Journal articles on the topic 'Islam Press coverage Australia'

This study is primarily a quantitative content analysis that attempts to explore episodic as well as thematic frames related to Islam and Muslims in the Guardian (UK), the Washington Post (USA), the Australian (Australia) and the National Post (Canada). The research aims to find out the extent and nature of the coverage of episodic and thematic frames in the selected newspapers on Islam and Muslims. The study also aims to explore the tone of coverage of the Western political leaders about Islam and Muslims in the selected newspapers. Drawing on framing theory and Said’s Orientalism/Occidentalism, this study found out that overall the coverage had more negative frames used for Islam and Muslims. Most of the stories were on Stereotypes/Prejudices/fundamentalism followed by Racism/Religious frame. Western newspapers have racial and stereotypical predispositions towards Islam and its adherents. Furthermore, Islam was framed more often as threatful and intolerant religion. It was also found out that in all the selected newspapers, coverage of the Western politicians was more harsh and negative than positive towards Islam and Muslims.

Research conducted in some European countries and in the US has evidenced that there is a considerable difference in the media coverage of the National/Internal and Foreign/External Islam. Wherein, the latter is viewed and portrayed as a ‘greater threat’ to the mainstream society. This research endeavour is an effort to explore the predominant themes associated with the Foreign/External Islam in the editorials of the two selected Australian newspapers during January 1, 2016 to March 31, 2017. The researcher has employed Tuen A. van Dijk’s (1998) ideological square and lexicalization strategies from the Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) paradigm to examine the editorials of The Age and The Australian. The research findings are evident that in the coverage of the Foreign Islam both the selected newspapers have associated ‘conflict’, ‘violence’ and ‘collectivism’ with Islam and Muslims, however The Australian highlighted ‘women underrepresentation’ also. While covering the National Islam, The Age highlighted the ‘victimization’ and ‘prejudice’ to Muslims in Australia and stressed on the need of ‘understanding’, ‘harmony’ and ‘cohesion’. However, in The Australian the National Islam also received the same treatment as did the Foreign Islam in terms of themes.

Recent studies have evidenced that the coverage of Islam and Muslims is widely influenced by the ideological leanings of the newspapers. This paper is set to explore whether the ideological differences of the Australian newspapers are reflected in the coverage of Islam and Muslims during January 1, 2016 to March 31, 2017. Employing Van Dijk’s (1998) ideological square and lexicalization approaches within the CDA paradigm this study examined editorials from two leading Australian newspapers. The findings have validated the existence of the ‘political parallelism’ phenomenon in the editorial contents of the selected newspapers representing Islam and Muslims. The findings showed that The Australian, which is a ‘rightist/conservative’ newspaper, toed the line of ‘right-wing’ political parties and politicians such as Ms. Pauline and Mr. Turnbull, portrayed Islam and Muslims in an overwhelmingly negative way, appreciated anti-immigration policies, criticized those who support accepting refugees, highlighted violence in Muslims countries, and collectivized Muslims while commenting on terrorist attacks in the West. On the other hand, The Age, which is a ‘leftist’/‘centre-left’ newspaper, criticized the ‘far-rights’ for appreciating and supporting the ‘rightist/conservative’ policies against Muslims, advocated the ‘leftist/progressive/liberal’ stance, portrayed Islam and Muslims in a positive, supportive and balanced way, and advocated ‘understanding’, ‘harmony’ and ‘cohesion’ in Australia. Keywords: Political parallelism, Representation, Islam, Muslims, Critical discourse analysis, ideological square, lexicalization.

The study's goal is to investigate the coverage of Donald Trump's anti-Islam narrative in the United States press. The events of September 11, 2001, in New York City, and in San Bernardino,California, among others, impacted the socio-cultural, socio-economic, socio-political, and foreign policies of many countries throughout the world. The current research is essentially a content analysis of two editorials from two different newspapers in the United States (The NewYork Times and The Washington Post). The editorial contents were divided into four categories: A (US government relations with Muslim countries), B (coverage of Islam/Muslims in the war on terrorism), C(Donald Trump's stance on US-Muslim Countries bilateral relations),and D (US government's stance on US-Muslim Countries bilateral relations). To assess the association between different variables, the Chi-square statistical test was performed. The findings show that following the 2016 presidential elections in the United States, editorial overage of Trump's anti-Islam narrative was less favorable than previously.

The study investigates the effect of press coverage on voluntary disclosure in the narrative sections of annual reports of Australian and Chinese listed companies. A combination of the legitimacy theory and media agenda setting theory is employed to examine their application in the context of different country-level governance mechanisms, in particularly in Anglo-Saxon (Australia) and Asian (China) economies. The study is based on a sample of 200 listed companies and employs multiple regression analyses. The findings show that press coverage is positively and significantly associated with voluntary disclosure suggesting that closer media attention increases voluntary disclosure. The effect of press coverage is mediated by country-level governance mechanisms, suggesting stronger association in countries with stronger legal enforcement mechanisms

Coverage of Papua New Guinea in Australian media has been a source of resentment and dissatisfaction since the former Territory’s independence in 1975. A survey of media content in Australia has been made, to retrace collaborative research during 2007-11 that showed overall low volumes of coverage much of it negative in cast. The Australian ABC provided some exception, maintaining a Port Moresby correspondent. The present study finds the volume of coverage has increased slightly with indications of more positive approaches in reporting on the country. It contrasts disinterest in PNG among established press and commercial television, with the ongoing contribution of ABC, and the ‘new media’ Guardian Australia making a targeted and well-serviced entry into the field.

The Federal Parliamentary Press Gallery has traditionally held a privileged position in Australian journalism, entrusted with two important democratic functions: providing citizens with political information and scrutinising the powerful. In the last decade, however, significant changes in the global media landscape have impacted the health of Australian political journalism and new spaces for news and information have emerged that challenge the Press Gallery’s authority. This article considers how a new entrant, Guardian Australia, operates in this space through analysis of its explicit discursive construction of its own role, authority and performance. It then maps how these discourses are mobilised in political coverage through a case study exploring the publication’s 2016 and 2017 federal budget coverage. The article argues that Guardian Australia’s self-construction allowed its press gallery and political journalists to reclaim their authoritative democratic role, in the face of competition and change, by embracing both tradition and innovation in its political journalism.

Abstract Educational issues are a regular feature in mainstream media, and the ways in which particular issues are represented can influence public perceptions of the various discipline areas and, in turn, policy decisions that affect them. While the research literature includes media coverage analyses of a wide range of educational disciplines and sectors, missing is an understanding of the media representations of language education in the tertiary setting, despite languages being seen as a key pathway to generalised national multilingualism, social harmony, and economic prosperity. The authors address this gap using Australia as a case study, a country that has seen considerable policy and media attention to language education in general over many years. A content analysis of print newspaper coverage from 2007–2016 was conducted, revealing that the coverage of the discipline area at the tertiary level is extremely limited, is generally superficial in depth, narrow in scope, and negative in tone. This representation perpetuates the already precarious position of language education in Australian universities, and there is little support for a more positive and visible public agenda.

The main purpose of the present research is to investigate Pak-Afghan relations in the editorials of US newspapers, The Washington Post & The New York Times and Pakistani newspapers Dawn & The News related to the following issues during the period 1997-2005; A) US as a factor in Pak-Afghan relation, B) Coverage of Islam/Muslims regarding war on terrorism, C) Pakistan’s stance on Pak-Afghan bilateral relations, and D) US’s stance on Pak-Afghan bilateral relations. The time period to be examined in this proposed study spans over eight years regarding the editorial coverage of Pak-Afghan relations in the US and Pakistani leading English Press. Triangulation method based on qualitative and quantitative method was used to conduct the present research. The results show that the editorial contents of USA and Pakistani newspapers were not different regarding Pak-Afghan relations before and after 9/11. The incident of 9/11 changed the American foreign policy towards developing and least developing nations especially Muslims states like Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iraq, and Iran etc. Pakistani press highlighted the issues regarding the Pak-Afghan relations before and after 9/11 as a favorable and conducive, related to Muslim/Islam regarding war on terrorism. The study suggested that instead of the focus on military resolution of the different problems, rather social bilateral negations should be prioritized which would be long lasting and full of mutual respects and honor.

The Australian press played a vital part in bringing the events at Chelmsford Private Hospital to the attention of the general public, and in pressuring the New South Wales government to institute a Royal Commission into Deep Sleep Therapy. This paper describes the ways in which the press brought Chelmsford events onto the public agenda. It pays particular attention to aspects of the press coverage of the findings of the Royal Commission. The paper identifies the discourses concerning psychiatric care, the doctor-patient relationship and the role of the government in regulating the medical profession which were dominant in press accounts of Chelmsford. It is argued that while pre-existing stereotypes about mad psychiatrists and asylums were used to describe Chelmsford, more confronting ideas concerning the need for medical regulation and patient consumerism received press attention and therefore a public airing. The implications for psychiatric care in Australia are examined.

Despite significant research into media and political coverage of refugees and asylum seekers, and ongoing Commonwealth policies to resettle refugees to regional areas, analysis of the regional press is lacking. We reviewed articles from four regional newspapers using quantitative content analysis and qualitative content analysis to examine some initial trends in how regional newspapers represent refugees and asylum seekers. Despite the dominant negative framing of refugee issues at the national level, the regional media used positive, humanising frames and a broader range of sources in articles on local topics such as refugees’ personal stories. This reflects the community-building role of local journalism and challenges the familiar boundaries of the debate. However, there was a compelling distinction between articles on local and national topics, with the negative national discourse and dominance of government sources reflected in articles on national topics such as legislation and events.

The engagement of Kate Fischer, actress, and Jamie Packer, media executive and son of Australia's richest man, ended in October 1998. In the week following the split, Packer signed over in entirety the Bondi apartment he had shared with Fischer. He was also sighted dining with another model, Jodie Meares (whom he later married). Also that week, Fischer left Australia for Hollywood. Sydney press coverage of these events continued for over a month. This paper is a case study of news stories about the break-up. Storytelling in the news is the initial focus, including consideration of ways in which Cinderella themes were embedded in several accounts. Conventional distinctions between soft news and hard news are also considered, because many accounts were located in sections of newspapers conventionally devoted to hard news. Placement and timing of the stories are also considered in terms of the gatekeeper metaphor. The concept of scandal is also briefly investigated.

The study is focused to analyze the framing of the islamophobia in the international media in context of the terror attacks on the Muslims and Non-Muslims where the newspapers from six countries including United States, India, United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and Pakistan are focused to study to analyze the major terror incidents from 2014 to 2019 in different countries of the world. The key focus was to analyze the frames including perpetrator of the terror incidents; Islam/Muslims are Progressive or Violent; Criticism on Muslims and Non-Muslims Perpetrators; Target are Muslims or Non-Muslims and Positive or Negative image of Islam/Muslims presented. The content analysis method is used to analyze the content about framing of the major terror incidents targeting both the Muslims and Non-Muslims. The study concludes that the selected international press presented Islam in context of anti-Muslim wave as they presented Islam and Muslims in a negative context mostly linking them with violence and non-Muslims are more target of terrorism than the Muslims. The study presents that the Muslims and Islam is targeted more despite the fact that they have also been target of the terrorism and extremism losing hundreds of lives. Only Pakistani newspaper presented a positive image of Islam and the Muslims convincing about the fact that Muslims are equal target of terrorism and extremism and Muslims also have suffered by terrorism.

