th of September 2001, the world has witnessed an unexpected fierce struggle (war against terrorism), this war started in Afghanistan, the center and shelter of Qaeda which is accused of attacking New York and Washington, then it transferred to Iraq which is also accused of taking part in supporting and helping these terrorist attacks, which threatens the United States of America and its ally Israel. Under the same title (war against terrorism), Israel has made a war against national liberal movements as, the Lebanese resistance Hezbollah, and the Palestinian one Hamas. Transforming the resisting national liberal movements against colonization to a target of such a war and comparing them to Al Qaeda and other terrorist organizations is more than a mistake but a disaster. This mix between terrorism and resistance is the thesis of my dissertation entitled (national liberal movements between terrorism and resistance, Hezbollah and Hamas)
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Warshel, Yael. "How do you convince children that the "army', "terrorists" and the "police" can live together peacefully? a peace communication assessment model /." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3386931.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed February 11, 2010). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 681-712).
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Hare, Isabelle. "Représentations médiatiques et stratégies discursives dans les conflits nord-irlandais et israélo-palestinien sur Internet et dans la presse écrite." Lyon 2, 2007. http://theses.univ-lyon2.fr/documents/lyon2/2007/hare_i.
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La thèse étudie les discours et les stratégies médiatiques à l'œuvre dans les situations de conflit armé. La comparaison entre les conflits israélo-palestinien et nord-irlandais permet d'analyser la nature des discours produits par les acteurs politiques et par les médias, et d'envisager leur évolution potentielle avec le développement d'internet. Dans les situations de crise armée, logiques étatiques et médiatiques tendent à se resserrer au nom d'un consensus démocratique contre les auteurs des violences. Cependant, les représentations médiatiques se détachent parfois du discours officiel de l'Etat, au nom de la liberté d'informer. Cette alternative doit être repensée avec la généralisation de l'utilisation d'internet par les différents acteurs des conflits. La spécificité de son dispositif technique invite les acteurs des conflits à se saisir de ce média dans des logiques discursives, sinon nouvelles, du moins différentes de celles des médias traditionnels. La nature hypertextuelle et multimodale des discours que les acteurs politiques proposent sur internet implique donc de reconsidérer les stratégies discursives, traditionnellement à l'œuvre, et les rapports entre médias et acteurs dans les situations de conflitThis thesis studies the discourses and the strategies of the media when reporting armed conflicts. The comparison between the Israeli-Palistinian and the Northern-Irish conflicts enable us to analyze the nature of the discourses produced by the political actors and by the media, and to foresee their potential evolution with the development of the internet. In situations of armed crisis, State and media logics tend to tighten in the name of a democratic consensus against the authors of the violence. However, the media representations sometimes get loose from the official discourse of the State, in order to keep the freedom of information. This alternative must be rethought with the broadening of the use of the internet by various actors of the conflicts. The specificity of its technical device invites the actors of the conflicts to seize this media in discursive logics, if not new, at least different from those of the traditional media. The hypertextual and multimodal nature of the discourses which the political actors offer on internet thus implies to rethink the discursive strategies, traditionally in work, and the connections between media and actors in the situations of conflict
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Hare, Isabelle Garcin-Marrou Isabelle. "Représentations médiatiques et stratégies discursives dans les conflits nord-irlandais et israélo-palestinien sur Internet et dans la presse écrite." Lyon : Université Lumière Lyon 2, 2007. http://theses.univ-lyon2.fr/sdx/theses/lyon2/2007/hare_i.
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Souza, Bruno Mendelski de. "A construção do conceito de inimigo nos discursos de Osama Bin Laden no período de 1996 a 2004." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/54091.
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Objetivamos analisar a construção do conceito de inimigo representado nos discursos de Osama bin Laden, durante o período de 1996 a 2004. Estes inimigos são constituídos a partir da edificação de uma realidade que apresenta Estados Unidos, Israel e seus aliados, como opressores dos muçulmanos. A fim de melhor compreender esta construção simbólica, buscaremos estudá-la com base na dinâmica de dois eixos fundamentais para a constituição do pensamento político-religioso de bin Laden: a herança teórica do islamismo radical, conjugada com a sua percepção acerca dos principais eventos geopolíticos contemporâneos envolvendo o mundo muçulmano. Dentro desta perspectiva, empregaremos o construtivismo em sua corrente linguística dos autores Nicholas Onuf e François Debrix como arcabouço teórico. Nos guiaremos pela prerrogativa de que a compreensão do mundo e da realidade ocorre de acordo com o modo como nós nos referimos a eles a partir de nossa linguagem. Como referencial metodológico que orientará nosso exame da construção do conceito de inimigo nos discursos de bin Laden, utilizaremos as categorias de operação da ideologia propostas por John Thompson na obra “Ideologia e Cultura Moderna – Teoria Social Crítica na Era dos Meios de Comunicação”.We aimed to analyze the construction of the concept of enemy represented in Osama bin Laden‟s speeches, during the period 1996 to 2004. These enemies are making from the building of a reality that presents U.S., Israel and its allies, as oppressors of muslims. To better understand this symbolic construction, we will seek to study it based on the dynamics of two pillars for the constitution of bin Laden's politico-religious thought: the theoretical heritage of radical islam, combined with the author's perception about the main events contemporary geopolitical involving the muslim world. From this perspective, we will employ the Linguistic Constructivism of the authors Nicholas Onuf and François Debrix, as theoretical framework. We will be guided by the prerogative of the understanding of the world and reality occurs according to the way we refer to them from our language. As a methodological framework that will guide our examination of the construction of the concept of enemy in bin Laden's speeches, we will use the categories of operation of ideology proposed by John Thompson in his work "Ideology and Modern Culture - Critical Social Theory in the Era of the Media."
