Journal articles on the topic 'Islamic and Secular Discourses'
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1
Fadel, Mohammad. "The Islamic Secular." American Journal of Islam and Society 34, no. 2 (April 1, 2017): 56–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v34i2.764.
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Professor Sherman Jackson’s essay “The Islamic Secular” challenges the popularconception within the Muslim community that norms are either “Islamic”or “un-Islamic.” Insofar as popular Muslim consciousness accords legitimacyonly to the “Islamic” and grants only grudging, if any, legitimacy to the “non-Islamic,” this intervention is welcome and profoundly needed. But his ambitionhere goes beyond correcting misconceptions within the community itself:It is also an intervention in debates about the secular, secularization, and religionin western academic discourses. In the brief space allotted to me to respondto this very rich and important essay, I will limit myself to the argumentshe directs toward the terms mentioned above and his argument that the “Islamic”secular presents a different phenomenon ...
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Varon, Ari. "Islam, the State, and the Law in Europe." Journal of Law, Religion and State 2, no. 1 (2013): 41–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22124810-00201003.
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The article presents the intricacies of an intra-Islamic debate within Europe today discussing multiple Islamic perspectives of religion, the state and the law. Analyzing the ideas of four contemporary European Muslim intellectuals the article reveals variations on how Muslims in Europe view the concept of secularism, the role of the state and the guidelines of Islamic religious practice. Through a comparative discourse analysis the article identities four distinct Islamic discourses that are compared and contrasted with each other and juxtaposed with European theory about religion, the state and the law. As Muslims in Europe gradually overcome social cleavages and ethnic differences they at times challenge the secular nature and religious neutrality of Europe’s religious, cultural and humanist inheritance. Understanding the distinctions between the Islamic discourses elaborates the trends and ramifications the political mobilization Muslims living in Europe might have on the status quo definitions of European society; some Islamic discourses represent a direct confrontation to the construct secular identity; others suggest full integration into European society. All four are present in Europe today. Recognizing the differences between the Islamic discourses can rearrange the principles in which Europe perceives Islam while enlightening the politically sensitive and complex subject relating to the formation of an Islamic European identity.
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James, Kierlan, and Rex John Walsh. "Islamic Religion and Death Metal Music in Indonesia." Journal of Popular Music Studies 30, no. 3 (September 2018): 129–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jpms.2018.200007.
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The Bandung (Indonesia) Death Metal scene is known for its secular orientation whereby religion and religious belief are viewed as personal matters that should be restricted to the private realm. Metalheads may freely go the mosque or church but in their capacities as private citizens only; religious identification and activity is not permitted to infringe upon the scene’s discourses and practices. We look at the differences in discourses and practices between the Jakarta-based One Finger Movement (Islamic) bands and the Bandung secular Death Metal scene. We also study Bandung band Saffar, which was known for its Islamic lyrics on its debut album but which has been for a few years in limbo due to the departure of vocalist and lyricist Parjo. We also look at Saffar’s positioning of itself as a “secular” band with Islamic and anti-Zionist lyrical themes rather than as an Islamic band per se. The secular Bandung scene context is a significant explanatory factor.
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Suwarno, Peter. "Fear Appeal as Coercion Versus Persuasion in a Democracy: The Power of Islamic Discourse in the Indonesian Public Sphere." Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan 27, no. 2 (February 12, 2020): 251–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/ws.27.2.4971.
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While Indonesia claims to be the world’s third largest democracy, it recognizes itself as both a secular and religious state. The negotiation of the state-religion relationship influenced by Islamic discourse continues to shape the socio-political development of this largest Muslim nation. This paper describes how Indonesia’s discursive contention is molded by the power and popularity of Islamic discourses. It will present examples and analysis of appeal to fear as coercive discourses from recently published speech events, debates, edicts, regulations, and publications as well as examine the vital role of Islamic discourses in the Indonesian public sphere and democracy. This paper concludes that coercive religious discourses and some government policies not only marginalize the voices of minority and opposing groups, but also curtail participative critical debates that are necessary for a democratic Indonesia.
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Challand, Benoît. "A NAHḌA OF CHARITABLE ORGANIZATIONS? HEALTH SERVICE PROVISION AND THE POLITICS OF AID IN PALESTINE." International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 2 (May 2008): 247a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808080847.
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This article discusses the modalities through which religious and secular nongovernmental medical organizations frame their work in relation to their constituencies. It argues that their discourses exemplify a differentiated approach to social work that can be explained in the context of massive aid disbursed to the occupied Palestinian territories. To understand how the political economy of aid impacts the framing of socioreligious movements, this article focuses on a case study of health organizations operating in the Hebron district, where a mixed matrix of charitable organizations, Islamic institutions, and zakat committees work along secular nongovernmental organizations. In the past decade, there seems to have been a revival of charitable organizations, which may shed light on current political victories of the Islamic sector. If Islamic socioreligious movements have been successful in promoting discourses of common good that attract more popular support than secular organizations, it is precisely because such discourses are in open (and sometimes conscious) tension with liberal conceptions such as good governance, strong civil society, and democracy promotion that are relayed generally by secular and professionalized nongovernmental organizations
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Tayob, Abdulkader. "Minorities Between State and Sharia Discourses in African Muslim Societies." Islamic Africa 13, no. 2 (December 20, 2022): 133–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21540993-01302002.
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Abstract This essay proposes a framework for understanding the construction of religious groups and minorities in Muslim societies through two intersecting and inter-related discourses. The first is a discourse and experience of modern state formation with roots in Africa’s colonial history. And the second is a discourse of the Other in Islamic jurisprudence and theology. It builds on Talal Asad’s thesis that a modern state discourse of secular authority does not preclude religious symbols that shape religious minorities. However, the essay goes beyond Asad by showing that Muslim reformist groups also articulate a religious discourse on minorities and religious groups. The essay argues that a discursive construction of Muslim religious minorities and groups occurs through contemporary state and Islamic reformist discourses. The article presents Egypt and Nigeria as case studies to illustrate this construction.
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Aswar, Hasbi. "Secular Perspective on The Islamic Political Discourses in Indonesia: A Critical Analysis." Jurnal Kajian Peradaban Islam 4, no. 2 (June 24, 2021): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.47076/jkpis.v4i2.64.
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This article aims to critically analyze the secularization perspective on political Islam, focusing on the Indonesian context. The secular perspective has its fundamental doctrine that democracy, separation of State and Religion, and nationalism should be the only system to manage one State. Many people always use kind of argument, even scholars, including in Indonesia, to reject the concept of the Islamic State. This article used descriptive analysis to elaborate the secularization perspective on political Islam in Indonesia and the critical analysis from the Islamic perspective. Furthermore, it also explains the impact of using such a perspective in analyzing the discourse of Political Islam. This article found that the responses of the Muslim figures or people on political Islam in Indonesia are influenced by the secularization perspective instead of using the Islamic perspective. Islamic perspective on political Islam is derived from the Islamic methodology that authoritative scholars have formulated in the past. The secular perspective on politics, as a result, contributed to the decline of the Islamic civilization and colonization from the western power.
