Academic literature on the topic 'Islamic and Secular Discourses'
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Journal articles on the topic "Islamic and Secular Discourses"
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Fadel, Mohammad. "The Islamic Secular." American Journal of Islam and Society 34, no. 2 (April 1, 2017): 56–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v34i2.764.
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Professor Sherman Jackson’s essay “The Islamic Secular” challenges the popularconception within the Muslim community that norms are either “Islamic”or “un-Islamic.” Insofar as popular Muslim consciousness accords legitimacyonly to the “Islamic” and grants only grudging, if any, legitimacy to the “non-Islamic,” this intervention is welcome and profoundly needed. But his ambitionhere goes beyond correcting misconceptions within the community itself:It is also an intervention in debates about the secular, secularization, and religionin western academic discourses. In the brief space allotted to me to respondto this very rich and important essay, I will limit myself to the argumentshe directs toward the terms mentioned above and his argument that the “Islamic”secular presents a different phenomenon ...
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Varon, Ari. "Islam, the State, and the Law in Europe." Journal of Law, Religion and State 2, no. 1 (2013): 41–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22124810-00201003.
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The article presents the intricacies of an intra-Islamic debate within Europe today discussing multiple Islamic perspectives of religion, the state and the law. Analyzing the ideas of four contemporary European Muslim intellectuals the article reveals variations on how Muslims in Europe view the concept of secularism, the role of the state and the guidelines of Islamic religious practice. Through a comparative discourse analysis the article identities four distinct Islamic discourses that are compared and contrasted with each other and juxtaposed with European theory about religion, the state and the law. As Muslims in Europe gradually overcome social cleavages and ethnic differences they at times challenge the secular nature and religious neutrality of Europe’s religious, cultural and humanist inheritance. Understanding the distinctions between the Islamic discourses elaborates the trends and ramifications the political mobilization Muslims living in Europe might have on the status quo definitions of European society; some Islamic discourses represent a direct confrontation to the construct secular identity; others suggest full integration into European society. All four are present in Europe today. Recognizing the differences between the Islamic discourses can rearrange the principles in which Europe perceives Islam while enlightening the politically sensitive and complex subject relating to the formation of an Islamic European identity.
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James, Kierlan, and Rex John Walsh. "Islamic Religion and Death Metal Music in Indonesia." Journal of Popular Music Studies 30, no. 3 (September 2018): 129–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jpms.2018.200007.
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The Bandung (Indonesia) Death Metal scene is known for its secular orientation whereby religion and religious belief are viewed as personal matters that should be restricted to the private realm. Metalheads may freely go the mosque or church but in their capacities as private citizens only; religious identification and activity is not permitted to infringe upon the scene’s discourses and practices. We look at the differences in discourses and practices between the Jakarta-based One Finger Movement (Islamic) bands and the Bandung secular Death Metal scene. We also study Bandung band Saffar, which was known for its Islamic lyrics on its debut album but which has been for a few years in limbo due to the departure of vocalist and lyricist Parjo. We also look at Saffar’s positioning of itself as a “secular” band with Islamic and anti-Zionist lyrical themes rather than as an Islamic band per se. The secular Bandung scene context is a significant explanatory factor.
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Suwarno, Peter. "Fear Appeal as Coercion Versus Persuasion in a Democracy: The Power of Islamic Discourse in the Indonesian Public Sphere." Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan 27, no. 2 (February 12, 2020): 251–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/ws.27.2.4971.
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While Indonesia claims to be the world’s third largest democracy, it recognizes itself as both a secular and religious state. The negotiation of the state-religion relationship influenced by Islamic discourse continues to shape the socio-political development of this largest Muslim nation. This paper describes how Indonesia’s discursive contention is molded by the power and popularity of Islamic discourses. It will present examples and analysis of appeal to fear as coercive discourses from recently published speech events, debates, edicts, regulations, and publications as well as examine the vital role of Islamic discourses in the Indonesian public sphere and democracy. This paper concludes that coercive religious discourses and some government policies not only marginalize the voices of minority and opposing groups, but also curtail participative critical debates that are necessary for a democratic Indonesia.
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Challand, Benoît. "A NAHḌA OF CHARITABLE ORGANIZATIONS? HEALTH SERVICE PROVISION AND THE POLITICS OF AID IN PALESTINE." International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 2 (May 2008): 247a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808080847.
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This article discusses the modalities through which religious and secular nongovernmental medical organizations frame their work in relation to their constituencies. It argues that their discourses exemplify a differentiated approach to social work that can be explained in the context of massive aid disbursed to the occupied Palestinian territories. To understand how the political economy of aid impacts the framing of socioreligious movements, this article focuses on a case study of health organizations operating in the Hebron district, where a mixed matrix of charitable organizations, Islamic institutions, and zakat committees work along secular nongovernmental organizations. In the past decade, there seems to have been a revival of charitable organizations, which may shed light on current political victories of the Islamic sector. If Islamic socioreligious movements have been successful in promoting discourses of common good that attract more popular support than secular organizations, it is precisely because such discourses are in open (and sometimes conscious) tension with liberal conceptions such as good governance, strong civil society, and democracy promotion that are relayed generally by secular and professionalized nongovernmental organizations
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Tayob, Abdulkader. "Minorities Between State and Sharia Discourses in African Muslim Societies." Islamic Africa 13, no. 2 (December 20, 2022): 133–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21540993-01302002.
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Abstract This essay proposes a framework for understanding the construction of religious groups and minorities in Muslim societies through two intersecting and inter-related discourses. The first is a discourse and experience of modern state formation with roots in Africa’s colonial history. And the second is a discourse of the Other in Islamic jurisprudence and theology. It builds on Talal Asad’s thesis that a modern state discourse of secular authority does not preclude religious symbols that shape religious minorities. However, the essay goes beyond Asad by showing that Muslim reformist groups also articulate a religious discourse on minorities and religious groups. The essay argues that a discursive construction of Muslim religious minorities and groups occurs through contemporary state and Islamic reformist discourses. The article presents Egypt and Nigeria as case studies to illustrate this construction.
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Aswar, Hasbi. "Secular Perspective on The Islamic Political Discourses in Indonesia: A Critical Analysis." Jurnal Kajian Peradaban Islam 4, no. 2 (June 24, 2021): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.47076/jkpis.v4i2.64.