The study is focused to analyze the framing of the islamophobia in the international media in context of the terror attacks on the Muslims and Non-Muslims where the newspapers from six countries including United States, India, United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and Pakistan are focused to study to analyze the major terror incidents from 2014 to 2019 in different countries of the world. The key focus was to analyze the frames including perpetrator of the terror incidents; Islam/Muslims are Progressive or Violent; Criticism on Muslims and Non-Muslims Perpetrators; Target are Muslims or Non-Muslims and Positive or Negative image of Islam/Muslims presented. The content analysis method is used to analyze the content about framing of the major terror incidents targeting both the Muslims and Non-Muslims. The study concludes that the selected international press presented Islam in context of anti-Muslim wave as they presented Islam and Muslims in a negative context mostly linking them with violence and non-Muslims are more target of terrorism than the Muslims. The study presents that the Muslims and Islam is targeted more despite the fact that they have also been target of the terrorism and extremism losing hundreds of lives. Only Pakistani newspaper presented a positive image of Islam and the Muslims convincing about the fact that Muslims are equal target of terrorism and extremism and Muslims also have suffered by terrorism.

The history of Islam in part of what is known today as Nigeria datesto about the loth Century. Christianity dates to the late 18th Century. Bythe middle of the 19th Century, when Nigerian newspapers began to appearon the streets of Nigeria, both religions had won so many followers and extendedto so many places in Nigeria that very few areas were untouched bytheir influence. The impact of both religions on their adherents not only determinedtheir spiritual life, but influenced their social and political lives aswell. It therefore became inevitable that both religions receive coverage frommost of the newspapers of the time. How the newspapers as media of informationand communication reported issues about the two religions is thetheme of this paper.Rationale for the StudyThe purpose of this study is to highlight the context in which such earlynewspapers operated and the factors that dictated their performance. Thisis because it is assumed that when a society faces external threat to its territory,culture, and independence, all hands (the press inclusive) ought tobe on deck to resist the threat with all might. Were newspapers used as verbalartillery and how did they present each religion? It is also assumed thatin a multireligious society a true press should be objective and serve as avanguard in the promotion of the interest of the people in general and notcreate or foster an atmosphere of religious conflict. The study also aims atfinding out whether the papers promoted intellectual honesty and fosteredthe spirit of unity particularly when the society was faced with the encroachmentof the British who posed a threat to their freedom, culture, economy ...

In this empirical contribution to the Tocqueville Review special issue on multiple collective identities, I explore how Western Europeans and US-Americans make sense of the mobilization of religious convictions and identities in armed conflicts and international terrorism in their respective news media. I analyze a total amount of 460,917 newspaper articles from the liberal and conservative quality press of five Western European countries (Germany, United Kingdom, France, Ireland and Austria) and the United States, dealing with the issue of armed conflicts and terrorism by using innovative techniques of corpus linguistics, machine learning and in-depth content analysis. The results show that Western publics—for a long time mere observers of the mobilization of religious convictions and identities in international politics—become participants who begin to critically reflect about the way how to address and discuss the ‘‘self’ and the “other” in debates on religion in armed conflicts and terrorism. Speakers increasingly take stances vis-à-vis religion and conflict and pay attention on how to renegotiate their own identity and to talk about Islam in order not to threaten social cohesion at home or to give further reasons for a “Clash of Civilizations” abroad. The results challenge the negative picture of discursive construction of Islam by Western media and societies that is prevalent in scientific research and therefore provide first empirical evidence for a “post-secular” shift in Western collective self-understandings who become aware of the ongoing vitality of religion both nationally and internationally (Habermas, 2005, 2012).

He covers the coverage of wars and the fine borderline that journalists might cross to become propaganda merchants: World War II, Vietnam, The Gulf, Kosovo, to name a few, and now the ‘War on Terror’. And the performance so far of the news media in this latest one has left Phillip Knightley, author of The First Casualty, underwhelmed: civil rights down the drain, public debate and dissent stifled, the news media hardly batting an eyelid. ‘Well, the press in Britain, Australia, and probably New Zealand, did a better job than their American counterparts,’ he sighs, ‘but that’s not saying much.’

In this article Kate Flaherty examines the sensational contractual dispute that arose between Gustavus Vaughan Brooke and Mary Fanny Cathcart during their Australian colonial tour in 1855. She follows Brooke's attempt to use his theatrical repertoire to achieve and consolidate a legal victory over Cathcart, but argues that this strategy ultimately backfired and elicited a form of judgement by the theatregoing public that countered the judgement handed down by the Supreme Court. Conversely, coverage of the case in Australian newspapers is identified as shaping reviews and sharpening the edge of the stage dramas. The article provides a focused instance of the complex interplay of dramatic works, cultural politics, gendered power, and publicity that characterized nineteenth-century theatrical touring. Kate Flaherty is a lecturer in English and Drama at the Australian National University, a member of the International Shakespeare Conference, and a Senior Fellow of the Higher Education Academy. She is author of Ours as We Play It: Australia Plays Shakespeare (University of Western Australia Press, 2011), as well as numerous essays on how Shakespeare's works play on the stage of public culture.

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Amid claims that forced marriage is rife in Australia’s minority communities, 2013 saw the introduction of criminal legislation outlawing forced marriage in Australia. Within public debate, this punitive measure came to overshadow all other modes of addressing the problem; for instance, education programmes, civil legislation and targeted domestic violence support services. This article examines print media coverage of forced marriage over the thirteen-year period leading up to the introduction of criminal legislation. Exploring a discourse that overwhelmingly understands forced marriage as a problem of Islam and multiculturalism, and that marginalises the experiences of women and service providers, the author identifies distinct conservative and liberal representations of forced marriage which racialise domestic violence. Conservatives maintain that forced marriage is empirical evidence of an impending Muslim ‘takeover’ of the West precipitated by multiculturalism. Liberals reassert the importance of western values through specific criminal legislation to temper male minority ethnic violence. The material consequence of these Orientalist framings is a narrowing of services available to women seeking to escape violence. The article seeks to understand the processes of meaning-making in which forced marriage is implicated and how the issue is situated within the domain of national political ideology, as opposed to family violence.

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ABSTRACT This paper investigates the effect of dissemination of corporate disclosure via Twitter. In particular, the study is focused on listed companies in Australia that employed Twitter as a secondary dissemination channel for corporate announcements in 2008–2013. Based on a sample of 3,516 announcements at the Australian Stock Exchange (ASX) related to 109 listed companies, the research employs the Investor Recognition Hypothesis to investigate the effect of Twitter activity on the information asymmetry proxied by abnormal spread (SpreadAbn). The findings show that there is a negative association between SpreadAbn and tweets posted by a firm during the announcement period. Further analysis shows that this association is stronger for firms less visible through business press or financial analyst coverage. The study concludes that while corporate announcements are publicly available through the ASX platform, dissemination of corporate announcements through Twitter allows companies to attract investors' attention and decrease information asymmetry.

Social media use is now commonplace across journalism, in spite of lingering unease about the impact the networked, real-time logic of leading social media platforms may have on the quality of journalistic coverage. As a result, distinct journalistic voices are forced to compete more directly with experts, commentators, sources, and other stakeholders within the same space. Such shifting power relations may be observed also in the interactions between political journalists and their audiences on major social media platforms. This article therefore pursues a cross-national comparison of interactions between political journalists and their audiences on Twitter in Germany and Australia, documenting how the differences in the status of Twitter in each country’s media environment manifest in activities and network interactions. In each country, we observed Twitter interactions around the national parliamentary press corps (the Bundespressekonferenz and the Federal Press Gallery), gathering all public tweets by and directed at the journalists’ accounts during 2017. We examine overall activity and engagement patterns and highlight significant differences between the two national groups; and we conduct further network analysis to examine the prevalent connections and engagement between press corps journalists themselves, and between journalists, their audiences, and other interlocutors on Twitter. New structures of information flows, of influence, and thus ultimately of power relations become evident in this analysis.

Research into news media representations of Muslims and their faith has focused mainly on how Muslims are portrayed in various types of news media and how stories about or involving them are framed. However, there has been very little attention paid to the effects of news consumption on attitudes towards Muslims. Accordingly, we wanted to explore a range of issues associated with news consumption levels and attitudes towards Muslims in Australia. The three objectives of this article are to: explore whether the amount of news consumed by respondents to an Australian survey influences the level of animosity they hold towards Muslims; determine how political viewpoint and religiosity influence the relationship between news consumption and animosity towards Muslims; and see whether engagement with Muslims influences the relationship between news consumption and animosity towards Muslims. Through a 2018 nationally representative sample of Australians, we target these objectives by investigating whether the amount of news that non-Muslim survey participants consume in a week influences the levels of anger they feel towards Muslims and how their self-defined religiosity, political viewpoint, and engagement with Muslims affect that relationship, while controlling for known drivers of anti-Muslim sentiment, such as demographic characteristics and knowledge about Muslims. We set our study in the contemporary context of mostly lab-based research that helps us understand how news media consumption affects particular types of people and whether there are commonalities in like-groups’ responses to different types of news consumption; in this case, stories about Muslims and their faith. The findings of our research will be of interest to news media organizations and journalists wanting to know about the effects of their coverage of stories about Muslims and their faith and those wanting to improve that reportage. The results will also interest groups working on social cohesion efforts, those trying to improve inter-faith and inter-cultural relations, and academics investigating news media coverage of Muslims and Islam. Significantly, we find quantity of news consumption to lack effect on anger levels.