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Muratova, Elmira. "The Transformation of the Crimean Tatars’ Institutions and Discourses After 2014." Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics 13, no. 1 (July 12, 2019): 44–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jnmlp-2019-0006.
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Abstract The article deals with the transformation of the Crimean Tatars’ institutions and discourses after the 2014 conflict around Crimea. It shows the change in the balance of power of traditional institutions such as Mejlis and Muftiyat, which for many years represented secular and religious components of Crimean Tatars’ ethnic identity. It tells how the Mejlis was dismissed from the political stage in Crimea, while the Muftiyat has enjoyed a great support by new authorities. This transformation and threats to societal security inevitably led to reassessment of previous views and goals of the main actors in the Crimean Tatar community and the formation of new institutions with hybrid composition and discourse. The article focuses on organization such as ‘Crimean solidarity,’ which was formed in 2016 as a reaction to authorities’ pressure over the Crimean Tatars. Using discourse analysis of statements of activists of this organization and content analysis of social media, the author presents the main topics of its discourse and types of activity. She shows how the traditional Islamic discourse of activists of this organization has been transformed by the incorporation of the main concepts of secular discourse developed by the Mejlis. The author argues that the appearance of ‘Crimean solidarity’ indicates the blurring of lines between secular and religious, and ethnic and Islamic in the Crimean Tatar society. It shows how people with different backgrounds and agendas manage to leave their differences aside to support each other in the face of a common threat.
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Kortmann, Matthias. "Secular–Religious Competition and the Exclusion of Islam from the Public Sphere: Islamic Welfare in Western Europe." Politics and Religion 12, no. 3 (October 29, 2018): 433–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000706.
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AbstractThis paper deals in a qualitative discourse analysis with the role of Islamic organizations in welfare delivery in Germany and the Netherlands. Referring to Jonathan Fox's “secular–religious competition perspective”, the paper argues that similar trends of exclusion of Islamic organizations from public social service delivery can be explained with discourses on Islam in these two countries. The analysis, first, shows that in the national competitions between religious and secular ideologies on the public role of religion, different views are dominant (i.e., the support for the Christian majority in Germany and equal treatment of all religions in the Netherlands) which can be traced back to the respective regimes of religious governance. However, and second, when it comes to Islam in particular, in the Netherlands, the perspective of restricting all religions from public sphere prevails which leads to the rather exclusivist view on Islamic welfare that dominates in Germany, too.
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Forte, Alaya. "Pious Practice and Secular Constraints." American Journal of Islam and Society 33, no. 2 (April 1, 2016): 118–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v33i2.910.
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A research study grounded in both anthropology and ethnography, the aim ofJeanette S. Jouili’s Pious Practice and Secular Constraints: Women in the IslamicRevival in Europe is threefold: (1) to explore how women cultivate Islamicsubjectivities in secular European contexts that stigmatize and politicizesuch religious practices; (2) reveal the practical and discursive techniques theyhave devised to deal with the difficulties that emerge from engaging in piouspractices; and, finally, (3) attempts to show how living as a religious minorityin a secular-majority society can reshape traditional Islamic discourse and providean alternative to the dominant language of autonomy, individual rights,and equality. Since the early 2000s, Jouili has come into contact with a widerange of practicing Muslimahs attending courses in various Islamic centersof learning, specifically in Paris and the region around Cologne. These centersare distinctive for their willingness to explore a multiplicity of doctrinal lineagesand attempt to transcend cultural and ethnic traditions.In the case of this most recent publication, there is the added value of amuch-needed overview of pious women who have been active in Islamic revivalcircles in Europe, together with perceptive insights into their daily lives.This book, therefore, contributes to a high-profile body of work by Talal Asad(1993, 2003), Saba Mahmood (2005), and Charles Hirschkind (2006) aroundethics and ethical self-cultivation, which explores contextual power relationsat play in the construction of religious discourses and practices, as well as ArmandoSalvatore’s work on the public sphere (2007). Jouili’s findings shedlight on the incompleteness and unlinearity of these Islamic moral codes, aswell as demonstrate how “[t]he individual’s work on herself [is] significantlyand long-lastingly complicated by prior habits and by the availability of othersets of moral codes” (p. 15).Drawing on Aristotelian ethics, with its insistence on practice rather thanreason, and Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of habitus, Jouili investigates how theembodied/practical ethical process molds an Islamic modernity within a secularEuropean context (chapter 1). The subsequent chapters provide an indepthstudy of these practices, which are aimed at strengthening through theinternalization of an “authenticated” knowledge of Islam learned within formalsettings (chapter 2) and the specific techniques of self-cultivation, specifically118 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 33:2Book ...
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Ahmad, Ishaq, and Shahida Aman. "Women’s rights in Pakistan: A study of religious and alternate discourses regarding women’s participation in politics." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 5, no. 1 (April 21, 2021): 123–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/5.1.9.
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This study aims to evaluate the religious and the alternate discourses on women’s political rights in Pakistan; such debates were heightened and intensified as a result of General Zia-ul-Haq’s Islamization vision and policies implemented between 1977 to 1988. Zia-ul-Haq’s Islamization is argued to have polarized women’s participation in politics and challenged the standing of feminist groups, Islamic feminists, and secularists, which made Islam and women’s political participation the subject of debates that are still relevant in the case of Pakistan. The paper argues that Pakistani state’s Islamic disposition in general and Zia-ul-Haq’s Islamization in particular provoked religious conservatism and promoted gender-based discrimination that deeply affected women’s political participation. This study seeks to reconcile the different perspectives of Islamic and secular feminism for realizing the goals of effective participation of women in politics. The paper uses a qualitative research method concentrating on thematic analysis, which employs for identifying and analyzing patterns or themes within qualitative data analysis approaches. The findings suggest that in the case of women rights, Islamic feminism and secular feminism are compatible and complementary, and a synthesis of both is imperative to realize the effective participation of women in politics.
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Caeiro, Alexandre. "Secular Governance and Islamic Law." Sociology of Islam 7, no. 4 (December 13, 2019): 323–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00704002.
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In this paper I examine the uses of the concept of minority by contemporary Muslim public intellectuals engaged simultaneously in discussions about the status of Muslims in the West and the place of non-Muslims in the Islamic world. I show how the concept of minority – rendered in Arabic through the neologism aqalliyya – is both problematic and indispensable to the discussions taking place in the transnational spaces of Islamic normative debate. Drawing on Saba Mahmood’s work, I argue that the minority question is both a strategy of modern secular governance and a tool used by a set of actors pursuing different projects. I suggest that the Islamic traditions that are often seen as foundational to the inequalities that shape the life of non-Muslims in the Middle East are in fact more ambiguous in their effects than they may appear at first sight. Although Islamic legal discourse has been predicated on a hierarchy that places non-Muslims in a subaltern status, it also embodies universalist norms that serve to counter some of these inequalities – even if the goals it articulates and the language it deploys are not always immediately intelligible within a modern context.