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This article aims to critically analyze the secularization perspective on political Islam, focusing on the Indonesian context. The secular perspective has its fundamental doctrine that democracy, separation of State and Religion, and nationalism should be the only system to manage one State. Many people always use kind of argument, even scholars, including in Indonesia, to reject the concept of the Islamic State. This article used descriptive analysis to elaborate the secularization perspective on political Islam in Indonesia and the critical analysis from the Islamic perspective. Furthermore, it also explains the impact of using such a perspective in analyzing the discourse of Political Islam. This article found that the responses of the Muslim figures or people on political Islam in Indonesia are influenced by the secularization perspective instead of using the Islamic perspective. Islamic perspective on political Islam is derived from the Islamic methodology that authoritative scholars have formulated in the past. The secular perspective on politics, as a result, contributed to the decline of the Islamic civilization and colonization from the western power.
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Muratova, Elmira. "The Transformation of the Crimean Tatars’ Institutions and Discourses After 2014." Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics 13, no. 1 (July 12, 2019): 44–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jnmlp-2019-0006.
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Abstract The article deals with the transformation of the Crimean Tatars’ institutions and discourses after the 2014 conflict around Crimea. It shows the change in the balance of power of traditional institutions such as Mejlis and Muftiyat, which for many years represented secular and religious components of Crimean Tatars’ ethnic identity. It tells how the Mejlis was dismissed from the political stage in Crimea, while the Muftiyat has enjoyed a great support by new authorities. This transformation and threats to societal security inevitably led to reassessment of previous views and goals of the main actors in the Crimean Tatar community and the formation of new institutions with hybrid composition and discourse. The article focuses on organization such as ‘Crimean solidarity,’ which was formed in 2016 as a reaction to authorities’ pressure over the Crimean Tatars. Using discourse analysis of statements of activists of this organization and content analysis of social media, the author presents the main topics of its discourse and types of activity. She shows how the traditional Islamic discourse of activists of this organization has been transformed by the incorporation of the main concepts of secular discourse developed by the Mejlis. The author argues that the appearance of ‘Crimean solidarity’ indicates the blurring of lines between secular and religious, and ethnic and Islamic in the Crimean Tatar society. It shows how people with different backgrounds and agendas manage to leave their differences aside to support each other in the face of a common threat.
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Kortmann, Matthias. "Secular–Religious Competition and the Exclusion of Islam from the Public Sphere: Islamic Welfare in Western Europe." Politics and Religion 12, no. 3 (October 29, 2018): 433–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000706.
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AbstractThis paper deals in a qualitative discourse analysis with the role of Islamic organizations in welfare delivery in Germany and the Netherlands. Referring to Jonathan Fox's “secular–religious competition perspective”, the paper argues that similar trends of exclusion of Islamic organizations from public social service delivery can be explained with discourses on Islam in these two countries. The analysis, first, shows that in the national competitions between religious and secular ideologies on the public role of religion, different views are dominant (i.e., the support for the Christian majority in Germany and equal treatment of all religions in the Netherlands) which can be traced back to the respective regimes of religious governance. However, and second, when it comes to Islam in particular, in the Netherlands, the perspective of restricting all religions from public sphere prevails which leads to the rather exclusivist view on Islamic welfare that dominates in Germany, too.
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Forte, Alaya. "Pious Practice and Secular Constraints." American Journal of Islam and Society 33, no. 2 (April 1, 2016): 118–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v33i2.910.
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A research study grounded in both anthropology and ethnography, the aim ofJeanette S. Jouili’s Pious Practice and Secular Constraints: Women in the IslamicRevival in Europe is threefold: (1) to explore how women cultivate Islamicsubjectivities in secular European contexts that stigmatize and politicizesuch religious practices; (2) reveal the practical and discursive techniques theyhave devised to deal with the difficulties that emerge from engaging in piouspractices; and, finally, (3) attempts to show how living as a religious minorityin a secular-majority society can reshape traditional Islamic discourse and providean alternative to the dominant language of autonomy, individual rights,and equality. Since the early 2000s, Jouili has come into contact with a widerange of practicing Muslimahs attending courses in various Islamic centersof learning, specifically in Paris and the region around Cologne. These centersare distinctive for their willingness to explore a multiplicity of doctrinal lineagesand attempt to transcend cultural and ethnic traditions.In the case of this most recent publication, there is the added value of amuch-needed overview of pious women who have been active in Islamic revivalcircles in Europe, together with perceptive insights into their daily lives.This book, therefore, contributes to a high-profile body of work by Talal Asad(1993, 2003), Saba Mahmood (2005), and Charles Hirschkind (2006) aroundethics and ethical self-cultivation, which explores contextual power relationsat play in the construction of religious discourses and practices, as well as ArmandoSalvatore’s work on the public sphere (2007). Jouili’s findings shedlight on the incompleteness and unlinearity of these Islamic moral codes, aswell as demonstrate how “[t]he individual’s work on herself [is] significantlyand long-lastingly complicated by prior habits and by the availability of othersets of moral codes” (p. 15).Drawing on Aristotelian ethics, with its insistence on practice rather thanreason, and Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of habitus, Jouili investigates how theembodied/practical ethical process molds an Islamic modernity within a secularEuropean context (chapter 1). The subsequent chapters provide an indepthstudy of these practices, which are aimed at strengthening through theinternalization of an “authenticated” knowledge of Islam learned within formalsettings (chapter 2) and the specific techniques of self-cultivation, specifically118 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 33:2Book ...
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Islamic and Secular Discourses"
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Kanra, Bora, and bora kanra@anu edu au. "Deliberating Across Difference: Bringing Social Learning into the Theory and Practice of Deliberative Democracy in the Case of Turkey." The Australian National University. Research School of Social Sciences, 2005. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20051202.161618.
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This thesis will argue that one of the main challenges for deliberative democracy is the lack of attention paid to the different modes of deliberative practices. The theories of deliberative democracy often treat deliberation as a decision-making process. Yet, I would argue that this approach fails to appreciate the full benefits of deliberation because it ignores the fundamental role that the social learning phase of deliberation plays in reconciling differences. Hence I argue for a deliberative framework in which social learning and decision-making moments of deliberation are analytically differentiated so that the resources of social learning are freed from the pressures of decision-making procedures and are therefore no longer subordinated to the terms of decision-making.¶
This is particularly important for countries such as Turkey where divisions cut deep across society. A case study examines the discourses of the Turkish public sphere regarding Islam, democracy and secularism to identify the kinds of discourses present in relation to the topic in question. By analysing the types of discourses through Q methodology the study reveals points of convergence and divergence between discourses, hence provides significant insight into how deliberation oriented to social learning can play a substantive role in reconciling differences between sharply divided groups.