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Ould, Brahim Khlil Mohamed Mahmoud. "L'union pour la Méditerranée : un projet politique difficile à réaliser : quelques obstacles majeurs." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCB051.
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Leroy, Didier. "La résilience islamique au Liban: contribution à l'étude de l'évolution idéologique et structurelle du Hezbollah." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210071.
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Depuis les attentats du 11 septembre 2001, le galvaudage intensif du concept d’« islamisme » par les sphères médiatiques et politiques a eu pour effet de catégoriser de manière simpliste et illusoire des phénomènes sociaux très différents de par le monde, dans le registre du terrorisme. Dans ce contexte, le Hezbollah libanais -pourtant chiite et farouchement opposé à Al-Qaïda- a acquis un statut particulier dans la mesure où le Secrétariat d’Etat américain l’a désigné comme la principale menace terroriste dès 2002. Nous proposons ici une recherche casuistique sur le « Parti de Dieu ». Etude longitudinale retraçant l’évolution de ce mouvement milicien devenu parti politique, notre travail vise à mieux cerner ce « fait social » et à situer celui-ci au sein du vaste spectre des islams politiques. Nous synthétisons ici les phases de maturation idéologique que celui-ci a connues depuis son émergence et retraçons l’évolution structurelle de ce parti politique avant tout caractérisé par son projet de « société résistante ». Chacun de ces deux volets (idéologique et structurel) laisse entrevoir les interactions bilatérales qui se sont créées, dans la diachronie, entre le religieux et le politique au sein du Hezbollah, mais illustre surtout la soumission polymorphe de l’un comme de l’autre à la cause inébranlable de la résistance face à Israël. L’élément fondamentalement nouveau que nous apportons à la littérature scientifique spécialisée est une grille d’interprétation du cheminement global d’une grande partie de la communauté chiite du Liban. Celle-ci a pour point de départ le concept -initialement psychologique- de « résilience », et propose la transposition de ce dernier dans le champ sociopolitique. L’analyse qui en découle met en perspective l’« idéologie résiliente » et la « structure résiliente » que le Hezbollah a progressivement développées dans une optique stratégique.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Lan, Li-Humg, and 藍立泓. "The Study on Israel\'\'s Counter-Terrorism Policy, 1973-2019." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/6pb752.
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碩士國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
107
Since the founding of Israel''s independence, the country has been shrouded in brutal war and terrorist attacks in the face of ethnic strife, religious conflicts and the former feuds over land divisions.In the face of dozens of times greater than Israel''s siege of other countries and religious communities, coupled with the threat of terrorism, Israel must be "all armed" and, at the very beginning of its founding, it had formulated the Anti-Terrorism Prevention Regulations on terrorism. This study takes the political system theory of the Chicago School master (David Easton) as a research approach to Israel''s counter-terrorism policy (1973-2019), the main study found that Israel''s counter-terrorism policy has been brutally tested by war, The thorough implementation of its unique global "deterrence strategy", "active defense strategy" and "comprehensive counter-terrorism strategy" has led Israel to develop an up-to-date counter-terrorism policy and become an important example of the global state in the fight against terrorism.
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Teng, Wei-Jen, and 鄧瑋仁. "The Influence of Terrorism on Peace Process between Israel and Palestine." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/38586696222019244791.
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碩士銘傳大學
國際事務研究所碩士班
98
The battle and war between Israel and Palestine is continuing nowadays. They both attack each other for the territory. What’s the main reason causing they can’t make a concession today? Though international societies are concerned with them and offer many source to civilian of Palestine, the warfare continues. Since the 911, America globally leads to strike the terrorism, and the alliance in the Middle East: Israel is the only country that balances the power among other countries. It gradually becomes a war between the West and the Arab. Due to the history development, the land of Palestine was dismembered to Israel. It made Palestinian take the way of terrorism and launch many suicide bombs attack to Israel. However, Israel treat these attack as the aggression, Israel always strike badly to Palestine for revenge. The military power of Israel is unbeatable under the backup of the West. Yet, the Arab see Israel as the main enemy, it gradually become a complicated international relationship. Iran, Syria, Egypt, Iraq, and other Arab countries supply the military hardware and training to Palestine. And at the same time, there’s a giant behind the Israel, the West. Moreover, the corruption and economical problem in Palestine makes terrorist take this advantage to get the civilian support. If the terrorist enter the center party of government someday, the chaos extend and the warfare continues. People in the Middle East “wish” the peaceful day comes rather than “hope”.