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Akalay, Yahya. "From Secular to Islamic Feminism(s): The Development of Moroccan Feminist Ideologies." International Journal of Cultural and Religious Studies 2, no. 1 (April 20, 2022): 14–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijcrs.2022.2.1.2.
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The present paper explores the ways in which secular and Islamic ideologies have emerged and developed as distinct frames of reference for the Moroccan feminist movement. It examines critically the changing meanings of ‘the secular’ and ‘the religious’ and the ways they communicate and manifest in the Moroccan feminist narrative. The aim is to track the development of the two sub-movements referred to as secular feminism and Islamic feminism and analyze their dynamics and ability to adapt to a complex socio-political reality by adopting different ideological approaches to the issue of women’s rights reform. The study of the course of the Moroccan feminist movement and its shift between secular and Islamic feminist discourses helps improve our understanding of feminist theory by observing various feminist expressions in different cultural environments from the ones which are perceived as the native home of feminism. It also helps us examine the influence of local ideological conflicts on feminism and deconstruct these ideologies by detecting their limitations, enabling us to have a clear perception of the nature of the feminist movement today and foresee the prospects of women's rights reform in Morocco and other Muslim-majority societies in the future.
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El-Msaoui, Mohammed. "Islamic-Secular Dialogue in the Arab World." Contemporary Arab Affairs 11, no. 1-2 (March 1, 2018): 63–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2018.000005.
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Many debates between Islamists and secularists have taken place in the Arab political sphere with the aim of building bridges of communication between the two actors who contributed to the transformations that have taken place in the Arab world. Despite the multiple dialogues between Islamists and secularists, conflict and tension have prevailed on both sides, with conflict taking on all forms of material and moral violence. One of the most significant indicators of the crisis in communication is the emergence of violence. That being so, this study broaches the problem using Habermas’s basic idea, which focuses on violence as a disease of human discourse and communication. According to Habermas, violence is the result of distorted discourse between fundamentalists and others; it is a distorted discourse because it does not recognize the other as it is. The study employs the Habermas communicative action theory as a central concept. Accordingly, Habermas’s theory of communication is invoked to understand the causes of the escalation of violence in the Arab political sphere.
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Madaninejad, Banafsheh. "Religious Secularity." American Journal of Islam and Society 33, no. 3 (July 1, 2016): 99–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v33i3.920.
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Naser Ghobadzadeh’s Religious Secularity presumes that Muslim thinkers nolonger consider an Islamic state as the desired political system. This aversionto a theocratic state is perhaps felt most by those Iranian reformist thinkerswho have had to operate in such a state since the 1979 Islamic revolution. Theauthor claims that in its place, the Muslim world has devised a new theoreticalcategory called “religious secularity,” which allows for a religiously secularstate to, at least theoretically, present itself as an alternative to an Islamic one.He defines this religiously secular attitude as one that refuses to eliminate religionfrom the political sphere, but simultaneously carves out a space for secularpolitics by narrowly promoting only the institutional separation of religionand state.He claims that this concept has two goals: to (1) restore the clergy’s genuinespiritual aims and reputation and (2) show that Islam is compatible withthe secular democratic state. In Iran, rather than launching overt attacks againstthe theocratic state, this discourse of religious secularity has created a more“gentle, implicit and sectarian manner in challenging the Islamic state.” Unlikein pre-revolutionary times when there were both religious and non-religiousideologies vying for an audience, Ghobadzadeh suggests that in Iran today,“the alternative discourses are religious and concentrate on liberating religiousdiscourse from state intervention.”The author pays homage to Abdullahi An-Na’im and claims to be usingIslam and the Secular State: Negotiating the Future of Shari‘a (2008) as aconceptual framework. As far as subfields within political science go,Ghobadzadeh’s Religious Secularity is also similar in form to NaderHashemi’s Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy (2009) and, as such,can be considered a work of theoretical comparative political science ...
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Unal, Didem. "The Abortion Debate and Profeminist Coalition Politics in Contemporary Turkey." Politics & Gender 15, no. 4 (December 11, 2018): 801–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000703.
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AbstractThis article presents a qualitative analysis of profeminist Islamic women public figures’ discourses in the abortion debate in Turkey in 2012. The aim is to reveal the possibilities and limitations of achieving an intersectional and egalitarian profeminist collaboration on the Islamic-secular axis in contemporary Turkey. Drawing on recent feminist scholarship on coalition politics, the article exposes the fluctuations of meaning and the shifting frames of reference in these women's narratives and relates this hybrid, dynamic narrative quality to profeminist Islamic women's unique social location. It also elaborates on the blockage points in these narratives that hinder coalitional ways of thinking. Within this frame, this article suggests that in a social and political context that has witnessed a striking upsurge of antifeminist gender politics in the last decade, the building of coalitional profeminist politics beyond the Islamic-secular divide can be facilitated by shifting the focus from the apparently irreconcilable character of ideological positionings and lived experiences toward coalitional rhetorical strategies and intermediary narrative lines in profeminist subjects’ accounts.
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Bell. "Choosing Medersa: Discourses on Secular versus Islamic Education in Mali, West Africa." Africa Today 61, no. 3 (2015): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/africatoday.61.3.45.
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Khan, M. A. Muqtedar. "Islam and Epistemology." American Journal of Islam and Society 16, no. 3 (October 1, 1999): 81–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v16i3.2104.
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On February 27, 1999, the International Institute of Islamic Thought0 hosted a symposium titled “Islam and Epistemology.” The seminarinvited many scholars and philosophers to discuss Mehdi Ha’iri Yazdi’sbook, The Principles of Epistemology in Islamic Philosophy.‘ The mpe ofthe presentation and discussion was not limited to the contents of the book.Indeed, the book was used as 8 launching pad for discussions on issuesrelated to epistemology, Islamic sciences, Islamic philosophy, the tensionsbetween reason and nxelation, and the differences between the legalisticapproach and the philosophical approach. It also raised interesting debatesabout the similarities and differences between Westem-secular and humanist-social sciences and the theocentric discourses of Muslims.The seminar also doubled as the Second Conference of the ContemporaryIslamic Philosophers. Two doctoml students, myself from GeorgetownUniversity and Ejaz Akram from Catholic University, organized the firstconference in May 1998, at which time we called for a new discourse? Weargued that contemporary Islamic philosophy had become too engagedwith writing and rewriting the history of medieval Islamic philosophy withoutactually doing philosophy. So we invited Muslim intellectuals andphilosophers to reflect on the present and advance discourses that willenlighten and improve the present human condition. We argued thatIslamic philosophers should play the role of social critics and public intellectualsand assist in thinking of old ideas in new terms and new ideas inold terms. This seminar, in a similar vein, was designed to point the attentionof Islamic thinkers toward the need for an empowering and transformativeepistemology for contemporary Muslims?At the seminar, five speakem, each from a different backgmund, madeformal presentations. Over 35 students of Islamic philosophy came to theseminar from Virginia, Maryland, New Jersey, North Carolina, New York &and California. Each presentation sought to explore the relationship ...
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Wesselhoeft, Kirsten. "The Constraints of Choice: Secular Sensibilities, Pious Critique, and an Islamic Ethic of Sisterhood in France." Sociology of Islam 7, no. 4 (December 13, 2019): 226–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00704006.