- Roger Busser, Sudo Sueo, The Fukuda Doctrine and ASEAN; New dimensions in Japanese Foreign policy. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1992. - P.J. Drooglever, C. Fasseur, De Indologen; Ambtenaren voor de Oost 1825-1950. Amsterdam: Bert Bakker, 1993, 552 pp. - Raymond Evans, Tony Swain, A place for strangers; Towards a history of Australian Aboroginal being. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993, xi + 330 pp. - CH.F. van Fraassen, Leonard Andaya, The world of Maluku; Eastern Indonesia in the early modern period. Honolulu: University of Hawai Press, 1993, ix + 306 pp. - J. van Goor, Lodewijk Wagenaar, Galle VOC-vestiging in Ceylon; Beschrijving van een koloniale samenleving aan de vooravond van de Singalese opstand tegen het Nederlandse gezag, 1760. Amsterdam: De Bataafsche Leeuw, 1994. - Geert Kalshoven, A. Schrevel, Access to Water; A socio-economic study into the practice of irrigation development in Indonesia. Ph.D. thesis, The Hague: The Institute of Social Studies, 1993. - Nico Kaptein, Mohamed Ariff, Islam and the economic development of Southeast Asia; The Islamic Voluntary Sector in Southeast Asia. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies,1991.''Islam and the economic development of Southeast Asia; The Muslim private sector in Southeast Asia. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1991. - Victor T. King, Alistair Morrison, Fair land Sarawak; Some recollections of an expatriate official. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University (Southeast Asia Program, Studies on Southeast Asia 13), 1993, xiv + 182 pp. - H.A.J. Klooster, Klaus H. Schreiner-Brauch, Nationalismus und Personenkult im indonesischen Geschichtsverständnis. Ph.D. Dissertation, Universität Hamburg, 1993, xxi + 293 pp. - Han Knapen, Mark Cleary, Borneo; Change and development. Singapore, Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1992, x + 271 pp., tables, figures, index., Peter Eaton (eds.) - Sirtjo Koolhof, Christiaan G.F. de Jong, Geesten, goden en getuigen: Geschiedenis van de Nederlandse zending onder de Buginezen en Makassaren in Zuid-Sulawesi (Indonesië). Kampen: Kok, (1991), 338 pp., ills., maps, index. - Margaret Leidelmeijer, G.R. Knight, Colonial production in provincial Java; The sugar industry in Pekalongan-Tegal, 1800-1942. Amsterdam: VU University Press, 1994. (Comparative Asian Studies 13.) - J.J. Ras, M.C. Ricklefs, War, culture and economy in Java 1677-1726; Asian and European Imperialism in the early Kartasura period. Sydney: Asian studies Association of Australia, in association with Allen and Unwin, 1993, xviii + 425 pp. - Corry M.I. van der Sluys, Rosemary Gianno, Semelai culture and Resin technology. Connecticut: The Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1990. - Jaap Timmer, Laurence R. Goldman, The culture of coincidence; Accident and absolute liability in Huli. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993, xvi + 443 pp.

Purpose This study focuses on the marketing strategies of the two most successful discount department store chains in Australia between 1969 and the late 1980s when consumer acceptance of both brand and format were being determined. It examines how they approached marketing a new-format national retail chain to the Big Middle of the market and the ways in which brands were differentiated. Design/methodology/approach Archival sources and oral histories provide evidence about the marketing strategies of each firm. These are integrated with press coverage, advertising and promotional activity to analyze marketing programs. Consumer research from the time offers insights into the effectiveness of campaigns. Findings The Coles and Myer retailing firms pursued similar marketing strategies to encourage adoption of their Kmart and Target discount department store chains, educating consumers about the links between their operational efficiencies and lower prices. Both firms not only formulated national standardized marketing strategies but also differentiated their positioning to maximize their appeal to consumers. Originality/value This article expands understandings of the ways in which new national retail chains are developed and marketed. It explores the intersection between public relations material and media coverage and the ways in which existing brands can be leveraged to legitimize new formats and encourage adoption. More broadly, it contributes to a literature on the “Big Middle”, a space occupied by dominant, volume-oriented retailers. In doing so, it demonstrates that foreign adopters can draw on Big Middle retail formats to quickly gain access to large population segments in their home markets.

An upsurge of fascist and anti-fascist activity in Australia in the early part of the twentieth century has received sustained historical attention. Yet scholarly historical coverage of the latter part of the century has been minimal. This article demonstrates the ongoing existence of both a far-right movement and a concomitant anti-fascist opposition by focusing on Melbourne in the 1990s. It draws from interviews with anti-fascist activists and from campaign paraphernalia and press reports. It introduces the group National Action (NA), identifies its political tactics and shows how it rebranded fascist traditions from Europe and the USA by drawing on iconic figures and symbols of the Australian labour movement, anti-immigrant racist tropes and on white Australian nationalism. Anti-fascist groups were loose collections of left activists and organisations animated by memories of the racist horrors of World War II. This article shows that, over time, loosely affiliated ant-fascist groups were influenced by various overseas currents of thought about political practice. These included notions of a United or Popular Front, direct and indirect action, “no platforming” and “squaddism” respectively. The analysis draws on contemporary trends in international anti-fascism studies.

In 2015–2016, the Clarence Valley in Northern New South Wales, Australia, experienced an unexpectedly high number of deaths by suicide, and the resulting distress was exacerbated by unhelpful press coverage. The local response was to adopt a community-wide positive mental health and wellbeing initiative. This paper describes the process and achievements of the initiative called ‘Our Healthy Clarence’. Key stakeholders were interviewed at year two and relevant documents reviewed. Data were analysed using document and thematic analysis. Our Healthy Clarence was established following community consultation, including forums, interviews, surveys and workshops. It adopted a strengths-based approach to suicide prevention, encompassing positive health promotion, primary and secondary prevention activities, advocacy, and cross-sectoral collaboration. A stakeholder group formed to develop and enact a community mental health and wellbeing plan. Factors contributing to its successful implementation included a collective commitment to mental health and wellbeing, clarity of purpose, leadership support from key local partners, a paid independent coordinator, and inclusive and transparent governance. Stakeholders reported increased community agency, collaboration, optimism and willingness to discuss mental health, suicide and help-seeking. Our Healthy Clarence draws ideas from mental health care, community development and public health. This initiative could serve as a model for other communities to address suicide, self-harm and improve wellbeing on a whole-of-community scale.

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This research examines the rise of Islamic populism in Indonesia and understands it as an instrument to clear a new pathway for populism movement into popular culture. Ummi magazine is one of the religious media used to be political vehicles of stablishing constituencies, especially for the Tarbiyah movement in the Soeharto era to the current tendency to popularize the Tarbiyah identity as a new lifestyle. Historically, The Tarbiyah movement in Indonesia is a social and political movement among Indonesian Muslimah students, especially activists in the Suharto period. Muslim middle class entrepreneurs launched a campaign of ‘economic jihad. This research uses a qualitative approach by interpreting and studying the data contained in Ummi Magazine. Media studies were carried out in the January 2017 to 2018 editions. The data obtained were described and associated with the magazine's transformation as an ideological medium and Muslim women's lifestyle today. 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CHIEF EDITOR Ahmad Faris Ismail, IIUM, Malaysia TECHNICAL EDITOR Sany Izan Ihsan, IIUM, Malaysia EXECUTIVE EDITOR AHM Zahirul Alam, IIUM, Malaysia ASSOCIATE EDITOR Nor Farahidah Za’bah, IIUM, Malaysia LANGUAGE EDITOR Lynn Mason, Malaysia COPY EDITOR Hamzah Mohd. Salleh, IIUM, Malaysia EDITORIAL BOARD MEMBERS Abdullah Al-Mamun, IIUM, Malaysia Abdumalik Rakhimov, IIUM, Malaysia Ali Sophian, IIUM, Malaysia Erwin Sulaeman, IIUM, Malaysia Hanafy Omar, Saudi Arabia Hazleen Anuar, IIUM, Malaysia Konstantin Khanin, University of Toronto, Canada Ma'an Al-Khatib, IIUM, Malaysia Md Zahangir Alam, IIUM, Malaysia Meftah Hrairi, IIUM, Malaysia Mohamed B. Trabia, United States Mohammad S. Alam, Texas A&M University-Kingsville, United States Mustafizur Rahman, National University Singapore, Singapore Ossama Abdulkhalik, Michigan Technological University, United States Othman O Khalifa, IIUM, Malaysia Razi Nalim, IUPUI, Indianapolis, Indiana, United States Rosminazuin AB. Rahim, IIUM, Malaysia Waqar Asrar, IIUM, Malaysia INTERNATIONAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE Anwar, United States Abdul Latif Bin Ahmad, Malaysia Farzad Ismail, USM, Pulau Pinang, Malaysia Hanafy Omar, Saudi Arabia Hany Ammar, United States Idris Mohammed Bugaje, Nigeria K.B. Ramachandran, India Kunzu Abdella, Canada Luis Le Moyne, ISAT, University of Burgundy, France M Mujtaba, United Kingdom Mohamed AI-Rubei, Ireland Mohamed B Trabia, United States Syed Kamrul Islam, United States Tibor Czigany, Budapest University of Technology and Economics, Hungary Yiu-Wing Mai, The University of Sydney, Australia. AIMS & SCOPE OF IIUM ENGINEERING JOURNAL The IIUM Engineering Journal, published biannually (January and July), is a carefully refereed international publication of International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM). Contributions of high technical merit within the span of engineering disciplines; covering the main areas of engineering: Electrical and Computer Engineering; Mechanical and Manufacturing Engineering; Automation and Mechatronics Engineering; Material and Chemical Engineering; Environmental and Civil Engineering; Biotechnology and Bioengineering; Engineering Mathematics and Physics; and Computer Science and Information Technology are considered for publication in this journal. Contributions from other areas of Engineering and Applied Science are also welcomed. The IIUM Engineering Journal publishes contributions under Regular papers and Invited review papers. It also welcomes contributions that address solutions to the specific challenges of the developing world, and address science and technology issues from an Islamic and multidisciplinary perspective. REFEREES’ NETWORK All papers submitted to IIUM Engineering Journal will be subjected to a rigorous reviewing process through a worldwide network of specialized and competent referees. Each accepted paper should have at least two positive referees’ assessments. SUBMISSION OF A MANUSCRIPT A manuscript should be submitted online to the IIUM-Engineering Journal website at http://journals.iium.edu.my/ejournal. Further correspondence on the status of the paper could be done through the journal website. Whilst every effort is made by the publisher and editorial board to see that no inaccurate or misleading data, opinion or statement appears in this Journal, they wish to make it clear that the data and opinions appearing in the articles and advertisement herein are the responsibility of the contributor or advertiser concerned. Accordingly, the publisher and the editorial committee accept no liability whatsoever for the consequence of any such inaccurate or misleading data, opinion or statement. IIUM Engineering Journal ISSN: 1511-788X E-ISSN: 2289-7860 Published by: IIUM Press, International Islamic University Malaysia Jalan Gombak, 53100 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Phone (+603) 6421-5014, Fax: (+603) 6421-6298