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Arrazola, Andres A. "Deconstructing the Religious Archive and its Secular Component and its Relationship to Violence." FIU Digital Commons, 2011. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/472.
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The thesis argues for the inclusion of the study of religion within the public school curriculum. It argues that the whole division between “religious” and “secular” spaces and institutions is itself rooted in a specific religious tradition. Using the theories of Jacques Derrida, I argue that, unless the present process of globalization is tempered with alternative models of organizing that don’t include this secular/sacred division, the very process of Western globalization acts as a moral religion. Derrida calls this process “globalatinization,” the imposition of Western defined institutions upon other cultures. The process creates a type of religious violence through act of imposing notions of “secular/public” and “sacred/private.” Drawing from Mark Juergensmeyer’s theory of religious violence, and Derrida’s and Foucault’s understanding of discursive formations, I argue that religious studies should enter this “secular/public” space in the form of educating about the world’s religions. Such education would go a long way in preventing the demonization of the “other” through promoting empathy, understanding, and respect for “other” traditions. Finally, education would provide a needed self-critique of the dividing of “secular/sacred” in contemporary Western life.
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Merati, Simona E. "Russia's Islam: Discourse on Identity, Politics, and Security." FIU Digital Commons, 2015. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1840.
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Despite the long history of Muslims in Russia, most scholarly and political literatures on Russia’s Islam still narrowly interpret Muslim-Slavs relations in an ethnic-religious oppositional framework.
In my work, I examine Russia’s discourse on Islam to argue that, in fact, the role of Islam in post-Soviet Russia is complex. Drawing from direct sources from academic, state, journalistic, and underground circles, often neglected by Western commentators, I identify ideational patterns in conceptualizations of Islam and reconstruct relational networks among authors. To explain complex intertextual relations within specific contexts, I utilize an analytically eclectic method that appropriately combines theories from different paradigms and/or disciplines.
Thanks to my multi-dimensional approach, I show that, contrary to traditional views, Russia’s Muslims participate in processes of post-Soviet Russia’s identity formation. Starting from textual contents, avoiding pre-formed analytical frames, I argue that many Muslims in Russia perceive themselves as part of Russian civilization – even when they challenge the status-quo.
Building on my initial findings, I state that a key element in Russia’s conceptualization of Islam is the definition, elaborated in the 1990s, of traditional Islam as part of Russian civilizational history, as opposed to extremist Islam as extraneous, hostile phenomenon. The differentiation creates an unprecedently safe, if confined, space for Islamic propositions, of which Muslims are taking advantage. Embedded in debates on Russian civilization, conceptualizations of Islam, then, influence Russia’s (geo)political self-perceptions and, consequently, its domestic and international policies.
In particular, Russian so-far neglected Islamic doctrine supports views of Islamic terrorism as a political and not religious phenomenon. Hence, Russia interprets both terrorism and counterterrorism within its own historical tradition, causing its strategy to be at odds with Western views. Less apparently, these divergences affect Russian-U.S. broader relations.
Finally, in revealing the civilizational value of Russia’s Islam, I expose intellectual relations among influential subjects who share the aim to devise a new civilizational model that should combine Slavic and non-Slavic, Orthodox and Islamic, Western, and Asian components. In this old Russian dilemma, the novelty is Muslims’ participation.
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Østberg, Sissel. "Pakistani children in Oslo : Islamic nurture in a secular context." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1998. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/1137/.
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The subject matter of this thesis - Islamic nurture of Pakistani children in Oslo - provides a new departure for studies of ethnic minorities in Norway. The study distinguishes itself from related research by focusing on Islam as part of general enculturisation and socialisation processes, with special regard to the social arenas of home, school and mosque. The main research questions of the thesis are: 1. How is religious and cultural tradition transmitted from parents and other 'significant others' to children among Pakistanis in Oslo? 2. What role does Islam have in the lives of children, with regard to meaning and social belonging? The first research question contains two complex theoretical fields: a) The relationship between culture and religion seen both as aspects within Islam and in terms of the relationship between Islam and Pakistani cultural elements, and b) the transmission process, focusing on both formal educational elements and informal socialisation. Based on one year's field work, theories of Islamic nurture in a non-Islamic, secular late-modem society, especially related to the establishment, maintenance and negotiation of identity, have been generated. The thesis contests the view that regards Islam or Pakistani or Norwegian culture as coherent static systems. It also contests views that regard children exclusively as objects or victims of external processes or pressure or present children of immigrant background or children belonging to religious minorities, as doomed to fall `between cultures'. Norwegian Pakistani children's cultural identity does not only change over time, but it is a contextual identity. The children develop what in this thesis is called integrated plural identities; i. e. they convey a broad cultural competence and a capability of cultural code switching without necessarily experiencing personal conflicts of values.
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Munksgaard, Daniel Carl. "Warblog without end: online anti-Islamic discourses as persuadables." Diss., University of Iowa, 2010. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/715.
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This dissertation is a critical discourse analysis of how anti-Islamic rhetoric in prominent online forums is articulated within the context of popular discourses of multiculturalism and tolerance. According to Melanie McAlister, perceptions of Muslims within the United States are unique in comparison to other minority groups in that they are almost entirely mediated, whether it is the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the terrorist attacks of September 11th, or the various Muhammad cartoon controversies. While much work has been done analyzing how Islam and Muslims are mediated in popular film and television, very little attention has been given to how these perspectives are mediated through the Internet.
Using Erving Goffman's theory of performativity and Kristine Fitch's notion of persuadables, I examine how both prominent bloggers and pseudonymous commentators work in a "back stage" context to bring Islamophobic norms and premises within the sphere of acceptable opinions for the "front stage" of mainstream media discourses. In particular, I examine how these discourses have evolved over the past few years on three prominent weblogs: the anti-jihadist Little Green Footballs, the liberal-atheist advocacy blog One Good Move, and the popular news aggregate Fark. In light of increasing evidence that weblogs exert a high level of influence over popular media discourses disproportionate to their readership, these websites offer a glimpse "back stage" into how contemporary American discourses on Islam and Muslims are articulated across a broad array of political perspectives, particularly in relation to norms and premises regarding multiculturalism, tolerance, and freedom of expression.