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Muslim women in France engage with moral language of choice, freedom, and rights in a way that offers a framework for the intensification rather than the dilution of pious aspirations. At the same time, the centrality of choice in French state discourses pertaining to Muslim women over-determines the language of choice, freedom, and rights through association with political secularism. Against the background of the valorization of gender mixing (mixité) in state discourses, all-female Islamic social settings reconfigure gender separation (non-mixité) through a pious ethos of rights, freedoms, and personal development that makes up part of the “assemblage” of secularity in the French context, even as these settings are opposed to political secularism.
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DALAMAN, Zeynep Banu. "From Secular Muslim Feminisim to Islamic Feminism(s) and New Generation Islamic Feminists in Egypt, Iran and Turkey." Border Crossing 11, no. 1 (June 8, 2021): 77–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/bc.v11i1.1042.
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In dominantly Muslim societies, there have been two major feminist paradigms referred to as “secular Muslim feminism” emerging at late nineteenth century and “Islamic feminism(s)” arising after the 4th women world congress in Beijing in 1995. They evolved in historical contexts where new subjects and identities were being re/fashioned out of shifting combinations of religious, class, ethnic, and national affiliations. On the one hand, secular Muslim feminism joined the western oriented first wave of liberal feminism including secular nationalists, Islamic modernists, humanitarian/human rightists, and democrats. Islamic feminism, on the other hand, is expressed in a single or dominantly religiously grounded discourse taking the Qur'an as its core text. In this article, I reflect on the roots of feminism in the Middle East with a particular emphasis on Egypt, Iran and Turkey. I discuss secular feminism and Islamic feminism, and what makes them distinct. Finally, I discuss whether a new wave of Islamic feminism has been formed with the criticisms of a new generation of Islamic feminists.
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Soyubol, Kutluğhan. "Finding ruh in the forebrain: Mazhar Osman and the emerging Turkish psychiatric discourse." Medical History 66, no. 3 (July 2022): 225–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2022.18.
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AbstractThis article examines the emergence of modern psychiatric discourse under the culturally Islamic yet radically secular context of the early Turkish republic (1923-1950). To do so, it focuses on the psychiatric publications of Mazhar Osman [Uzman] (1884-1951), the widely acknowledged “father” of modern Turkish psychiatry; and aims to genealogically trace his scientific project of reconceptualizing ruh, an Arabo-Turkish concept that predominantly refers to transcendental soul, rendering it physiologically within the framework of biological-descriptive psychiatry. The article consequently addresses the elusive and multilayered psychiatric language emerged in Turkey as a result of modern psychiatry’s interventions into a field that was previously defined by religion and indigenous traditions. Attempting to contextualize republican psychiatric discourse within the cultural and socio-political circumstances that has produced it, the article sheds light on how the new psychiatric knowledge propagated by Mazhar Osman was formulated in constitutive contradistinction to religious or traditional discourses, explicitly associating them with the Ottoman past and its alleged backwardness, hence reverberating with the Kemalist project of modern Turkish state building. Furthermore, by focusing on the complexities of the Turkish psychiatric language and the contestations it has generated, the article aims to reflect on the ways in which the Turkish psychiatric language was (and presumably still is) haunted by earlier forms of Islamic knowledge and traditions, despite modern psychiatry’s as well as modern secular state’s systematic and authoritative attempts to erase them for good.
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Elshurafa, Dina. "Islamic Capitalism—An Imminent Reality or a Hopeful Possibility for Islamic Finance?" Arab Law Quarterly 26, no. 3 (2012): 339–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730255-12341236.
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Abstract This paper explores the future of Islamic finance and the sustainability of its development alongside conventional finance within the same capitalistic framework and posits an alternative capitalist structure as a principled foundation for Islamic finance based on Islamic ideals. The success of this medium will ultimately depend on the extent to which traditionalists, who resist departing from ‘purist’ Islamic principles, will challenge the ijtihād of modernists and their support for innovation. The combined knowledge and cooperation of the fiqh scholars and secular experts can facilitate the development and standardisation of Islamic financial instruments. Points of tension between scholars and secular financial experts should not hinder the process of innovation. Instead, their interaction should be seen as an opportunity for creating a platform for an intellectual discourse, especially in the wake of Western economic crises and the demise of the West’s monopoly over global finance.
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Kanra, Bora, and Selen Ayirtman Ercan. "Negotiating Difference in a Muslim Society: A Longitudinal Study of Islamic and Secular Discourses in Turkey." Digest of Middle East Studies 21, no. 1 (March 2012): 69–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.2012.00127.x.
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Ahmadi, Rizqa, and Wildani Hefni. "Anti-Hadith Discourse and The Post-Secularism Turn: Rethinking Nazwar Syamsu and Minardi Mursyid and their Followers on Digital Platform." Dialogia 20, no. 2 (December 16, 2022): 360–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.21154/dialogia.v20i2.5067.
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The Indonesian Anti-Hadith Group (AHG) thought has never been extinguished. No matter how big the public’s rejection of their ideas, that’s how significant their resistance is. This article aims to reveal the Anti Hadith discourse, especially in post-secularism, which is considered momentum for religious openness. Through the virtual ethnography method, this article argues that in the post-secular era, the activities of AHG followers are increasingly dynamic. They build the network, revive and publish the founders’ thoughts, and appeal to followers through digital platforms. Post-secularism, which is marked by the decline of the privatization of religion in the public sphere, opens up opportunities for Islamic discourses, including the Anti-hadith discourse. The implication, on the one hand, is that religion is no longer a matter of privacy that is separated from the public sphere. On the other hand, the current Anti-Hadith thought potentially challenges the sources of Islamic law. This fact becomes a paradox that post-secularism is usually characterized by religious desire. Still, on the contrary, the presence of AHG stimulated controversies in the mid of Indonesian Muslim communities.
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Shabana, Ayman. "Islamic Ethics and the Legitimacy of Scientific Innovation." Sociology of Islam 8, no. 2 (May 1, 2020): 265–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00802006.
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This paper examines bioethical discourses concerning genetic counseling within the area of assisted reproduction. More particularly, it investigates the extent to which mainstream Western or secular bioethics is considered lacking from an Islamic perspective. The paper argues that invocation, incorporation, and even interrogation of Islamic norms ensure the legitimacy of genetic counseling within the Muslim context. The paper suggests a distinction between two levels of analysis within Islamic bioethical discussions on the consequences of genetic testing. The first addresses ethical-legal dimensions and is primarily concerned with balancing immediate benefits and harms in this world. The second addresses theological and metaphysical dimensions and is primarily concerned with faith-based convictions and religious commitments. The paper argues that both levels are needed for a nuanced understanding of the process of genetic counseling within a Muslim setting. The paper gives special attention to institutional fatwas on two main issues: prenatal genetic screening and preimplantation genetic diagnosis.
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Rajabi-Ardeshiri, Masoud. "The Rights of the Child in the Islamic Context: The Challenges of the Local and the Global." International Journal of Children's Rights 17, no. 3 (2009): 475–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181809x445331.