CHIEF EDITOR Ahmad Faris Ismail, IIUM, Malaysia TECHNICAL EDITOR Sany Izan Ihsan, IIUM, Malaysia EXECUTIVE EDITOR AHM Zahirul Alam, IIUM, Malaysia ASSOCIATE EDITOR Nor Farahidah Za’bah, IIUM, Malaysia LANGUAGE EDITOR Lynn Mason, Malaysia COPY EDITOR Hamzah Mohd. Salleh, IIUM, Malaysia MALAY TRANSLATOR Nurul Arfah Che Mustapha, IIUM, Malaysia EDITORIAL BOARD MEMBERS Abdullah Al-Mamun, IIUM, Malaysia Abdumalik Rakhimov, IIUM, Malaysia Aishah Najiah Bt. Dahnel, IIUM, Malaysia Alya Naili Binti Rozhan, IIUM, Malaysia Norsinnira Bt. Zainul Azlan, IIUM, Malaysia Hanafy Omar, Saudi Arabia Hazleen Anuar, IIUM, Malaysia Konstantin Khanin, University of Toronto, Canada Ma'an Al-Khatib, IIUM, Malaysia Meftah Hrairi, IIUM, Malaysia Mohamed B. Trabia, United States Mohammad S. Alam, Texas A&M University-Kingsville, United States Mustafizur Rahman, National University Singapore, Singapore Ossama Abdulkhalik, Michigan Technological University, United States Mohamed Hadi Habaebi, IIUM, Malaysia Mohd. Sultan Ibrahim Bin Shaik Dawood, IIUM, Malaysia Muhammad Ibn Ibrahimy, IIUM, Malaysia Nor Fadhillah Mohamed Azmin, IIUM, Malaysia Waqar Asrar, IIUM, Malaysia INTERNATIONAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE A. Anwar, United States Abdul Latif Bin Ahmad, Malaysia Farzad Ismail, USM, Pulau Pinang, Malaysia Hanafy Omar, Saudi Arabia Hany Ammar, United States Idris Mohammed Bugaje, Nigeria K.B. Ramachandran, India Kunzu Abdella, Canada Luis Le Moyne, ISAT, University of Burgundy, France M Mujtaba, United Kingdom Mohamed AI-Rubei, Ireland Mohamed B Trabia, United States Syed Kamrul Islam, United States Tibor Czigany, Budapest University of Technology and Economics, Hungary Yiu-Wing Mai, The University of Sydney, Australia. AIMS & SCOPE OF IIUM ENGINEERING JOURNAL The IIUM Engineering Journal, published biannually (January and July), is a carefully refereed international publication of International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM). Contributions of high technical merit within the span of engineering disciplines; covering the main areas of engineering: Electrical and Computer Engineering; Mechanical and Manufacturing Engineering; Automation and Mechatronics Engineering; Material and Chemical Engineering; Environmental and Civil Engineering; Biotechnology and Bioengineering; Engineering Mathematics and Physics; and Computer Science and Information Technology are considered for publication in this journal. Contributions from other areas of Engineering and Applied Science are also welcomed. The IIUM Engineering Journal publishes contributions under Regular papers and Invited review papers. It also welcomes contributions that address solutions to the specific challenges of the developing world, and address science and technology issues from an Islamic and multidisciplinary perspective. REFEREES’ NETWORK All papers submitted to IIUM Engineering Journal will be subjected to a rigorous reviewing process through a worldwide network of specialized and competent referees. Each accepted paper should have at least two positive referees’ assessments. SUBMISSION OF A MANUSCRIPT A manuscript should be submitted online to the IIUM Engineering Journal website at http://journals.iium.edu.my/ejournal. Further correspondence on the status of the paper could be done through the journal website. Whilst every effort is made by the publisher and editorial board to see that no inaccurate or misleading data, opinion, or statement appears in this Journal, they wish to make it clear that the data and opinions appearing in the articles and advertisements herein are the responsibility of the contributor or advertiser concerned. Accordingly, the publisher and the editorial committee accept no liability whatsoever for the consequence of any such inaccurate or misleading data, opinion, or statement. IIUM Engineering Journal ISSN: 1511-788X E-ISSN: 2289-7860 Published by: IIUM Press, International Islamic University Malaysia Jalan Gombak, 53100 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Phone (+603) 6421-5014, Fax: (+603) 6421-6298

CHIEF EDITOR Ahmad Faris Ismail, IIUM, Malaysia TECHNICAL EDITOR Sany Izan Ihsan, IIUM, Malaysia EXECUTIVE EDITOR AHM Zahirul Alam, IIUM, Malaysia ASSOCIATE EDITOR Nor Farahidah Za’bah, IIUM, Malaysia LANGUAGE EDITOR Lynn Mason, Malaysia COPY EDITOR Hamzah Mohd. Salleh, IIUM, Malaysia MALAY TRANSLATOR Nurul Arfah Che Mustapha, IIUM, Malaysia EDITORIAL BOARD MEMBERS Abdullah Al-Mamun, IIUM, Malaysia Abdumalik Rakhimov, IIUM, Malaysia Ali Sophian, IIUM, Malaysia Erwin Sulaeman, IIUM, Malaysia Hanafy Omar, Saudi Arabia Hazleen Anuar, IIUM, Malaysia Konstantin Khanin, University of Toronto, Canada Ma'an Al-Khatib, IIUM, Malaysia Md Zahangir Alam, IIUM, Malaysia Meftah Hrairi, IIUM, Malaysia Mohamed B. Trabia, United States Mohammad S. Alam, Texas A&M University-Kingsville, United States Mustafizur Rahman, National University Singapore, Singapore Ossama Abdulkhalik, Michigan Technological University, United States Othman O Khalifa, IIUM, Malaysia Razi Nalim, IUPUI, Indianapolis, Indiana, United States Rosminazuin AB. Rahim, IIUM, Malaysia Sharifah Imihezri Syed Shaharuddin, IIUM, Malaysia Waqar Asrar, IIUM, Malaysia INTERNATIONAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE Anwar, United States Abdul Latif Bin Ahmad, Malaysia Farzad Ismail, USM, Pulau Pinang, Malaysia Hanafy Omar, Saudi Arabia Hany Ammar, United States Idris Mohammed Bugaje, Nigeria K.B. Ramachandran, India Kunzu Abdella, Canada Luis Le Moyne, ISAT, University of Burgundy, France M Mujtaba, United Kingdom Mohamed AI-Rubei, Ireland Mohamed B Trabia, United States Syed Kamrul Islam, United States Tibor Czigany, Budapest University of Technology and Economics, Hungary Yiu-Wing Mai, The University of Sydney, Australia. AIMS & SCOPE OF IIUM ENGINEERING JOURNAL The IIUM Engineering Journal, published biannually (January and July), is a carefully refereed international publication of International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM). Contributions of high technical merit within the span of engineering disciplines; covering the main areas of engineering: Electrical and Computer Engineering; Mechanical and Manufacturing Engineering; Automation and Mechatronics Engineering; Material and Chemical Engineering; Environmental and Civil Engineering; Biotechnology and Bioengineering; Engineering Mathematics and Physics; and Computer Science and Information Technology are considered for publication in this journal. Contributions from other areas of Engineering and Applied Science are also welcomed. The IIUM Engineering Journal publishes contributions under Regular papers and Invited review papers. It also welcomes contributions that address solutions to the specific challenges of the developing world, and address science and technology issues from an Islamic and multidisciplinary perspective. REFEREES’ NETWORK All papers submitted to IIUM Engineering Journal will be subjected to a rigorous reviewing process through a worldwide network of specialized and competent referees. Each accepted paper should have at least two positive referees’ assessments. SUBMISSION OF A MANUSCRIPT A manuscript should be submitted online to the IIUM-Engineering Journal website at http://journals.iium.edu.my/ejournal. Further correspondence on the status of the paper could be done through the journal website. Whilst every effort is made by the publisher and editorial board to see that no inaccurate or misleading data, opinion or statement appears in this Journal, they wish to make it clear that the data and opinions appearing in the articles and advertisement herein are the responsibility of the contributor or advertiser concerned. Accordingly, the publisher and the editorial committee accept no liability whatsoever for the consequence of any such inaccurate or misleading data, opinion or statement. IIUM Engineering Journal ISSN: 1511-788X E-ISSN: 2289-7860 Published by: IIUM Press, International Islamic University Malaysia Jalan Gombak, 53100 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Phone (+603) 6421-5014, Fax: (+603) 6421-6298