While Islamophobic rhetoric has become firmly embedded within discourses of the American Right, each of the three sites examined show a steady integration of anti-Islamic perspectives within the American Left. Leftist anti-Islamic discourses are frequently articulated within the context of general anti-religious sentiment, misanthropy, and a belief that the values of "the Islamic world" are inherently incompatible with the liberal, democratic, and multicultural values of "the West." While by no means universal, these perspectives have become sufficiently common, recognizable, and sensible to be granted the status of persuadables within these particular web forums, which in turn helps to move them into the realm of popular American cultural persuadables.
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McIntosh, Kathryn L. "Sacred and secular leadership discourses : interpreting the leadership of evangelical Christian school leaders." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2013. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10020762/.
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The research enquiry for this thesis, from an insider/outsider position, is a deeply held reflection of personal values, convictions and professional experiences stemming from the researcher's life's work in school leadership both in the United States and abroad. The intent of this study is to engage with the sacred discourse of evangelical Christian school leaders and the discourse of the sacred and secular scholarly literature. This is a qualitative study of a constructivist/interpretivist approach where sem1- structured interviews, with 12 senior school leaders, four in each of three Anglophone countries, inform the data. A more in-depth case study of one school is utilised as a comprehensive illustration of thematic elements revealed through multiple data sources. The preliminary literature for this research was based on the readings of various contemporary theories of leadership and literature around servant-leadership from which the initial research question was framed. As the data analysis advanced, a new framework emerged around attributes of leadership and community building through leadership, making it imperative to accommodate a new set of transformational/relational/ethical literature, taking the story on a completely different journey with a new research question and sub-questions; therefore, leaving behind the initial research question. Two descriptors of leadership became the primary framework for the thesis: the 'sacred' and the 'secular' discourses relating to school leadership. Standing in the doorway, as it were, the researcher took on a role of interpreting and translating one discourse to the other rather than acting solely as observer and interpreter of the data. The findings, the utilisation of two discourses, and the interpretive stance make a positive and original contribution to knowledge and are significant in two ways. First, the participants, speaking through the sacred discourse, express an extension to or linkage with the secular literature, revealing much more overlap between the two discourses than was expected. Second, the secular literature does not capture the sacred discourse; there is an appurtenance - an add-on - a more spiritual dimension, to consider.
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Latif, Jibril. "Just money and interest : moving beyond Islamic banking by reframing discourses." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6480/.
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Enlightenment discourse advanced an idiosyncratic cognitive framework and epistemology that rationalized the overturning of usury laws. Under capitalism, money innately changed as banks gained the institutional right to create credit and lend it into existence at interest. The implicit ideologies of this discourse instantiated a reframing of traditional conceptions about money and interest worldwide. In contradistinction, Islam prohibits riba, a term approximated as usury/interest, presenting ethical problems to banking practice. This conflict has yielded Islamic banking and finance (IBF), bolstered by a small cadre of Shariah scholars, even though it continues to fail in its stated social justice imperatives. IBF evidently charges what is commensurate to interest while declaring it does not, promoting its products as ‘Shariah compliant’ – a term producing different meanings to different interpreters. This study adopts an Islamic maqasid methodology and analyzes discourses in reframing how such an industry emerged, how its practice departed from its claims, how it sustains itself, and asks why Muslims have not moved beyond it towards alternatives that procure greater possibilities for social and environmental justice. It reexamines discourses connected to the historical and contextual reframing of money, usury, interest and riba, and isolates the associated semantic obfuscations that power has influenced.
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Lim, Regina. "Re-appraising secular-Islamic politics in Malaysia : locating the case for common citizenship." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2014. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5154/.
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This dissertation analyses the process of de-secularization of the Malaysian state. It identifies the political role of Islam as an important element in explaining how the Malaysian state sustains the language of special ethnic ‘rights’ to negate the ideal of common citizenship in Malaysia. The historical dominance and constant politicization of Islam reinvents the notion of special citizenship ‘rights’ for the majority Malay citizens, which has serious impacts upon equal opportunities and fundamental liberties of minority citizens. This process is further buttressed by legal apparatus that separates Syariah jurisdiction from civil courts, leading to unequal public access to justice and public deliberation in favour of reasons grounded in religious doctrine. Drawing on Rawlsian-informed critique of power, the thesis advances previous work on Malaysian democracy to critically assess the role of religion in politics that defends state-sanctioned differential citizenship rights. The condition of pluralism in Malaysia is an important case study for a robust understanding of the value of secularism as a principle of state practices. In doing so the thesis makes the normative claim that religion should not reside within the state where it can be politicized with the cost of justifying differential citizenship in a multi-cultural democratic society.
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Pool, Fernande Wille-Wietske. "The ethical life of Muslims in secular India : Islamic reformism in West Bengal." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3308/.
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This doctoral research explores the complexity of ethical life of the marginalized Muslim minority in the Indian secular state, drawing on 23 months of ethnographic fieldwork in a village in West Bengal. The thesis revolves around the observation that West Bengali Muslims demonstrate and emphatic concern with dharma (ethics of justice and order),which is foremost reflected in the increasing presence of Islamic reformism. On the basis of a comprehensive exploration of the vernacular categories, ethics and practices of West Bengali Muslims, from personhood and sociality, to politics and plurality, the thesis demonstrates that Islamic reformism is a particular expression of a desire for holistic ethical renewal. This takes places in the context of pervasive corruption and political violence; a history of ambiguous communal politics; structural inequality; and the sense of ethical failure incited by suspicion and discrimination of Muslims. For Muslim West Bengalis, the crisis of Indian secularism is at once in the denial of substantive citizenship, and in the impossibility of a holistic regeneration of dharma. The thesis demonstrates that while these two desires are not inherently contradictory, but embedded in the ‘transcendental social’ of West Bengali Muslims, they are circumstantially contradictory given the secular epistemology of the modern state. Therefore, West Bengali Muslims continue to be denied not only substantive citizenship, but also human dignity. The thesis presents an analytical approach and theoretical framework that go beyond the categories ‘religion’ and ‘secularism’ to bring to the forefront people’s ethical dispositions and practices, and the vernacular engagements with modernity through locally meaningful categories. Taking seriously the conceptualisation and practice of ethical life outside the secular West requires a critique of a secular conception of ethics. Drawing on Maurice Bloch’s model of the ‘transcendental social’, in conjunction with an analysis of virtue ethics and original ethnography, this thesis offers and innovative model of ethical reality that suggests that social imagination is the source of ethics.