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AbstractWithin the Islamic context, it is strongly believed that Islamic principles are fully compatible with the international concepts of human rights. Nevertheless, Islamic Shariah law has been condemned by the widespread secular discourse on universal human rights as a blatant violation of human rights. Carrying out a thematic analysis of the main Islamic Conventions/Declarations on Human Rights and the Rights of the Child, issued and ratified by the largest Islamic inter-governmental body, the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), this paper reveals that although the first Islamic Conventions/Declaration on the Rights of the Child (during 1980s) largely reiterated the religious rhetoric of Islam's commitment to children's rights, since then the Islamic states have begun to internalize a more universal understanding of human rights which reflects a change from a mainly ideological, conservative monologue into a more universal dialogue.
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Zemmin, Florian. "Integrating Islamic Positions into European Public Discourse." Journal of Religion in Europe 8, no. 1 (February 19, 2015): 121–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748929-00801007.
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As the continuing relevance of religion to secular European societies garners increasing recognition, the question remains of which religious positions may assume a public role, with Islam at the center of many debates. This article complements the ongoing theoretical debate with a detailed case study analyzing the major works of Islamic scholar and public intellectual Tariq Ramadan. I show that in the last two decades Ramadan significantly modified his views on Islam and European societies. I argue that these adjustments were interdependent, and as such paradigmatically illustrate that the integration of Islamic positions into public discourse depends on shifts in the understanding of both concepts.
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BANO, MASOODA. "Madrasa Reforms and Islamic Modernism in Bangladesh." Modern Asian Studies 48, no. 4 (October 7, 2013): 911–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000790.
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AbstractThe old project of modernizing madrasas has acquired a new zeal in South Asia after September 2011, whereby madrasa reform programmes became an acknowledged soft tactic of the war on terror. With 9000 Aliya (reformed) madrasas, the Bangladesh madrasa modernization programme has been identified as a potentially useful model for the neighbouring states of Pakistan and India who have made slower progress in implementing similar programmes. In this paper I argue that, although the Aliya madrasa system in Bangladesh has succeeded in integrating secular subjects in the madrasa curriculum, in reality this modernization project has failed in its underlying ambition to generate a ‘modern discourse’ on Islam—a discourse that is compatible with the demands of western modernity. The right to speak for Islam is still primarily exercised by the ‘ulama and graduates of the Qoumi (unreformed) madrasas. Aliya madrasas today compete with the secular schools not with Qoumi madrasas. The growth of the Aliya madrasa system in Bangladesh, instead of bearing testimony to the popular appeal of the modernization agenda, demonstrates the preference of Muslim parents for increased Islamic content in the school curriculum
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Muhaimin, Muhaimin. "Removing Dual-Discourse (National and Shari’ah Law) in the Formulation of Region’s Policy in Jember." JURNAL HUKUM ISLAM 19, no. 1 (June 22, 2021): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.28918/jhi.v19i1.4382.
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This article will explore that irrelevant today to say there are differences between Shari’ah Jurisprudences and secular/modern state formulation of law. Yet, Islam as a major religion in Indonesia had dominant roles to construct regulation based on their beliefs in Islamic teaching. Besides that, Moslem society also could respond to the un-universal law if it is compatible with Islamic values through social and political movements. Therefore, this article also will define what Islamic regulation point of view and embedded beliefs of Moslems written inside the regulation. This article will be conducted by qualitative research model and approached by social-phenomenological perspective. In the end, this article concludes that based on maqashid al shari’ah there are not dichotomies of Islamic regulation or modern/secular law in Indonesia, especially in Jember (the object of study) caused the formulation of this regulation was based on Islamic law process and substantive teleological to become Moslem society in Indonesia.
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Nolte, Insa. "Introduction: Learning to be Muslim in West Africa. Islamic Engagements with Diversity and Difference." Islamic Africa 10, no. 1-2 (June 12, 2019): 11–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21540993-01001001.
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In West Africa, Muslim learning has historically been shaped by two key engagements: the participation in wider Islamic debates and the co-existence with non-Muslims. In the twentieth and twenty-first century, Islamic education in West Africa was transformed by the imposition of the secular state and Western education. But as Muslims encountered secularism and Christianity, they also increasingly drew on pedagogies that emanated from Middle Eastern and Asian Islam. The articles in this Special Issue illustrate that as Islamic scholars and leaders from different backgrounds engaged simultaneously with the diversity of global Islam and the growing presence of secular and Christian institutions, they developed a multiplicity of educational practices and visions. Thus learning to be Muslim in West Africa reflects both the engagement with Islamic discourse and debates about the boundaries of Islam.
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Badara, Aris, and Jamiludin Jamiludin. "Representation of Indonesian women workers: a critical discourse analysis on the newspapers of nationalist-secular and Islamic ideological perspectives." Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 10, no. 1 (May 29, 2020): 79–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v10i1.79-101.
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The purpose of this study is to reveal the representation of women workers in newspaper news discourse that follows the nationalist-secular ideology and the Islamic ideology perspectives. The method of this research is a qualitative content analysis that views the text as a symbolic message and it requires interpretation according to the context. Complementing the research method, a critical discourse analysis approach is also used. The subjects of this research are female workers found in newspaper news discourse that carries the values of Islamic ideology and newspapers that carry nationalist-secular ideology. Data were analyzed through critical discourse analysis techniques in the following steps: (a) description; (b) interpretation; and (c) explanation. This research still considers checking the reliability and the validity. Data analysis is also complemented by confirmation of linguists and peers (triangulation of sources). The main findings of this study show that the practice of discourse in the RM newspaper which follows the nationalist-secular ideology perspective represents marginal women. By the RM newspaper, the representation is used as a plea for the actions and trait of male actors or employers. The motive revealed from this phenomenon is to follow the demand of the market. On the other hand, the newspaper R, which tends to follow Islamic ideology perspective, represents the motive of advocacy for women workers. This is the implication of the values of Islamic ideology carried out by the R newspaper as mentioned in its vision and mission. The findings are also the antithesis of the view that Islam isolates women in the social sphere of society.
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Tolchah, Moch. "Pemahaman Pendidik dan Tenaga Kependidikan tentang Pendidikan Umum dengan Kekhasan Agama Islam di MAN 3 Malang." ISLAMICA: Jurnal Studi Keislaman 9, no. 2 (March 15, 2016): 373. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/islamica.2015.9.2.373-401.