(IIUMEJ) IIUM ENGINEERING JOURNAL ISSN: 1511-788X E-ISSN: 2289-7860 Volume 19, Issue 2, December 2018 https://doi.org/10.31436/iiumej.v19i2 CHIEF EDITOR Ahmad Faris Ismail, IIUM, Malaysia TECHNICAL EDITOR Erry Yulian Triblas Adesta, IIUM, Malaysia EXECUTIVE EDITOR AHM Zahirul Alam, IIUM, Malaysia ASSOCIATE EDITOR Anis Nurashikin Nordin, IIUM, Malaysia LANGUAGE EDITOR Lynn Mason, Malaysia COPY EDITOR Hamzah Mohd. Salleh, IIUM, Malaysia EDITORIAL BOARD MEMBERS Abdullah Al-Mamun, IIUM, Malaysia Abdumalik Rakhimov, IIUM, Malaysia Amir Akramin Shafie, IIUM, Malaysia Erwin Sulaeman, IIUM, Malaysia Hanafy Omar, Saudi Arabia Hazleen Anuar, IIUM, Malaysia Konstantin Khanin, University of Toronto, Canada Ma'an Al-Khatib, IIUM, Malaysia Md Zahangir Alam, IIUM, Malaysia Meftah Hrairi, IIUM, Malaysia Mohamed B. Trabia, United States Mohammad S. Alam, Texas A&M University-Kingsville, United States Muataz Hazza Faizi Al Hazza, IIUM, Malaysia Mustafizur Rahman, National University Singapore, Singapore Nor Farahidah Binti Za'bah, IIUM, Malaysia Ossama Abdulkhalik, Michigan Technological University, United States Rosminazuin AB. Rahim, IIUM, Malaysia Waqar Asrar, IIUM, Malaysia INTERNATIONAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE A. Anwar, United States Abdul Latif Bin Ahmad, Malaysia Farzad Ismail, USM, Pulau Pinang, Malaysia Hanafy Omar, Saudi Arabia Hany Ammar, United States Idris Mohammed Bugaje, Nigeria K.B. Ramachandran, India Kunzu Abdella, Canada Luis Le Moyne, ISAT, University of Burgundy, France M Mujtaba, United Kingdom Mohamed AI-Rubei, Ireland Mohamed B Trabia, United States Mohammad S. Alam, Texas A&M University-Kingsville, United States Nazmul Karim Ossama Abdulkhalik, Michigan Technological University, United States Razi Nalim, IUPUI, Indianapolis, Indiana, United States Syed Kamrul Islam, United States Tibor Czigany, Budapest University of Technology and Economics, Hungary Yiu-Wing Mai, The University of Sydney, Australia. AIMS & SCOPE OF IIUMENGINEERING JOURNAL The IIUM Engineering Journal, published biannually, is a carefully refereed international publication of International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM). Contributions of high technical merit within the span of engineering disciplines; covering the main areas of engineering: Electrical and Computer Engineering; Mechanical and Manufacturing Engineering; Automation and Mechatronics Engineering; Material and Chemical Engineering; Environmental and Civil Engineering; Biotechnology and Bioengineering; Engineering Mathematics and Physics; and Computer Science and Information Technology are considered for publication in this journal. Contributions from other areas of Engineering and Applied Science are also welcomed. The IIUM Engineering Journal publishes contributions under Regular papers, Invited review papers, Short communications, Technical notes, and Letters to the editor (no page charge). Book reviews, reports of and/or call for papers of conferences, symposia and meetings, and advances in research equipment could also be published in IIUM Engineering Journal with minimum charges. REFEREES’ NETWORK All papers submitted to IIUM Engineering Journal will be subjected to a rigorous reviewing process through a worldwide network of specialized and competent referees. Each accepted paper should have at least two positive referees’ assessments. SUBMISSION OF A MANUSCRIPT A manuscript should be submitted online to the IIUM-Engineering Journal website: http://journals.iium.edu.my/ejournal. Further correspondence on the status of the paper could be done through the journal website and the e-mail addresses of the Executive Editor: zahirulalam@iium.edu.my Faculty of Engineering, International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM), Jan Gombak, 53100, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Phone: (603) 6196 4529, Fax:(603) 6196 4488. Table of Content EDITORIAL............................................................................................... i CHEMICAL AND BIOTECHNOLOGY ENGINEERING CHLORELLA VULGARIS LOGISTIC GROWTH KINETICS MODEL IN HIGH CONCENTRATIONS OF AQUEOUS AMMONIA................... 1 Azlin Suhaida Azmi, Nurain Atikah Che Aziz, Noor Illi Mohamad Puad, Amanatuzzakiah Abdul Halim, Faridah Yusof, Suzana Yusup SYNTHETIC ANTIMICROBIAL AGENT AND ANTIMICROBIAL FABRICS: PROGRESS AND CHALLENGES............. 10 Norashikin Binti Mat Zain, John Olabode Akindoyo, Mohammad Dalour Hossen Beg CIVIL AND ENVIRONMENTAL ENGINEERING PERFORMANCE OF HIGH STRENGTH LIGHTWEIGHT CONCRETE USING PALM WASTES................................... 30 Md. Nazmul Huda, Mohd Zamin Jumaat, Abul Bashar Mohammad Saiful Islam, Walid Abubaker Al-Kutti ELECTRICAL, COMPUTER AND COMMUNICATIONS ENGINEERING WIDE RANGE MODULATION INDEXES FEATURED CARRIER-BASED PWM STEPPED WAVEFORM FOR HALF- BRIDGE MODULAR MULTILEVEL CONVERTERS......................................................................................... 43 Majdee Tohtayong, Sheroz Khan, Mashkuri Yaacob, Siti Hajar Yusoff, Nur Shahida Midi, Musse Muhamud Ahmed A NOVEL METHOD TO ESTIMATE ECONOMIC REPLACING TIME OF TRANSFORMER USING MONTE CARLO ALGORITHM AND ANN............................................................................................... 54 Mehdi Zareian Jahromi, M. Hossein Mehrabanjahromi, Mohsen Tajdinian, Mehdi Allahbakhshi ADAPTIVE TRIMMED MEAN AUTOREGRESSIVE MODEL FOR REDUCTION OF POISSON NOISE IN SCINTIGRAPHIC IMAGES.......... 68 Khan Bahadar Khan, Muhammad Shahid, Hayat Ullah, Eid Rehman, Muhammad Mohsin Khan EVALUATION OF THE W-METRIC ROUTING USING RPL PROTOCOL IN LLNS........................................................................ 80 Rosminazuin Ab Rahim, Abdallah M. Awwad, Aisha Hasan Abdalla, Aliza Aini Md Ralib INVESTIGATION ON NEED FOR SPECIFIC PROPAGATION MODEL FOR SPECIFIC ENVIRONMENT BASED ON DIFFERENT TERRAIN CHARACTERISTICS...................90 Jide Julius Popoola, Akinlolu Adediran Ponnle, Yekeen Olajide Olasoji, Samson Adenle Oyetunji A STUDY ON LOW-COMPLEXITY TRANSMIT ANTENNA SELECTION FOR GENERALIZED SPATIAL MODULATION.................................................................................. 105 Simeon Olumide Ajose, Adewale Akanbi Alafia, Agbotiname Lucky Imoize A NEW SPECTRUM AND ENERGY AWARE ROUTING PROTOCOL IN COGNITIVE RADIO SENSOR NETWORK.............................. 118 Sara Moshtaghi, Sayyed Majid Mazinani RECENT TRENDS IN DENGUE DETECTION METHODS USING BIOSENSORS................................................................................ 134 Ahmad Anwar Zainuddin, Anis Nurashikin Nordin, Rosminazuin Ab Rahim NUMERICAL ANALYSIS OF TUNNEL LED LIGHTING MAINTENANCE FACTOR.......................................................................... 154 Mehmet Sait Cengiz, Çiğdem Cengiz ENGINEERING MATHEMATICS AND APPLIED SCIENCE ABOUT THE SILICON SENSITIVITY OF THE DEEP LEVEL WITH ALTERNATING PRESSURE................................... 164 Ikrom Gulamovich Tursunov, Abdurahim Abduraxmonovich Okhunov, Odiljon Oxundadaevich Mamatkarimov THE HYDRODYNAMIC COEFFICIENTS FOR OSCILLATING 2D RECTANGULAR BOX USING WEAKLY COMPRESSIBLE SMOOTHED PARTICLE HYDRODYNAMICS (WCSPH) METHOD................................................................................. 172 Muhammad zahir ramli AN ANALYTICAL TECHNIQUE TO OBTAIN HIGHER-ORDER APPROXIMATE PERIODS FOR THE NONLINEAR OSCILLATOR................... 182 Md Sazzad Hossien Chowdhury, Md. Alal Hosen, Mohammad Yeakub Ali, Ahmad Faris Ismail MATERIALS AND MANUFACTURING ENGINEERING EFFECT OF POLY (ETHYLENE GLYCOL) ON THE INJECTABILITY, SETTING BEHAVIOR AND MECHANICAL PROPERTIES OF CALCIUM PHOSPHATE BONE CEMENT.........................................................192 Sufiamie Hablee, Iis Sopyan, Maizirwan Mel, Hamzah Mohd. Salleh, Md. Mujibur Rahman MECHANICAL AND AEROSPACE ENGINEERING STUDY OF MESH QUALITY IMPROVEMENT FOR CFD ANALYSIS OF AN AIRFOIL................................................ 203 Farah Aqilah, Mazharul Islam, Franjo Juretic, Joel Guerrero, David Wood, Farid Nasir Ani MECHATRONICS AND AUTOMATION ENGINEERING COLOR RECOGNITION WEARABLE DEVICE USING MACHINE LEARNING FOR VISUALY IMPAIRED PERSON................................... 213 Tarek Mohamed Bolad , Nik Nur Wahidah Nik Hashim, Noor Hazrin Hany Mohamad Hanif COMBINATION OF FUSED DEPOSITION MODELLING WITH ABRASIVE MILLING FOR ATTAINING HIGHER DIMENSIONAL ACCURACY AND BETTER SURFACE FINISH ..................................... 221 Abu Naser Mohammad Amanullah Tomal, Tanveer Saleh, Md Raisuddin Khan Whilst every effort is made by the publisher and editorial board to see that no inaccurate or misleading data, opinion or statement appears in this Journal, they wish to make it clear that the data and opinions appearing in the articles and advertisement herein are the responsibility of the contributor or advertiser concerned. Accordingly, the publisher and the editorial committee accept no liability whatsoever for the consequence of any such inaccurate or misleading data, opinion or statement. Published by: IIUM Press, International Islamic University Malaysia Jalan Gombak, 53100 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Phone (+603) 6196-5014, Fax: (+603) 6196-6298 Website: http://www.iium.edu.my/office/iiumpress