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Abdallah-Shahid, Jawairriya. "Veiled voices Muhajabat in secular schools /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2008.
Find full textBooks on the topic "Islamic and Secular Discourses"
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Abdullah, Walid Jumblatt. Islam in a Secular State. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463724012.
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The overtly secular state of Singapore has unapologetically maintained an interventionist approach to governance in the realm of religion. Islam is particularly managed by the state. Muslim activists thus have to meticulously navigate these realities – in addition to being a minority community – in order to maximize their influence in the political system. Significantly, Muslim activists are not a monolith: there exists a multitude of political and theological differences amongst them. Islam in a Secular State: Muslim Activism in Singapore analyses the following categories of Muslim activists: Islamic religious scholars (ulama), liberal Muslims, and the more conservative-minded individuals. Due to constricting political realities, many activists attempt to align themselves with the state, and call upon the state to be an arbiter in their disagreements with other factions. Though there are activists who challenge the state, these are by far in the minority, and are typically unable to assert their influence in a sustained manner. The author draws upon his own experiences as a researcher and as someone who was involved in some of the discourses explored in this book.
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Islamic mysticism: A secular perspective. Amherst, N.Y: Prometheus Books, 2000.
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Discourses on Islamic way of life. Karachi: Darul Isha'at, 1999.
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The sacred and the secular: Bengal Muslim discourses, 1871-1977. Calcutta: Oxford University Press, 1995.
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Murshid, Tazeen M. The sacred and the secular: Bengal Muslim discourses, 1871-1977. Calcutta: Oxford University Press, 1995.
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Murshid, Tazeen M. The sacred and the secular: Bengal Muslim discourses, 1871-1977. Calcutta: Oxford University Press, 1995.
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Discourses of Rumi. York Beach, ME: Samuel Weiser, 2001.
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editor, Jan Tarik translator, Maudoodi, Syed Abul ʻAla, 1903-1979, World of Islam Trust, and Islamic Research Academy (Karachi, Pakistan), eds. Islam and the secular mind. Karachi: Islamic Research Academy, 2008.
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Sahar, Khamis, ed. Islam dot com: Contemporary Islamic discourses in cyberspace. New York, N.Y: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2009.
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Sahar, Khamis, ed. Islam dot com: Contemporary Islamic discourses in cyberspace. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Islamic and Secular Discourses"
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Sadiqi, Fatima. "Secular and Islamic Feminist Discourses." In Moroccan Feminist Discourses, 113–51. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137455093_5.
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Aleef, Dastan. "Identity and Power—The Discursive Transformation of the Former Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan." In Between Peace and Conflict in the East and the West, 175–93. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77489-9_9.
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AbstractThe former Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan (IRPT) underwent a political transformation from an Islamist organization, partly responsible for armed mobilizations during the Civil War in Tajikistan (1992–1997), to a moderate and arguably democratic party from the early 2000s until 2015. The party defined and redefined its identity to fit both Islamic and secular democratic narratives. This research traced the evolution of the IRPT’s identity in light of critical events such as the change in leadership in 2006, and the Arab Spring. A discourse analysis of the IRPT’s main communication channel, Najot, from 2008 to 2015 has been conducted, which found three themes where strong articulations about identity were made: secularism, the Civil War, and the Islamic World. First, they challenged the core legislation regulating the triangular relationship of state, society, and religion; they justified political Islam; and they criticized what they called “secular extremism.” Second, the party produced a counter-narrative of Civil War actors and actions to that of the state. Third, they expressed solidarity with legal and controversial Islamic parties elsewhere, such as the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, or the Palestinian Hamas. This paper has found that the IRPT’s ideological transformation was limited due to the remaining Islamist elements in their discourse and the lack of clarity on the compatibility between Islamic and secular democratic programs.
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Sinatora, Francesco L. "Hybridity, secular identities and radical Islamic discourse." In Language, Identity, and Syrian Political Activism on Social Media, 102–19. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge studies in language and identity: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429443527-6.
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Sahin, Abdullah. "Islam, Social Work and Common Good in the Muslim Minority Context of Europe: Rethinking Shariʿa as Relational Ethics." In Exploring Islamic Social Work, 179–200. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-95880-0_11.
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AbstractThis chapter explores the interface between Islam, social work and the common good within the Muslim minority context of Europe. The ethics-law nexus in Muslim tradition is examined to argue for a transformative Islamic engagement with the secular public space. Literature on Islam and social work is limited to providing basic information about Islam to frontline practitioners. The current inquiry intends to develop an Islamic perspective on social work and wellbeing. Increasing association of Muslims with extremism form negative public perceptions of Islam in Europe. Within this discourse of suspicion, Islam is coded as a cause of public harm and ‘Shariʿa law’ is often associated with human rights violations. This study argues that a critical dialogue among the faith-embedded and secular traditions of social ethics in Europe remains vital to fostering a shared sense of common good. Contemporary discussions on social ethics in Islam are dominated by maqāṣid ash-sharī ʿa (objectives of Islamic law) and fiqh al-ʿaqalliyyāt (Muslim minority law). Whilst the former is purported to be a metaethical discourse and the latter implying a contextualising intent, both operate within strict juristic hermeneutics. Alternatively, this inquiry rethinks Shariʿa as relational ethics and practical wisdom (ḥikma), closer to the concept of phronesis in ancient Greek philosophy, guiding human relations as imagined in Qurʾanic anthropology and its vision of a just society. Shariʿa is framed within Islam’s transformative view of human flourishing, tarbiyya. The notion of relational ethics is further grounded in dialogue with phenomenology-informed discussions on ethics, particularly in the work of Levinas, and Habermas’s ‘theory of communicative action’.
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Schmid, Hansjörg, and Amir Sheikhzadegan. "Increasing Spiritual Sensitivity and Faith-Based Service Provision: Pathways to Islamic Social Work." In Exploring Islamic Social Work, 1–23. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-95880-0_1.