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<p>Discourses on Islamic school curriculum can be divided into theoretical and practical levels. In this paper, the practical level of the curriculum is examined in terms of its philosophical meaning within teachers, the translation of the philosophical view into school curriculum, and what strategy is being used to sharpen the curriculum messages. This article discusses the understanding of the school teachers and administrators towards the specific religious characteristics of public education at Madrasah Aliyah Negeri (MAN) 3 Malang. From the field research, this article finds three important results. First, the educators in MAN 3 Malang perceived their institution as the agent of amalgamation between Pesantren tradition and secular education to uphold excellences in academic and non-academic areas. Second, in order to materialize such philosophical thought, the educa-tors developed and implemented particular schemata. Third, in order to strengthen Islamic characteristics through curriculum development, the school applied the strategy of religious activity, direct monitoring and evaluation, educative activity designs, and implementing school’s vision through strategic platforms.</p>
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Hadi, Fadhil Sofian, Hasrul Sani, and Najib R. K. Allaham. "The History of Worldview in Secular, Christian, and Islamic Intellectual Discourse." Tasfiyah: Jurnal Pemikiran Islam 5, no. 1 (January 18, 2021): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21111/tasfiyah.v5i1.5325.
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Renders, Marleen. "AN AMBIGUOUS ADVENTURE: MUSLIM ORGANISATIONS AND THE DISCOURSE OF 'DEVELOPMENT' IN SENEGAL." Journal of Religion in Africa 32, no. 1 (2002): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700660260048474.
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AbstractThe article explores how the process of appropriating the discourse of 'development' by Muslim organisations and 'NGOs' might be a factor in the construction of new forms/contexts of Muslim political participation in Senegal. By promoting 'Islamic development', Muslim organisations have moved into a discursive field that was previously the fief of the secular state. It is shown how the discourse of 'development' and 'Islam' and the interplay between them are functional in the context of competition and negotiation amongst political actors in Senegal. The result observed is very complex and multifaceted. By claiming 'Islamic development' and playing with the content of these two concepts according to the powerpolitical context, 'Muslim' organisations and personalities claim political space from the 'secular' state as well as from each other.
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Sayan-Cengiz, Feyda. "Eroding the symbolic significance of veiling? The Islamic fashion magazineÂlâ, consumerism, and the challenged boundaries of the “Islamic neighborhood”." New Perspectives on Turkey 58 (May 2018): 155–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/npt.2018.9.
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AbstractIslamic fashion and lifestyle magazines enable the global circulation and consumption of newly emerging images of, narratives about, and discourses on Muslim women across the globe. Such magazines also trigger debates by making visible the language of commodification and consumerism that is increasingly shaping Muslim subjectivities. In particular,Âlâ—the pioneering Islamic fashion magazine in Turkey—has been the target of extensive criticism by Islamic intellectuals and columnists. This study contextualizes these criticisms within the broader debate on veiling fashion and Islamic consumerism in the context of 2010s Turkey, a context in which the Islamic bourgeoisie has been strengthened and class cleavages among veiled women have been further sharpened. The study analyzes the opinion columns focusing onÂlâpublished in the Islamic, pro-government newspaperYeni Şafak, as well as the responses ofÂlâ’s editors and producers to such criticisms. The findings demonstrate that the magazine is criticized for making visible the surge of consumerism among the Islamic bourgeoisie, for blurring the boundaries between Islamic and secular identities, and for fragmenting an idealized imagination of Islamic collectivity by emphasizing class cleavages among veiled women. I argue that these criticisms ofÂlâin Islamic circles reflect a concern with the erosion of the symbolic connotations of veiling in Turkey, particularly in terms of marking the boundaries that define the imagination of an Islamic collectivity.
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Masud, Muhammad Khalid. "The Construction and Deconstruction of Secularism as an Ideology in Contemporary Muslim Thought." Asian Journal of Social Science 33, no. 3 (2005): 363–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853105775013670.
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AbstractThis article starts with a sketch of the encounters and experiences of modern secularism in four areas of the Islamic world (Turkey, Arab world, South Asia and Southeast Asia); these point to the diverse conditions and constructions that have become central issues of regional and trans-regional discourse: laizism through reform, nationalism through decolonization, Islamic nationalism through state formation, and tolerance through traditional multi-ethnic environments. In analysing the basic writings of five exemplary modern Muslim thinkers, it is shown that modern Islamic thought, tied to the idea of mutual exclusive ideological constructions of secularism and Islamism, remains ambiguous while at the same time facing the factual unfolding of secularism in Muslim countries: the works of Mawdudi contain absolute denial of secularism; al-Qaradawi argues for the strict opposition and separation of the secular and the religious; al-Attas denies that Western processes of religious secularization are applicable to the development of Islam. On the other hand, Iqbal and Rahman, although maintaining a clear distinction between the secular and the religious, point to coinciding dimensions of religious and secular dimensions in modern political and social life. The reflection of the secular and the religious is highly shaped by historical and political influences as well as by ideologization, thus creating obstacles for fruitful conceptual reconstructions of the given dimensions of the coincidence of both — Islam and the secular conditions of modern society.
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Ismail, Salwa. "Confronting the Other: Identity, Culture, Politics, and Conservative Islamism in Egypt." International Journal of Middle East Studies 30, no. 2 (May 1998): 199–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800065879.
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The rise of Islamist groups in Egypt's polity and society is given force through the articulation of a set of competing yet inter-linked discourses that challenge the authority of the post-independence secular nationalist discourse and attempt to reconstitute the field of struggle and domination in religious terms. Concurrently, these discourses seek authoritative status over the scope of meanings related to questions of identity, history, and the place of Islam in the world. The interpretations and definitions elaborated in reference to these questions by radical Islamist forces (the jihad groups and other militant Islamist elements) are often seen to dominate the entire field of meaning. However, claims to authority over issues of government, morality, identity, and Islam's relationship to the West are also made in and through a discourse that can appropriately be labeled “conservative Islamist.” The discourse and political role of conservative Islamism are the subject of this article.
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Anić, Jadranka Rebeka, and Zilka Spahić Šiljak. "Secularisation of Religion as the Source of Religious Gender Stereotypes." Feminist Theology 28, no. 3 (May 2020): 264–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0966735020906949.
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Secular–religious dichotomy has been criticised in discourse on secularisation theory as well as in discussions of the relationship between secular and religious feminism. Feminist theorists have criticised the secular–religious divide of feminism for overlooking facts such as the inherent gendering of this dichotomy, the participation of women believers in the gender equality movement since its inception, and the contributions of feminist theologians and gender studies scholars who use their respective religious traditions as a basis for gender egalitarianism. This article will criticise secular–religious dichotomy for overlooking the fact that secular, rather than religious, principles underlie gender stereotypes. Namely, Christian and Islamic theological anthropology has accepted philosophical postulates regarding the nature of women and used them to build models of subordination and complementarity of gender relations, thereby neglecting the egalitarian anthropology that can be developed based on the holy scriptures of both traditions. One of the challenges in exploring the secular-religious dichotomy can be found in the anti-gender movement in which believers join secular organizations and use secular discourse to advocate and preserve gender stereotypes.
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Schelkshorn, Hans, and Herman Westerink. "Introduction." Interdisciplinary Journal for Religion and Transformation in Contemporary Society 5, no. 1 (December 18, 2019): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/23642807-00501001.