The Covid-19 pandemic had a dangerous impact on early-childhood education, lost learning in almost all aspects of child development. The house-to-house learning, with the name Moving Home Learning Program (MHLP), is an attractive offer as an emergency remote teaching solution. This study aims to describe the application of MHLP designed by early-childhood education institutions during the learning process at home. This study used a qualitative approach with data collection using interviews, observation, and documentation. The respondents involved in the interview were a kindergarten principal and four teachers. The research data were analyzed using the data content analysis. The Findings show that the MHLP has proven to be sufficiently in line with the learning needs of early childhood during the Covid-19 pandemic. Although, the application of the MHLP learning model has limitations such as the distance from the house that is far away, the number of meetings that are only once a week, the number of food and toy sellers passing by, disturbing children's concentration, and the risk of damage to goods at home. The implication of this research can be the basis for evaluating MHLP as an adaptive strategy that requires the attention of related parties, including policy makers, school principals, and teachers for the development of new, more effective online learning models. Keywords: Moving Home Learning Program (MHLP), Children Remote Teaching References:Abdollahi, E., Haworth-Brockman, M., Keynan, Y., Langley, M. J., & Oghadas, S. M. (2020). Simulating the effect of school closure during COVID-19 outbreaks in Ontario , Canada. BMC Medicine, 1–8. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1186/s12916-020-01705-8 Arends, R. I., & Kilcher, A. (2010). 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PROSPECTS, 6. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11125-020-09464-3 Dick, W., Carey, L., & Carey, J. O. (2015). The Systematic Design of Instruction (8th ed.). Pearson. Diningrat, S. W. M., Nindya, M. A., & Salwa. (2020). Cakrawala Pendidikan ,. Cakrawala Pendidikan, 39(3), 705–719. https://doi.org/10.21831/cp.v39i3.32304 Dong, C., Cao, S., & Li, H. (2020). Young children’s online learning during COVID-19 pandemic: Chinese parents’ beliefs and attitudes. Children and Youth Services Review, 118(June), 105440. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2020.105440 Dong, Y., Dong, Y., Mo, X., Hu, Y., Qi, X., Jiang, F., Jiang, Z., Jiang, Z., Tong, S., Tong, S., & Tong, S. (2020). Epidemiology of COVID-19 among children in China. Pediatrics, 145(6). https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2020-0702 Eliza, D. (2013). Penerapan Model Pembelajaran Kontekstual Learning (CTL) Berbasis Centra di Taman Kanak-Kanak. Pedagogi: Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Pendidikan, XIII(2), 93–106. Fadlilah, azizah nurul. (2021). 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IIUM ENGINEERING JOURNAL CHIEF EDITOR Ahmad Faris Ismail, IIUM, Malaysia TECHNICAL EDITOR Erry Yulian Triblas Adesta, IIUM, Malaysia EXECUTIVE EDITOR AHM Zahirul Alam, IIUM, Malaysia ASSOCIATE EDITOR Anis Nurashikin Nordin, IIUM, Malaysia LANGUAGE EDITOR Lynn Mason, Malaysia COPY EDITOR Hamzah Mohd. Salleh, IIUM, Malaysia EDITORIAL BOARD MEMBERS Abdullah Al-Mamun, IIUM, Malaysia Abdumalik Rakhimov, IIUM, Malaysia Amir Akramin Shafie, IIUM, Malaysia Erwin Sulaeman, IIUM, Malaysia Hanafy Omar, Saudi Arabia Hazleen Anuar, IIUM, Malaysia Konstantin Khanin, University of Toronto, Canada Ma'an Al-Khatib, IIUM, Malaysia Md Zahangir Alam, IIUM, Malaysia Meftah Hrairi, IIUM, Malaysia Mohamed B. Trabia, United States Mohammad S. Alam, Texas A&M University-Kingsville, United States Muataz Hazza Faizi Al Hazza, IIUM, Malaysia Mustafizur Rahman, National University Singapore, Singapore Nor Farahidah Binti Za'bah, IIUM, Malaysia Ossama Abdulkhalik, Michigan Technological University, United States Rosminazuin AB. Rahim, IIUM, Malaysia Waqar Asrar, IIUM, Malaysia AIMS & SCOPE OF IIUMENGINEERING JOURNAL The IIUM Engineering Journal, published biannually, is a carefully refereed international publication of International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM). Contributions of high technical merit within the span of engineering disciplines; covering the main areas of engineering: Electrical and Computer Engineering; Mechanical and Manufacturing Engineering; Automation and Mechatronics Engineering; Material and Chemical Engineering; Environmental and Civil Engineering; Biotechnology and Bioengineering; Engineering Mathematics and Physics; and Computer Science and Information Technology are considered for publication in this journal. Contributions from other areas of Engineering and Applied Science are also welcomed. The IIUM Engineering Journal publishes contributions under Regular papers, Invited review papers, Short communications, Technical notes, and Letters to the editor (no page charge). Book reviews, reports of and/or call for papers of conferences, symposia and meetings, and advances in research equipment could also be published in IIUM Engineering Journal with minimum charges. 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Ramachandran, India Kunzu Abdella, Canada Luis Le Moyne, ISAT, University of Burgundy, France M Mujtaba, United Kingdom Mohamed AI-Rubei, Ireland Mohamed B Trabia, United States Mohammad S. Alam, Texas A&M University-Kingsville, United States Nazmul Karim Ossama Abdulkhalik, Michigan Technological University, United States Razi Nalim, IUPUI, Indianapolis, Indiana, United States Syed Kamrul Islam, United States Tibor Czigany, Budapest University of Technology and Economics, Hungary Yiu-Wing Mai, The University of Sydney, Australia. Published by: IIUM Press, International Islamic University Malaysia Jalan Gombak, 53100 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Phone (+603) 6196-5014, Fax: (+603) 6196-6298 Website: http://iiumpress.iium.edu.my/bookshop Whilst every effort is made by the publisher and editorial board to see that no inaccurate or misleading data, opinion or statement appears in this Journal, they wish to make it clear that the data and opinions appearing in the articles and advertisement herein are the responsibility of the contributor or advertiser concerned. Accordingly, the publisher and the editorial committee accept no liability whatsoever for the consequence of any such inaccurate or misleading data, opinion or statement. IIUM Engineering Journal ISSN: 1511-788X E-ISSN: 2289-7860 Volume 19, Issue 1, June 2018 https://doi.org/10.31436/iiumej.v19i1 Table of Content CHEMICAL AND BIOTECHNOLOGY ENGINEERING ADSORPTION OF HEAVY METALS AND RESIDUAL OIL FROM PALM OIL MILL EFFLUENT USING A NOVEL ADSORBENT OF ALGINATE AND MANGROVE COMPOSITE BEADS COATED WITH CHITOSAN IN A PACKED BED COLUMN... 1 Rana Jaafar Jawad, Mohd Halim Shah Ismail, Shamsul Izhar Siajam INVESTIGATION OF BIOFLOCCULANT AS DEWATERING AID IN SLUDGE TREATMENT........................................ 15 Mohammed Saedi Jami, Maizirwan Mel, Aysha Ralliya Mohd Ariff, Qabas Marwan Abdulazeez HYDROGEN PRODUCTION FROM ETHANOL DRY REFORMING OVER LANTHANIA-PROMOTED CO/AL2O3 CATALYST............................. 24 Fahim Fayaz, Nguyen Thi Anh Nga, Thong Le Minh Pham, Huong Thi Danh, Bawadi Abdullah, Herma Dina Setiabudi, Dai-Viet Nguyen Vo OPTIMIZATION OF RED PIGMENT PRODUCTION BY MONASCUS PURPUREUS FTC 5356 USING RESPONSE SURFACE METHODOLOGY......................................................... 34 Nor Farhana Hamid And Farhan Mohd Said PRODUCTION AND STABILITY OF MYCO-FLOCCULANTS FROM LENTINUS SQUARROSULUS RWF5 AND SIMPLICILLIUM OBCLAVATUM RWF6 FOR REDUCTION OF WATER TURBIDITY.............................................................................. 48 Nessa Jebun, Md. Zahangir Alam, Abdullah Al-Mamun, Raha Ahmad Raus ROLE OF SUBSTRATE BINDING ON THE PROTEIN DYNAMICS OF AN ENDOGLUCANASE FROM FUSARIUM OXYSPORUM AT DIFFERENT TEMPERATURES .............................................................307 Abdul Aziz Ahmad, Ibrahim Ali Noorbatcha, Hamzah Mohd. Salleh CIVIL AND ENVIRONMENTAL ENGINEERING DIMINISHING SEISMIC EFFECT ON BUILDINGS USING BEARING ISOLATION....................................................... 59 A. B. M. Saiful Islam ELECTRICAL, COMPUTER AND COMMUNICATIONS ENGINEERING A DISTRIBUTED ENERGY EFFICIENT CLUSTERING ALGORITHM FOR DATA AGGREGATION IN WIRELESS SENSOR NETWORKS.................................................................................. 72 Seyed Mohammad Bagher Musavi Shirazi, Maryam Sabet, Mohammad Reza Pajoohan POWER QUALITY IMPROVEMENT WITH CASCADED MULTILEVEL CONVERTER BASED STATCOM................. 91 Mahdi Heidari, Abdonnabi Kovsarian, S. Ghodratollah Seifossadat THE EFFECTS OF CABLE CHARACTERISTICS ON MAXIMUM OVERVOLTAGE IN COMBINED OVERHEAD/CABLE LINES PROTECTED BY SURGE ARRESTERS.............................................................................. 104 Reza Alizadeh, Mohammad Mirzaie SMART PORTABLE CRYOTHERAPY SYSTEM REPHRASED I.E. WITH CONTROLLED THERMOELECTRIC COOLING MODULES FOR MEDICAL APPLICATIONS................................................................................................ 117 Abbas Rahmani, Reza Hassanzadeh Pack Rezaee, Naser Kordani STATIC PIPELINE NETWORK PERFORMANCE OPTIMISATION USING DUAL INTERLEAVE ROUTING ALGORITHM 129 Siva Kumar Subramaniam1, Shariq Mahmood Khan, Anhar Titik, Rajagopal Nilavalan A MODIFIED MODEL BASED ON FLOWER POLLINATION ALGORITHM AND K-NEAREST NEIGHBOR FOR DIAGNOSING DISEASES........................................................................ 144 Mehdi Zekriyapanah Gashti A SINGLE LC TANK BASED ACTIVE VOLTAGE BALANCING CIRCUIT FOR BATTERY MANAGEMENT SYSTEM .158 A K M Ahasan Habib, S. M. A. Motakabber, Muhammad Ibn. Ibrahimy, A. H. M. Zahirul Alam ENGINEERING MATHEMATICS AND APPLIED SCIENCE ON THE CONTROL OF HEAT CONDUCTION.......................................... 168 Fayziev Yusuf Ergashevich MATERIALS AND MANUFACTURING ENGINEERING GREEN SYNTHESIS OF SILVER NANOPARTICLES USING SAGO (METROXYLON SAGU) VIA AUTOCLAVING METHOD......178 Aliyah Jamaludin, Che Ku Mohammad Faizal EFFECT OF ALKALINE TREATMENT ON PROPERTIES OF RATTAN WASTE AND FABRICATED BINDERLESS PARTICLEBOARD....185 Zuraida Ahmad, Maisarah Tajuddin, Nurul Farhana Fatin Salim, Zahurin Halim AMORPHOUS STRUCTURE IN CU-ZN-V-AL OXIDE COMPOSITE CATALYST FOR METHANOL REFORMING..... 197 Mohd Sabri Mahmud, Zahira Yaakob, Abu Bakar Mohamad, Wan Ramli Wan Daud, Vo Nguyen Dai Viet PERFORMANCE OF ELECTRICAL DISCHARGE MACHINING (EDM) WITH NICKEL ADDED DIELECTRIC FLUID....215 Ahsan Ali Khan, Muataz Hazza Faizi Al Hazza, A K M Mohiuddin, Nurfatihah Abdul Fattah, Mohd Radzi Che Daud ENVIRONMENTAL DEGRADATION OF DURIAN SKIN NANOFIBRE BIOCOMPOSITE.......................................... 233 Siti Nur E’zzati Mohd Apandi, Hazleen Anuar, Siti Munirah Salimah Abdul Rashid MECHANICAL AND AEROSPACE ENGINEERING A REVIEW ON RHEOLOGY OF NON-NEWTONIAN PROPERTIES OF BLOOD....................................................... 237 Esmaeel Fatahian, Naser Kordani, Hossein Fatahian NUMERICAL STUDY OF THERMAL CHARACTERISTICS OF FUEL OIL-ALUMINA AND WATER-.......................... 250 Hossein Fatahian, Hesamoddin Salarian, Majid Eshagh Nimvari, Esmaeel Fatahian A PARAMETRIC STUDY ON CONTROL OF FLOW SEPARATION OVER AN AIRFOIL IN INCOMPRESSIBLE REGIME....270 Lakshmanan Prabhu, Jonnalagadda Srinivas OPTIMIZATION OF BOX TYPE GIRDER WITH AND WITHOUT INDUSTRIAL CONSTRAINTS................................ 289 Muhammad Abid, Shahbaz Mahmood Khan, Hafiz Abdul Wajid

There is a plethora of research conducted in the UK, US, and in few other European countries that has revealed a prominent discourse of securitization in the news coverage of Islam and Muslims. Researchers have evidenced that the media have portrayed Islam and Muslims as a security threat to the West. This paper sets out to explore whether the editorial coverage of Islam and Muslims in the Australian press reflects the securitization discourse from August 1, 2016 to October 31, 2016. Employing Van Dijk’s ideological square and lexicalisation approaches within the CDA paradigm, this study examined editorials from two leading Australian newspapers. The findings validate the existence of the securitization discourse in the editorial contents of the selected newspapers during the period under study. The Australian portrayed Islam and Muslims as a security threat to Australia, Europe, and to the West more explicitly than The Age. This study confirms that there is a clear transformation in the Muslims’ construction in the Australian press from an exotic presence to the bearers of values, culture, and political inclination considered violent, radical, and threatening to the Australian values and life style.