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AbstractSocial work has been characterised in recent years by a growing sensitivity to religious and spiritual issues, both leading back to its historical roots and responding to the challenges of contemporary post-secular society. This sensitivity also requires more knowledge about and attention to the specific needs of Muslims as service users, without neglecting their great diversity. The topic of ‘Islamic social work’, situated within this context, does not only concern Muslim beneficiaries in the field of mainstream social work, but also the central, active role that Muslim communities play: it therefore calls into question a merely individual focus. For Muslim faith-based organisations, Islamically-motivated social ideas and thought are also important. In Western contexts, which are often characterised by mistrust shown to Islam and Muslims, reflection on what contribution can be made to the common good within the framework of pluralistic societies is required. Finally, Islamic social work can be considered in relation to the broader development of social work, which is characterised by a critical approach to power-relations and domination, a sensitivity to diversity and an openness to alternative forms of social work. This chapter introduces the book “Exploring Islamic Social Work. Between Community and the Common Good” by analysing the state of research, identifying guiding questions and then developing and presenting the structure of the volume. Its focus is on contexts of Islamic social work and its target groups, its theological and ethical foundations, as well as its inclusion into general social work discourse.
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Afrouz, Rojan, and Beth R. Crisp. "Anti-oppressive Practice in Social Work with Women Wearing Hijab." In Exploring Islamic Social Work, 203–18. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-95880-0_12.
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AbstractReligious beliefs are central to the identity of many people, often signalled by their physical appearance, for example, clothing, hair or jewellery. If prevented from such a form of self-expression, some take action against what they consider a contravention of their human rights. The predominance of this discourse can obscure the possibility that there are others who are forced to signal a religious viewpoint which they may not subscribe to. This chapter explores the wearing of hijab by Afghan women who have lived in Australia less than 10 years. While some choose to wear hijab, there were others who spoke of being forced to wear hijab as a form of domestic violence. Furthermore, whereas for some, not wearing hijab represents a freedom to dress in accordance with their understandings of Australia as a secular society, a few felt that wearing clothes which marked them as Islamic increased the likelihood of attracting xenophobia and discrimination. Hence, for many women, decisions around hijab represented compromise between the demands of their family, the Afghan community and the wider Australian society, rather than a free choice. Consequently, if social workers assume women’s religious beliefs and identity are congruent with their appearance they may inadvertently be contributing to women’s oppression. As such, this chapter explores notions of anti-oppressive practice when working with Muslim women living in non-Muslim majority countries, particularly in respect of dress codes which are associated with Islam.
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Sidani, Yusuf M. "Islamic Discourses." In Muslim Women at Work, 73–99. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-63221-6_5.
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Topkara, Ufuk. "The Secular World." In Routledge Handbook of Islamic Ritual and Practice, 511–19. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003044659-43.
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Mirbagheri, S. M. Farid. "Islamic Discourses: Definitions and Background." In War and Peace in Islam, 14–39. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137001313_2.
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Wadud, Amina. "The Spirited Voices of Muslim Women in Islamic Reform Movements." In Muslim Secular Democracy, 53–76. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137282057_3.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Islamic and Secular Discourses"
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Demir, Emre. "THE EMERGENCE OF A NEO-COMMUNITARIAN MOVEMENT IN THE TURKISH DIASPORA IN EUROPE: THE STRATEGIES OF SETTLEMENT AND COMPETITION OF GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN FRANCE AND GERMANY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/bkir8810.
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This paper examines the organisational and discursive strategies of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and its differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe, with the primary focus on the movement’s educational activities. The paper describes the characteristics of organisational activity among Turkish Muslims in Europe. Then it analyses two mainstream religious-communitarian movements and the contrasting settlement strategies of the “neo- communitarian” Gülen movement. Despite the large Turkish population in western Europe, the movement has been active there for only about ten years – relatively late compared to other Islamic organisations. Mainly, the associational organisation of Turkish Islam in Europe is based on two axes: the construction/ sponsoring of mosques and Qur’anic schools. By contrast, the Gülen movement’s members in Europe, insisting on ‘the great importance of secular education’, do not found or sponsor mosques and Qur’anic schools. Their principal focus is to address the problems of the immi- grant youth population in Europe, with reintegration of Turkish students into the educational system of the host societies as a first goal. On the one hand, as a neo-communitarian religious grouping, they strive for a larger share of the ‘market’ (i.e. more members from among the Turkish diaspora) by offering a fresh religious discourse and new organisational strategies, much as they have done in Turkey. On the other hand, they seek to gain legitimacy in the public sphere in Germany and France by building an educational network in these countries, just as they have done in Central Asia and the Balkans region. Accordingly, a reinvigorated and reorganised community is taking shape in western Europe. This paper examines the organizational and discursive strategies1 of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and it is differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe. We seek to analyse particularly the educational activities of this movement which appeared in the Islamic scene in Diaspora of Europe for the last 10 years. We focus on the case of Gülen movement because it represents a prime example amongst Islamic movements which seek to reconcile-or ac- commodate- with the secular system in Turkey. In spite of the exclusionary policy of Turkish secular state towards the religious movements, this faith-based social movement achieved to accommodate to the new socio-political conditions of Turkey. Today, for many searchers, Gülen movement brings Islam back to the public sphere by cross-fertilizing Islamic idioms with global discourses on human rights, democracy, and the market economy.2 Indeed, the activities of Gülen movement in the secular context of France and Germany represent an interesting sociological object. Firstly, we will describe the characteristics of organizational ability of Anatolian Islam in Europe. Then we will analyse the mainstream religious-com- munitarian movements (The National Perspective movement and Suleymanci community) and the settlement strategies of the “neo-communitarian”3 Gülen movement in the Turkish Muslim Diaspora. Based on semi-directive interviews with the directors of the learning centres in Germany and France and a 6 month participative observation of Gülen-inspired- activities in Strasbourg; we will try to answer the following questions: How the movement appropriates the “religious” manner and defines it in a secular context regarding to the host/ global society? How the message of Gülen is perceived among his followers and how does it have effect on acts of the Turkish Muslim community? How the movement realises the transmission of communitarian and `religious’ values and-especially-how they compete with other Islamic associations? In order to answer these questions, we will make an analysis which is based on two axes: Firstly, how the movement position within the Turkish-Islamic associational organisation? Secondly, we will try to describe the contact zones between the followers of Gülen and the global society.
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Kuru, Ahmet T. "CHANGING PERSPECTIVES ON ISLAMISM AND SECULARISM IN TURKEY: THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT AND THE AK PARTY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/mmwz7057.