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Abstract The emergence of a scholarly and popular interest in religious experience, spirituality and mysticism around 1900 plays a crucial role in the further transformations in religion in the twentieth century and in contemporary Western and non-Western societies. This volume contains philosophical reflections on the emergence of these new constellations, discourses and practices. The ‘rediscovery’ of the various spiritual and mystical sources and traditions, and the turn towards the individual’s religious experiences, can be situated against the background of a growing critique of global scientific positivism and the rise of secular (atheistic, Marxist) philosophies. The turn to spirituality and mysticism is associated with political projects of anti-imperialist emancipation in for example, India, the Islamic countries, Russia and Latin-America. Through philosophical inquiries into key authors such as Bergson, Blondel, James, Heidegger, Bremond, Weil, Solov’ëv, Rodó, Iqbal and Vivekenanda, this volume presents a comprehensive perspective on the fundamental issues and discussions that inspired the turn to spirituality in a modern era of secular reason.
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Schulze, Reinhard. "Islamofascism: Four Avenues to the Use of an Epithet." DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no. 3-4 (2012): 290–330. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a3.
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In this paper I want to reconstruct the genealogy of relating Islam to fascism and fascism to Islam by assembling evidence from Western discourses. Such a reconstruction of course suffers from the fact that it has to draw a picture based solely on a collection of idiographic interpretations. The result is more a mosaic than a coherent narrative. My purpose is not to discuss again the meaning of the current ideological discourse on Islamofascism and the use of Fascism as an epithet for Islamism or even for Islam.1 Nor do I want to examine the fallibility of identifying certain Islamic political traditions as “fascist” or to explore the historical interaction between Islamic political discourses and Fascism from the 1920s to the 1940s. My intention is to study the mechanism and meaning of relating Fascism to Islam and Islam to Fascism. Starting with a look at the semantic expressing this relation, I will continue by examining the scope of the current usage in the Western public. Next I will investigate the general application of Islam as an epithet for secular political traditions and cultures since the early 19th century. Finally, I will concentrate on the use of Islam as an epithet for Fascism and Nazism in the 1930s and 1940s. I will conclude with some observations on current practice, which fuses and equates the epithetical use of Islam and Fascism. My main thesis is that Islam has been instrumental in splitting off ideological and cultural traditions considered adversarial from one’s own social, political, or cultural context. The current usage of Islamofascism reverses this mechanism, as now fascism has become instrumental in splitting off Islam from the Western context.
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Supena, Ilyas. "The Integration of Islamic Sciences and Secular Sciences Through Spiritualization and Humanization Approaches." HIKMATUNA: Journal for Integrative Islamic Studies 8, no. 1 (June 23, 2022): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.28918/hikmatuna.v8i1.4657.
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The integration of science and religion is a topic of heated debate in the Western world. Ian G Barber describes this relationship between science and religion in terms of conflict, independence, dialogue, and integration. The theme of the relationship between science and religion is not only a hot topic in the Western world, but it has also attracted the attention of several contemporary Muslim thinkers. Unfortunately, in the discourse of Islamic sciences, the object of debate is more on criticism of secular science so that it needs to be Islamized, whereas, at the same time, Islamic sciences also have serious internal problems. Using qualitative research methods by exploring authoritative text sources, this paper aims to offer a balanced perspective in viewing Western science and Islamic science. This research shows that both Western science and Islamic science have weaknesses. Western science is seen as secular science so that it loses its divine vision, while Islamic science is theocentric so that it loses its humanist vision. This finding has implications for different strategies in dealing with the two types of knowledge. Spiritualization is a strategy relevant to Western science, while humanization is a strategy relevant to Islamic sciences.
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Davila, Carl. "Inverse Trajectories: Elite Music and Dance in the Medieval Mediterranean World (ca. 400–1400)." Mediterranean Studies 30, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 25–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/mediterraneanstu.30.1.0025.
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ABSTRACT Despite some interchange between the two shores of the medieval Mediterranean world, particularly in Sicily and Iberia after about 1000 CE, one may distinguish differences in between the enjoyment of secular music between Christian upper classes and Islamic upper classes on the shores of the sea in this era. Where the Islamic world is concerned, a distinction may be drawn between an initially more sophisticated east, including Egypt, the Levant, Arabia, and especially Iraq, which inherited much from the Persian and Byzantine musical heritage and from Greek philosophy of music, and a culturally remote west (North Africa and Iberia) that received some impetus from the east and only later developed its own distinctive forms. The early history of these arts in the Christian lands is more obscure but comes into sharper focus after about 1200. The two histories can be seen as almost exactly the inverse of one another, as cultural and religious discourses produced quite different attitudes toward both music and dance.
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Alhourani, Ala Rabiha. "Aesthetics of Muslim-ness: Art and the Formation of Muslim Identity Politics." Journal of Religion in Africa 48, no. 3 (December 5, 2018): 185–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12340142.
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AbstractThe paper explores two opposing yet simultaneous forces of aesthetics as transformative and constitutive force of Muslim identity politics, religiosity and cultural style in Cape Town The ethnography focuses on Muslim artists in Cape Town, namely Thania Petersen and twin brothers Hasan and Husain Essop, whose artworks embody a ‘social drama’ of a lived experience of Muslims’ ongoing individual and collective active engagement with and appropriation of the plurality of competing discourses that are religious and secular, local and global. The discussion unpacks the ways in which the artworks of Petersen and the Essop brothers serve as a transformative force and as a politic of authenticity to Muslim identity, religiosity, and cultural style. The paper offers an appreciative but critical reading of Talal Asad’s idea of an anthropology of Islam. Taking into consideration the incommensurable diversity and internal contradiction that could be conceived as Islamic discursive traditions, this paper argues that the aesthetics of Muslimness is what inspires coherence within and across diverse, contradictory Islamic traditions.
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Helmiati. "Friday Sermons in Singapore: The Voice of Authorities toward Building State-Centric Muslim Identity." Journal of Islamic Thought and Civilization 12, no. 2 (November 11, 2022): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.32350/jitc.122.04.
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This article examines to what extent Friday sermons are used by the government of Singapore through its statutory board, Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura (MUIS) or Islamic Religious Council of Singapore, to enact government policies and communicate it’s approved Islamic interpretations. A content analysis methodology was employed to discursively elucidate Friday sermon texts delivered in 2019 in Singapore, which were all taken from MUIS websites. Findings showed that the religious authority modulated religious discourses and utilized the Friday sermons as an avenue of forging state-centric Muslim identity and modulating interpretations of Islam. This content analysis study stresses the importance of how Friday sermons could be used to construct Muslim identity in secular state policies and shape a socio-political harmony between state vision and development and Muslim minorities. This paper implies that the current entanglements of religion and development are closely intertwined in which religion and state-building initiatives led by the government reciprocally interact and mutually benefit.
Keywords: Authority, Friday Sermon, Islam, Muslim Identity, Singapore
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Ali, Sherzad Tawfeq. "Making Hell Through Policy: Exploring Happiness in the Hell in Snow by Orhan Pamuk." Journal of University of Raparin 9, no. 4 (September 29, 2022): 564–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(9).no(4).paper24.