Recent research has revealed a prominent ‘political parallelism’ discourse in the coverage of Islam and Muslims by international media. The studies have evidenced that the coverage of Islam and Muslims is widely influenced by the ideological leanings of the newspapers. This paper is set to explore whether the ideological differences of the Australian newspapers are reflected in the coverage of Islam and Muslims from January 1, 2016, to March 31, 2017. Employing Van Dijk’s (1998) ideological square and lexicalization approaches within the CDA paradigm this study examined editorials from two leading Australian newspapers. The findings have validated the existence of the ‘political parallelism’ discourse in the editorial contents of the selected newspapers representing Islam and Muslims.

Recent research has revealed that the ‘othering’ discourse regarding Islam and Muslims has been increased significantly in the international media. Findings of the latest research provide considerable evidence that Islam and Muslims have been constructed and portrayed in a predominantly stereotypical and problematic way wherein they have been Othered by the Western media. This research paper is set to explore the existence of ‘othering’ discourse in the editorial coverage of Islam and Muslims-them by the two nominated Australian newspapers during January 1, 2016 to December 31, 2016. This study has incorporated lexicalization and ideological square strategies within the CDA paradigm proposed by Van Dijk to analyze the editorials published on Islam and Muslims in The Age and The Australian. The results have confirmed that both the newspapers have Othered Islam and Muslims in their editorial contents quite explicitly thus produced the ‘Othering’ discourse during the period under study.