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The debate between secularists and Islamic groups, a conspicuous feature of Turkish politics for decades, changed in the late 1990s when the political discourse of mainstream Islamic groups embraced secularism. The establishment elite advocate the existing French model of an ‘assertive secularism’, meaning that, in the public domain, the state supports only the ex- pression of a secular worldview, and formally excludes religion and religious symbols from that domain. The pro-Islamic conservatives, on the other hand, favour the American model of ‘passive secularism’, in which the state permits the expression of religion in the public do- main. In short, what Turkey has witnessed over the last decade is no longer a tussle between secularism and Islamism, but between two brands of secularism. Two actors have played crucial roles in this transformation: the Gülen movement and the Justice and Development (AK) Party. Recently the Gülen movement became an international actor and a defendant of passive secularism. Similarly, although the AK Party was originated from an Islamist Milli Görüş (National Outlook) movement, it is now a keen supporter of Turkey’s membership to the European Union and defends (passive) secularist, democratic regime. This paper analyses the transformation of these important social and political actors with regard to certain structural conditions, as well as the interactions between them.In April 2007, the international media covered Turkey for the protest meetings of more than a million people in three major cities, the military intervention to politics, and the abortive presidential election. According to several journalists and columnists, Turkey was experienc- ing another phase of the ongoing tension between the secularists and Islamists. Some major Turkish newspapers, such as Hürriyet, were asserting that the secularists finally achieved to bring together millions of opponents of the ruling Adalet ve Kalkınma (Justice and Development) (AK) Party. In addition to their dominance in military and judicial bureauc- racy, the secularists appeared to be maintaining the support of the majority of the people. The parliamentary elections that took place few months later, in July, revealed that the main- stream Turkish media’s presentation was misleading and the so-called secularists’ aspira- tions were unrealistic. The AK Party received 47 percent of the national votes, an unusual ratio for a multiparty system where there were 14 contesting parties. The main opposition, Cumhuriyet Halk (Republican People’s) Party (CHP), only received 21 percent of the votes, despite its alliance with the other leftist party. Both the national and international media’s misleading presentation of Turkish politics was not confined by the preferences of the vot- ers. Moreover, the media was primarily misleading with its use of the terms “Islamists” and “secularists.” What Turkey has witnessed for the last decade has not been a struggle between secularism and Islamism; but it has been a conflict between two types of secularism. As I elaborated else- where, the AK Party is not an Islamist party. It defends a particular understanding of secular- ism that differs from that of the CHP. Although several leaders of the AK Party historically belonged to an Islamist -Milli Görüş (National Outlook)- movement, they later experienced an ideational transformation and embraced a certain type of secularism that tolerates public visibility of religion. This transformation was not an isolated event, but part of a larger expe- rience that several other Islamic groups took part in. I argue that the AKP leaders’ interaction with the Gülen movement, in this regard, played an important role in the formation of the party’s new perspective toward secularism. In another article, I analyzed the transformation of the AK Party and Gülen movement with certain external (globalization process) and internal (the February 28 coup) conditions. In this essay, I will focus on the interaction between these two entities to explore their changing perspectives. I will first discuss the two different types of secularism that the Kemalists and conservatives defend in Turkey. Then, I will briefly summarize diverse discourses of the Milli Görüş and Gülen movements. Finally, I will examine the exchanges between the Gülen movement and the AK Party with regard to their rethinking of Islamism and secularism.
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Toguslu, Erkan. "GÜLEN’S THEORY OF ADAB AND ETHICAL VALUES OF GÜLEN MOVEMENT." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/rzxz8734.
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This paper seeks to explore and explain the prominent place of ‘adab’ (roughly, good man- ners) in the description and building of Muslim identity and personality, and the implications for Muslim individual and collective behaviour in contemporary societies. In particular, the paper examines the role of ethical values in the formation of character, through Fethullah Gülen’s discourses addressed to, and successful in inspiring, Muslim youth: the definition of moral character on the basis of religion provides the movement’s members with the ideal and a roadmap to the ideal of the ‘perfected human being’ (insan-ı kamil). Gülen seeks to reshape modernity through the concept of moral character informed and made stable by reli- gious consciousness. As a result, attitudes to the ‘other’ and the frontiers between ‘outward’ and ‘inward’ are reconfigured. The concept of insan-ı kamil encourages self-transcendence through service of others (hizmet), and the patient, peaceful resolution of tensions between different ideologies such as ‘Islamic’ and ‘secular’. The Gülen movement conceives of and, through the practice of its members, presents the ethical domain as the common ground of shared values.
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Nugroho, Lucky, Akhmad Mastur, Fardinal Fardinal, and Yananto Putra. "Hajj, Civilization and Islamic Banking Contribution Discourses." In Proceedings of the First Annual Conference of Economics, Business, and Social Science, ACEBISS 2019, 26 - 30 March, Jakarta, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.26-3-2019.2290773.
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Vicini, Fabio. "GÜLEN’S RETHINKING OF ISLAMIC PATTERN AND ITS SOCIO-POLITICAL EFFECTS." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/gbfn9600.