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Snow is a political and philosophical exploration to reveal the hellish atmosphere that is made by secular state forces and political Islamists, a hell made by severe “clashes” between opposite forces and ideas. After twelve years of exile from the fatherland, as a poet, Ka travels to Kars from Germany to obtain happiness. The purpose of this study, however, is to examine the role of happiness in Pamuk's Snow, but also to show how the kinds of hell are made by secular and Islamic politicians. Is it possible to find happiness in the hell? How does it happen? Searching for happiness in hell is another purpose of this article. What shape should hell take between the clashes of political Islamists and secularists? Another aim of this study is to increase imperative critique of Islamic and secular terrorism discourse. In Snow, Pamuk criticizes the policy of the republic seriously. This article attempts to reveal the factors behind the severe anti-secularism beliefs in fundamental Islamism through comparison its political point of view to the secular totalitarian policy. To illuminate the social and political conflicts and clashes in Snow, this article reads the novel from different sociopolitical theoretical conceptual sources.
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Ismayilov, Murad. "Islamic radicalism that never was: Islamic discourse as an extension of the elite’s quest for legitimation. Azerbaijan in focus." Journal of Eurasian Studies 10, no. 2 (July 2019): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366519863167.
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Not unlike the global dynamics and the developments in the rest of Central Eurasia, Islamic discourse in Azerbaijan over the past two decades has not reflected the micro-level shifts in the country’s social-cultural landscape. Rather, it has been formed and evolved as a collateral product of the elite’s tactical pursuit of legitimation across domestic and international planes of power. Grounded in its quest for tactical and strategic survival, the elite’s pursuit of Western (and broader international) recognition, in particular, has stood at the core of the elite’s policies toward Islam and molded the confines of state-promoted Islamic discourse. The regime’s overall strategy has been to continuously reinforce the representation of Islam as an imminent danger to the stability and secular nature of Azerbaijani statehood, while positioning itself—in the eyes of both the “liberal,” “democratic” West and the secularized population at home—as the sole force capable of staving off the Islamic threat. At that, the narrative of Islamic radicalism in Azerbaijan has centered around three principal dynamics: the regime’s anti-hijab policies, the regime’s policies toward the settlement of Nardaran in Baku’s suburbs, and the activities of the Islamic Party of Azerbaijan (IPA). This article provides a closer look at all three to expose the elite’s intention of using these as their primary trigger mechanisms and reference points in the quest for Western—and secular domestic—legitimation and, as such, the pursuit of the negative representation of Islam as a threat to secularity and modern statehood.
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Munadi, Muhammad. "Preparation of Islamic Religious Education Teachers in Secular Countries: A Study in Austria." Dinamika Ilmu 20, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 219–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21093/di.v20i2.2483.
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Especially in Austria itself, it is estimated that in 2050 the Muslim population will be around 19.9% of the total population and the population increase will be second in Europe after Sweden with 30.6%. Interestingly again in Austria apart from being a secular country but it provides concern for Muslims to develop Islamic religious education there. Therefore, this study aimed to determine how universities in Austria prepared Islamic religion teachers at undergraduate level both in terms of models and curricula to face increasingly complex challenges and a growing number of Muslim citizens. This study used library research, while the approach used interpretative approach. The main reference source was the content on the university website that offers Islamic Religious Education programs. In addition, various sources lead to discourse and curriculum development in Austria. The number of data were displayed using descriptive statistics and described using descriptive qualitative. Then research design that would be carried out was to reveal the course content contained in the web and then reduced, especially in terms of the preparation curriculum for Islamic Religious Education teachers. Of the various courses presented were analyzed using content analysis where the important point was to take the most fundamental content that was related to the principles of curriculum development, namely contextual and responding to the challenges of the times. The results showed that the preparation of Islamic teachers in one of the colleges in Austria consists of undergraduate, graduate, and postgraduate degrees. Undergraduate program of Islamic Religious Education consists of two models, namely Bachelor’s Program Secondary School Teacher Training (General Education) – Subject: Islamic Religion and the specific name is Bachelor’s Program - Islamic Religious Education. In general, the content emphasis applied in the preparation of Islamic religious education teachers is still material-based.
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Fozi, Navid. "Neo-Iranian Nationalism: Pre-Islamic Grandeur and Shi'i Eschatology in President Mahmud Ahmadinejad's Rhetoric." Middle East Journal 70, no. 2 (April 15, 2016): 227–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/70.2.13.
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In 2009, Iranian president Mahmud Ahmadinejad began to invoke nationalist sentiments by paying homage to Iran's pre-Islamic history; a significant shift from 30 years of disparaging this period. Tracing the religious and political genealogies of Ahmadinejad's discourse, this article analyzes the climate that rendered both the Islamic Republic's Shi'i-oriented nationalism and the secular alternative proposed by the Pahlavi dynasty politically inadequate. Such a climate provided conditions to amalgamate, albeit incompletely, a “neo-Iranian” nationalist discourse based on restoring ancient Persia's grandeur and bolstered by Shi'i eschatology.
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Gurses, Mehmet. "Is Islam a Cure for Ethnic Conflict? Evidence from Turkey." Politics and Religion 8, no. 1 (January 23, 2015): 135–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048315000024.
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AbstractTurkish Islamists have long attributed the root causes of the Kurdish conflict in Turkey to the anti-religious Turkish nationalism promulgated by the secular Kemalist republican elite in the 1920s. As a result, they lay emphasis on “Islamic brotherhood” as the glue that holds numerous ethnic nationalities together. This article examines this claim and argues that Islam's role as a peacemaker has been overstated. The data from in-depth interviews with dozens of Kurdish Islamists in Turkey conducted in the summer of 2013 indicate that Kurdish Islamists in principle agree with the peacemaking potential of Islam. Distrustful of the “Islamic brotherhood” discourse however, they describe this allegedly new policy as yet another tactic to undermine the Kurdish struggle for equal rights
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Hinda, Abdeladim. "Islam, Modernity, Theatre Ambivalent Tensions in the Muslim World." International Journal of English and Cultural Studies 2, no. 1 (May 23, 2019): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijecs.v2i1.4285.
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This article seeks to revisit, perchance re-ignite, the debate around the nature of both Islam and modernity, as well as the role theatre played in disseminating Modernist discourses in contemporary Muslim cultures. In the Muslim World, the debate is locked in a time warp or at best stimulated by secular paradigms that do not seem to budge despite their unruly discordancy with Islamic views of life at a time when Islam seems to be strongly making a comeback to the world arena. The question why and how Muslim cultures embraced theatre and modernity is competing indeed; yet the debate it prompted is misplaced and unguarded, and in some respects misplacing, if not totally misguiding. To remove this misleading misplacement and give the debate a new (im)pulse, the article deems it needful to revisit Constantine the Great’s and Darwin’s modernist project. Seen from the Islamic perspective, modernity comes out as a jahili way of life brought to contemporary Muslim cultures by theatrical emissaries from the White World, which has bilged and infected the Muslim World with a strange existential duality. Thanks to these emissaries, which convinced their avid-for-reform-and-modernity victims of the need to climb on the bandwagon of modernity, this world is now Muslim in the heart and the mosque and secular in life and conduct, which is not only schizophrenic and psychosistic, but also absurd and futilitarian.