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Over recent decades Islamic traditions have emerged in new forms in different parts of the Muslim world, interacting differently with secular and neo-liberal patterns of thought and action. In Turkey Fethullah Gülen’s community has been a powerful player in the national debate about the place of Islam in individual and collective life. Through emphasis on the im- portance of ‘secular education’ and a commitment to the defence of both democratic princi- ples and international human rights, Gülen has diffused a new and appealing version of how a ‘good Muslim’ should act in contemporary society. In particular he has defended the role of Islam in the formation of individuals as ethically-responsible moral subjects, a project that overlaps significantly with the ‘secular’ one of forming responsible citizens. Concomitantly, he has shifted the Sufi emphasis on self-discipline/self-denial towards an active, socially- oriented service of others – a form of religious effort that implies a strongly ‘secular’ faith in the human ability to make this world better. This paper looks at the lives of some members of the community to show how this pattern of conduct has affected them. They say that teaching and learning ‘secular’ scientific subjects, combined with total dedication to the project of the movement, constitute, for them, ways to accomplish Islamic deeds and come closer to God. This leads to a consideration of how such a rethinking of Islamic activism has influenced po- litical and sociological transition in Turkey, and a discussion of the potential contribution of the movement towards the development of a more human society in contemporary Europe. From the 1920s onwards, in the context offered by the decline and collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Islamic thinkers, associations and social movements have proliferated their efforts in order to suggest ways to live a good “Muslim life” under newly emerging conditions. Prior to this period, different generations of Muslim Reformers had already argued the compat- ibility of Islam with reason and “modernity”, claiming for the need to renew Islamic tradition recurring to ijtihad. Yet until the end of the XIX century, traditional educational systems, public forms of Islam and models of government had not been dismissed. Only with the dismantlement of the Empire and the constitution of national governments in its different regions, Islamic intellectuals had to face the problem of arranging new patterns of action for Muslim people. With the establishment of multiple nation-states in the so-called Middle East, Islamic intel- lectuals had to cope with secular conceptions about the subject and its place and space for action in society. They had to come to terms with the definitive affirmation of secularism and the consequent process of reconfiguration of local sensibilities, forms of social organisation, and modes of action. As a consequence of these processes, Islamic thinkers started to place emphasis over believers’ individual choice and responsibility both in maintaining an Islamic conduct daily and in realising the values of Islamic society. While under the Ottoman rule to be part of the Islamic ummah was considered an implicit consequence of being a subject of the empire. Not many scientific works have looked at contemporary forms of Islam from this perspective. Usually Islamic instances are considered the outcome of an enduring and unchanging tradition, which try to reproduce itself in opposition to outer-imposed secular practices. Rarely present-day forms of Islamic reasoning and practice have been considered as the result of a process of adjustment to new styles of governance under the modern state. Instead, I argue that new Islamic patterns of action depend on a history of practical and conceptual revision they undertake under different and locally specific versions of secularism. From this perspective I will deal with the specific case of Fethullah Gülen, the head of one of the most famous and influent “renewalist” Islamic movements of contemporary Turkey. From the 1980s this Islamic leader has been able to weave a powerful network of invisible social ties from which he gets both economic and cultural capital. Yet what interests me most in this paper, is that with his open-minded and moderate arguments, Gülen has inspired many people in Turkey to live Islam in a new way. Recurring to ijtihad and drawing from secular epistemology specific ideas about moral agency, he has proposed to a wide public a very at- tractive path for being “good Muslims” in their daily conduct. After an introductive explanation of the movement’s project and of the ideas on which it is based, my aim will be to focus on such a pattern of action. Particular attention will be dedi- cated to Gülen’s conception of a “good Muslim” as a morally-guided agent, because such a conception reveals underneath secular ideas on both responsibility and moral agency. These considerations will constitute the basis from which we can look at the transformation of Islam – and more generally of “the religion” – in the contemporary world. Then a part will be dedicated to defining the specificity of Gülen’s proposal, which will be compared with that of other Islamic revivalist movements in other contexts. Some common point between them will merge from this comparison. Both indeed use the concept of respon- sibility in order to push subjects to actively engage in reviving Islam. Yet, on the other hand, I will show how Gülen’s followers distinguish themselves by the fact their commitment pos- sesses a socially-oriented and reformist character. Finally I will consider the proximity of Gülen’s conceptualisation of moral agency with that the modern state has organised around the idea of “civic virtues”. I argue Gülen’s recall for taking responsibility of social moral decline is a way of charging his followers with a similar burden the modern state has charged its citizens. Thus I suggest the Islamic leader’s pro- posal can be seen as the tentative of supporting the modernity project by defining a new and specific space to Islam and religion into it. This proposal opens the possibility of new and interesting forms of interconnection between secular ideas of modernity and the so-called “Islamic” ones. At the same time I think it sheds a new light over contemporary “renewalist” movements, which can be considered a concrete proposal about how to realise, in a different background, modern forms of governance by reconsidering their moral basis.
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Mohammad, Nhelbourne K., Muhammad Siri Dangnga, St Nurhayati, and Mr Mahsyar. "The Admission Policy Test and Effectiveness of Islamic Education in a Secular State." In 2018 3rd International Conference on Education, Sports, Arts and Management Engineering (ICESAME 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/amca-18.2018.5.
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Nuruzade, Shahla. "Sharia and its place in the daily life of Azerbaijanis." In Development of legal systems in Russia and foreign countries: problems of theory and practice. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02061-6-212-218.
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The article is dedicated to Islamic law, where Islamic norms and traditions are formed in Azerbaijan. Sharia is primarily a complex of Muslim law established by the Quran and Sunnah. Although Azerbaijan is a secular state, Azerbaijanis still follow Sharia law in everyday life.
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Syarif, Nurrohman, Tajul Arifin, and Sofian Al-Hakim. "Sharia in Secular State - The Place and Models for Practicing Islamic Law in Indonesia." In The 2nd International Conference on Sociology Education. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0007104306920700.
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Tumin, Anisa Dwi Makrufi, and Halim Purnomo. "Discourses on Religious Pluralism: Islamic Practices of Tolerance in the Classical and Modern Times." In 4th International Conference on Sustainable Innovation 2020–Social, Humanity, and Education (ICoSIHESS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210120.106.
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Fikriyati, U., and A. Fawaid. "Pop-Tafsir on Indonesian YouTube Channel: Emergence, Discourses, and Contestations." In Proceedings of the 19th Annual International Conference on Islamic Studies, AICIS 2019, 1-4 October 2019, Jakarta, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.1-10-2019.2291646.
Full textReports on the topic "Islamic and Secular Discourses"
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Cesur, Resul, and Naci Mocan. Does Secular Education Impact Religiosity, Electoral Participation and the Propensity to Vote for Islamic Parties? Evidence from an Education Reform in a Muslim Country. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w19769.
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Tadros, Mariz, ed. What About Us? Global Perspectives on Redressing Religious Inequalities. Institute of Development Studies, October 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2021.005.
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How can we make religious equality a reality for those on the margins of society and politics? This book is about the individual and collective struggles of the religiously marginalised to be recognised and their inequalities, religious or otherwise, redressed. It is also about the efforts of civil society, governments, multilateral actors, and scholars to promote freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) whatever shape they take. The actors and contexts that feature in this book are as diverse as health workers in Israel, local education authorities in Nigeria, indigenous movements in India, Uganda, or South Africa, and multilateral actors such as the Islamic Development Bank in Sudan and the World Bank in Pakistan. Some of the case studies engage with development discourses and narratives or are undertaken by development actors, while other cases operate completely outside the international development paradigm. These case studies present some important insights, which while highly relevant for their contexts also draw out important insights for academics, practitioners, activists, and others who have an interest in redressing religious inequalities for socioeconomically marginalised populations.