In its preamble, The Western Australian Charter of Multiculturalism (WA) commits the state to becoming: “A society in which respect for mutual difference is accompanied by equality of opportunity within a framework of democratic citizenship”. One of the principles of multiculturalism, as enunciated in the Charter, is “equality of opportunity for all members of society to achieve their full potential in a free and democratic society where every individual is equal before and under the law”. An important element of this principle is the “equality of opportunity … to achieve … full potential”. The implication here is that those who start from a position of disadvantage when it comes to achieving that potential deserve more than ‘equal’ treatment. Implicitly, equality can be achieved only through the recognition of and response to differential needs and according to the likelihood of achieving full potential. This is encapsulated in Kymlicka’s argument that neutrality is “hopelessly inadequate once we look at the diversity of cultural membership which exists in contemporary liberal democracies” (903). Yet such a potential commitment to differential support might seem unequal to some, where equality is constructed as the same or equal treatment regardless of differing circumstances. Until the past half-century or more, this problematic has been a hotly-contested element of the struggle for Civil Rights for African-Americans in the United States, especially as these rights related to educational opportunity during the years of racial segregation. For some, providing resources to achieve equal outcomes (rather than be committed to equal inputs) may appear to undermine the very ethos of liberal democracy. In Australia, this perspective has been the central argument of Pauline Hanson and her supporters who denounce programs designed as measures to achieve equality for specific disadvantaged groups; including Indigenous Australians and humanitarian refugees. Nevertheless, equality for all on all grounds of legally-accepted difference: gender, race, age, family status, sexual orientation, political conviction, to name a few; is often held as the hallmark of progressive liberal societies such as Australia. In the matter of religious freedoms the situation seems much less complex. All that is required for religious equality, it seems, is to define religion as a private matter – carried out, as it were, between consenting parties away from the public sphere. This necessitates, effectively, the separation of state and religion. This separation of religious belief from the apparatus of the state is referred to as ‘secularism’ and it tends to be regarded as a cornerstone of a liberal democracy, given the general assumption that secularism is a necessary precursor to equal treatment of and respect for different religious beliefs, and the association of secularism with the Western project of the Enlightenment when liberty, equality and science replaced religion and superstition. By this token, western nations committed to equality are also committed to being liberal, democratic and secular in nature; and it is a matter of state indifference as to which religious faith a citizen embraces – Wiccan, Christian, Judaism, etc – if any. Historically, and arguably more so in the past decade, the terms ‘democratic’, ‘secular’, ‘liberal’ and ‘equal’ have all been used to inscribe characteristics of the collective ‘West’. Individuals and states whom the West ascribe as ‘other’ are therefore either or all of: not democratic; not liberal; or not secular – and failing any one of these characteristics (for any country other than Britain, with its parliamentary-established Church of England, headed by the Queen as Supreme Governor) means that that country certainly does not espouse equality. The West and the ‘Other’ in Popular Discourse The constructed polarisation between the free, secular and democratic West that values equality; and the oppressive ‘other’ that perpetuates theocracies, religious discrimination and – at the ultimate – human rights abuses, is a common theme in much of the West’s media and popular discourse on Islam. The same themes are also applied in some measure to Muslims in Australia, in particular to constructions of the rights of Muslim women in Australia. Typically, Muslim women’s dress is deemed by some secular Australians to be a symbol of religious subjugation, rather than of free choice. Arguably, this polemic has come to the fore since the terrorist attacks on the United States in September 2001. However, as Aly and Walker note, the comparisons between the West and the ‘other’ are historically constructed and inherited (Said) and have tended latterly to focus western attention on the role and status of Muslim women as evidence of the West’s progression comparative to its antithesis, Eastern oppression. An examination of studies of the United States media coverage of the September 11 attacks, and the ensuing ‘war on terror’, reveals some common media constructions around good versus evil. There is no equal status between these. Good must necessarily triumph. In the media coverage, the evil ‘other’ is Islamic terrorism, personified by Osama bin Laden. Part of the justification for the war on terror is a perception that the West, as a force for good in this world, must battle evil and protect freedom and democracy (Erjavec and Volcic): to do otherwise is to allow the terror of the ‘other’ to seep into western lives. The war on terror becomes the defence of the west, and hence the defence of equality and freedom. A commitment to equality entails a defeat of all things constructed as denying the rights of people to be equal. Hutcheson, Domke, Billeaudeaux and Garland analysed the range of discourses evident in Time and Newsweek magazines in the five weeks following September 11 and found that journalists replicated themes of national identity present in the communication strategies of US leaders and elites. The political and media response to the threat of the evil ‘other’ is to create a monolithic appeal to liberal values which are constructed as being a monopoly of the ‘free’ West. A brief look at just a few instances of public communication by US political leaders confirms Hutcheson et al.’s contention that the official construction of the 2001 attacks invoked discourses of good and evil reminiscent of the Cold War. In reference to the actions of the four teams of plane hijackers, US president George W Bush opened his Address to the Nation on the evening of September 11: “Today, our fellow citizens, our way of life, our very freedom came under attack in a series of deliberate and deadly terrorist acts” (“Statement by the President in His Address to the Nation”). After enjoining Americans to recite Psalm 23 in prayer for the victims and their families, President Bush ended his address with a clear message of national unity and a further reference to the battle between good and evil: “This is a day when all Americans from every walk of life unite in our resolve for justice and peace. America has stood down enemies before, and we will do so this time. None of us will ever forget this day. Yet, we go forward to defend freedom and all that is good and just in our world” (“Statement by the President in His Address to the Nation”). In his address to the joint houses of Congress shortly after September 11, President Bush implicated not just the United States in this fight against evil, but the entire international community stating: “This is the world’s fight. This is civilisation’s fight” (cited by Brown 295). Addressing the California Business Association a month later, in October 2001, Bush reiterated the notion of the United States as the leading nation in the moral fight against evil, and identified this as a possible reason for the attack: “This great state is known for its diversity – people of all races, all religions, and all nationalities. They’ve come here to live a better life, to find freedom, to live in peace and security, with tolerance and with justice. When the terrorists attacked America, this is what they attacked”. While the US media framed the events of September 11 as an attack on the values of democracy and liberalism as these are embodied in US democratic traditions, work by scholars analysing the Australian media’s representation of the attacks suggested that this perspective was echoed and internationalised for an Australian audience. Green asserts that global media coverage of the attacks positioned the global audience, including Australians, as ‘American’. The localisation of the discourses of patriotism and national identity for Australian audiences has mainly been attributed to the media’s use of the good versus evil frame that constructed the West as good, virtuous and moral and invited Australian audiences to subscribe to this argument as members of a shared Western democratic identity (Osuri and Banerjee). Further, where the ‘we’ are defenders of justice, equality and the rule of law; the opposing ‘others’ are necessarily barbaric. Secularism and the Muslim Diaspora Secularism is a historically laden term that has been harnessed to symbolise the emancipation of social life from the forced imposition of religious doctrine. The struggle between the essentially voluntary and private demands of religion, and the enjoyment of a public social life distinct from religious obligations, is historically entrenched in the cultural identities of many modern Western societies (Dallmayr). The concept of religious freedom in the West has evolved into a principle based on the bifurcation of life into the objective public sphere and the subjective private sphere within which individuals are free to practice their religion of choice (Yousif), or no religion at all. Secularism, then, is contingent on the maintenance of a separation between the public (religion-free) and the private or non- public (which may include religion). The debate regarding the feasibility or lack thereof of maintaining this separation has been a matter of concern for democratic theorists for some time, and has been made somewhat more complicated with the growing presence of religious diasporas in liberal democratic states (Charney). In fact, secularism is often cited as a precondition for the existence of religious pluralism. By removing religion from the public domain of the state, religious freedom, in so far as it constitutes the ability of an individual to freely choose which religion, if any, to practice, is deemed to be ensured. However, as Yousif notes, the Western conception of religious freedom is based on a narrow notion of religion as a personal matter, possibly a private emotional response to the idea of God, separate from the rational aspects of life which reside in the public domain. Arguably, religion is conceived of as recognising (or creating) a supernatural dimension to life that involves faith and belief, and the suspension of rational thought. This Western notion of religion as separate from the state, dividing the private from the public sphere, is constructed as a necessary basis for the liberal democratic commitment to secularism, and the notional equality of all religions, or none. Rawls questioned how people with conflicting political views and ideologies can freely endorse a common political regime in secular nations. The answer, he posits, lies in the conception of justice as a mechanism to regulate society independently of plural (and often opposing) religious or political conceptions. Thus, secularism can be constructed as an indicator of pluralism and justice; and political reason becomes the “common currency of debate in a pluralist society” (Charney 7). A corollary of this is that religious minorities must learn to use the language of political reason to represent and articulate their views and opinions in the public context, especially when talking with non-religious others. This imposes a need for religious minorities to support their views and opinions with political reason that appeals to the community at large as citizens, and not just to members of the minority religion concerned. The common ground becomes one of secularism, in which all speakers are deemed to be indifferent as to the (private) claims of religion upon believers. Minority religious groups, such as fundamentalist Mormons, invoke secular language of moral tolerance and civil rights to be acknowledged by the state, and to carry out their door-to-door ‘information’ evangelisation/campaigns. Right wing fundamentalist Christian groups and Catholics opposed to abortion couch their views in terms of an extension of the secular right to life, and in terms of the human rights and civil liberties of the yet-to-be-born. In doing this, these religious groups express an acceptance of the plurality of the liberal state and engage in debates in the public sphere through the language of political values and political principles of the liberal democratic state. The same principles do not apply within their own associations and communities where the language of the private religious realm prevails, and indeed is expected. This embracing of a political rhetoric for discussions of religion in the public sphere presents a dilemma for the Muslim diaspora in liberal democratic states. For many Muslims, religion is a complete way of life, incapable of compartmentalisation. The narrow Western concept of religious expression as a private matter is somewhat alien to Muslims who are either unable or unwilling to separate their religious needs from their needs as citizens of the nation state. Problems become apparent when religious needs challenge what seems to be publicly acceptable, and conflicts occur between what the state perceives to be matters of rational state interest and what Muslims perceive to be matters of religious identity. Muslim women’s groups in Western Australia for example have for some years discussed the desirability of a Sharia divorce court which would enable Muslims to obtain divorces according to Islamic law. It should be noted here that not all Muslims agree with the need for such a court and many – probably a majority – are satisfied with the existing processes that allow Muslim men and women to obtain a divorce through the Australian family court. For some Muslims however, this secular process does not satisfy their religious needs and it is perceived as having an adverse impact on their ability to adhere to their faith. A similar situation pertains to divorced Catholics who, according to a strict interpretation of their doctrine, are unable to take the Eucharist if they form a subsequent relationship (even if married according to the state), unless their prior marriage has been annulled by the Catholic Church or their previous partner has died. Whereas divorce is considered by the state as a public and legal concern, for some Muslims and others it is undeniably a religious matter. The suggestion by the Anglican Communion’s Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr Rowan Williams, that the adoption of certain aspects of Sharia law regarding marital disputes or financial matters is ultimately unavoidable, sparked controversy in Britain and in Australia. Attempts by some Australian Muslim scholars to elaborate on Dr Williams’s suggestions, such as an article by Anisa Buckley in The Herald Sun (Buckley), drew responses that, typically, called for Muslims to ‘go home’. A common theme in these responses is that proponents of Sharia law (and Islam in general) do not share a commitment to the Australian values of freedom and equality. The following excerpts from the online pages of Herald Sun Readers’ Comments (Herald Sun) demonstrate this perception: “These people come to Australia for freedoms they have never experienced before and to escape repression which is generally brought about by such ‘laws’ as Sharia! How very dare they even think that this would be an option. Go home if you want such a regime. Such an insult to want to come over to this country on our very goodwill and our humanity and want to change our systems and ways. Simply, No!” Posted 1:58am February 12, 2008 “Under our English derived common law statutes, the law is supposed to protect an individual’s rights to life, liberty and property. That is the basis of democracy in Australia and most other western nations. Sharia law does not adequately share these philosophies and principles, thus it is incompatible with our system of law.” Posted 12:55am February 11, 2008 “Incorporating religious laws in the secular legal system is just plain wrong. No fundamentalist religion (Islam in particular) is compatible with a liberal-democracy.” Posted 2:23pm February 10, 2008 “It should not be allowed in Australia the Muslims come her for a better life and we give them that opportunity but they still believe in covering them selfs why do they even come to Australia for when they don’t follow owe [our] rules but if we went to there [their] country we have to cover owe selfs [sic]” Posted 11:28am February 10, 2008 Conflicts similar to this one – over any overt or non-private religious practice in Australia – may also be observed in public debates concerning the wearing of traditional Islamic dress; the slaughter of animals for consumption; Islamic burial rites, and other religious practices which cannot be confined to the private realm. Such conflicts highlight the inability of the rational liberal approach to solve all controversies arising from religious traditions that enjoin a broader world view than merely private spirituality. In order to adhere to the liberal reduction of religion to the private sphere, Muslims in the West must negotiate some religious practices that are constructed as being at odds with the rational state and practice a form of Islam that is consistent with secularism. At the extreme, this Western-acceptable form is what the Australian government has termed ‘moderate Islam’. The implication here is that, for the state, ‘non-moderate Islam’ – Islam that pervades the public realm – is just a descriptor away from ‘extreme’. The divide between Christianity and Islam has been historically played out in European Christendom as a refusal to recognise Islam as a world religion, preferring instead to classify it according to race or ethnicity: a Moorish tendency, perhaps. The secular state prefers to engage with Muslims as an ethnic, linguistic or cultural group or groups (Yousif). Thus, in order to engage with the state as political citizens, Muslims must find ways to present their needs that meet the expectations of the state – ways that do not use their religious identity as a frame of reference. They can do this by utilizing the language of political reason in the public domain or by framing their needs, views and opinions exclusively in terms of their ethnic or cultural identity with no reference to their shared faith. Neither option is ideal, or indeed even viable. This is partly because many Muslims find it difficult if not impossible to separate their religious needs from their needs as political citizens; and also because the prevailing perception of Muslims in the media and public arena is constructed on the basis of an understanding of Islam as a religion that conflicts with the values of liberal democracy. In the media and public arena, little consideration is given to the vast differences that exist among Muslims in Australia, not only in terms of ethnicity and culture, but also in terms of practice and doctrine (Shia or Sunni). The dominant construction of Muslims in the Australian popular media is of religious purists committed to annihilating liberal, secular governments and replacing them with anti-modernist theocratic regimes (Brasted). It becomes a talking point for some, for example, to realise that there are international campaigns to recognise Gay Muslims’ rights within their faith (ABC) (in the same way that there are campaigns to recognise Gay Christians as full members of their churches and denominations and equally able to hold high office, as followers of the Anglican Communion will appreciate). Secularism, Preference and Equality Modood asserts that the extent to which a minority religious community can fully participate in the public and political life of the secular nation state is contingent on the extent to which religion is the primary marker of identity. “It may well be the case therefore that if a faith is the primary identity of any community then that community cannot fully identify with and participate in a polity to the extent that it privileges a rival faith. Or privileges secularism” (60). Modood is not saying here that Islam has to be privileged in order for Muslims to participate fully in the polity; but that no other religion, nor secularism, should be so privileged. None should be first, or last, among equals. For such a situation to occur, Islam would have to be equally acceptable both with other religions and with secularism. Following a 2006 address by the former treasurer (and self-avowed Christian) Peter Costello to the Sydney Institute, in which Costello suggested that people who feel a dual claim from both Islamic law and Australian law should be stripped of their citizenship (Costello), the former Prime Minister, John Howard, affirmed what he considers to be Australia’s primary identity when he stated that ‘Australia’s core set of values flowed from its Anglo Saxon identity’ and that any one who did not embrace those values should not be allowed into the country (Humphries). The (then) Prime Minister’s statement is an unequivocal assertion of the privileged position of the Anglo Saxon tradition in Australia, a tradition with which many Muslims and others in Australia find it difficult to identify. Conclusion Religious identity is increasingly becoming the identity of choice for Muslims in Australia, partly because it is perceived that their faith is under attack and that it needs defending (Aly). They construct the defence of their faith as a choice and an obligation; but also as a right that they have under Australian law as equal citizens in a secular state (Aly and Green). Australian Muslims who have no difficulty in reconciling their core Australianness with their deep faith take it as a responsibility to live their lives in ways that model the reconciliation of each identity – civil and religious – with the other. In this respect, the political call to Australian Muslims to embrace a ‘moderate Islam’, where this is seen as an Islam without a public or political dimension, is constructed as treating their faith as less than equal. Religious identity is generally deemed to have no place in the liberal democratic model, particularly where that religion is constructed to be at odds with the principles and values of liberal democracy, namely tolerance and adherence to the rule of law. Indeed, it is as if the national commitment to secularism rules as out-of-bounds any identity that is grounded in religion, giving precedence instead to accepting and negotiating cultural and ethnic differences. Religion becomes a taboo topic in these terms, an affront against secularism and the values of the Enlightenment that include liberty and equality. In these circumstances, it is not the case that all religions are equally ignored in a secular framework. What is the case is that the secular framework has been constructed as a way of ‘privatising’ one religion, Christianity; leaving others – including Islam – as having nowhere to go. Islam thus becomes constructed as less than equal since it appears that, unlike Christians, Muslims are not willing to play the secular game. In fact, Muslims are puzzling over how they can play the secular game, and why they should play the secular game, given that – as is the case with Christians – they see no contradiction in performing ‘good Muslim’ and ‘good Australian’, if given an equal chance to embrace both. Acknowledgements This paper is based on the findings of an Australian Research Council Discovery Project, 2005-7, involving 10 focus groups and 60 in-depth interviews. The authors wish to acknowledge the participation and contributions of WA community members. 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Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 2001. 206-28.Brown, Chris. “Narratives of Religion, Civilization and Modernity.” Worlds in Collision: Terror and the Future of Global Order. Eds. Ken Booth and Tim Dunne. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002. 293-324. Buckley, Anisa. “Should We Allow Sharia Law?” Sunday Herald Sun 10 Feb. 2008. 8 March 2008 < http://www.news.com.au/heraldsun/story/0,21985,231869735000117,00.html >.Bush, George. W. “President Outlines War Effort: Remarks by the President at the California Business Association Breakfast.” California Business Association 2001. 17 April 2007 < http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2001/10/20011017-15.html >.———. “Statement by the President in His Address to the Nation”. 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IllegitimacyBack in 1987, Gregory Bateson argued that:Kurt Vonnegut gives us wary advice – that we should be careful what we pretend because we become what we pretend. And something like that, some sort of self-fulfilment, occurs in all organisations and human cultures. What people presume to be ‘human’ is what they will build in as premises of their social arrangements, and what they build in is sure to be learned, is sure to become a part of the character of those who participate. (178)The human capacity to marginalise and discriminate against others on the basis of innate and constructed characteristics is evident from the long history of discrimination against people whose existence is ‘illegitimate’, defined as being outside the law. What is inside or outside the law depends upon the context under consideration. For example, in societies such as ancient Greece and the antebellum United States, where slavery was legal, people who were constructed as ‘slaves’ could legitimately be treated very differently from ‘citizens’: free people who benefit from a range of human rights (Northup). The discernment of what is legitimate from that which is illegitimate is thus implicated within the law but extends into the wider experience of community life and is evident within the civil structures through which society is organised and regulated.The division between the legitimate and illegitimate is an arbitrary one, susceptible to changing circumstances. Within recent memory a romantic/sexual relationship between two people of the same sex was constructed as illegitimate and actively persecuted. This was particularly the case for same-sex attracted men, since the societies regulating these relationships generally permitted women a wider repertoire of emotional response than men were allowed. Even when lesbian and gay relationships were legalised, they were constructed as less legitimate in the sense that they often had different rules around the age of consent for homosexual and heterosexual couples. In Australia, the refusal to allow same sex couples to marry perpetuates ways in which these relationships are constructed as illegitimate – beyond the remit of the legislation concerning marriage.The archetypal incidence of illegitimacy has historically referred to people born out of wedlock. The circumstances of birth, for example whether a person was born as a result of a legally-sanctioned marital relationship or not, could have ramifications throughout an individual’s life. Stories abound (for example, Cookson) of the implications of being illegitimate. In some social stings, such as Catherine Cookson’s north-eastern England at the turn of the twentieth century, illegitimate children were often shunned. Parents frequently refused permission for their (legitimate) children to play with illegitimate classmates, as if these children born out of wedlock embodied a contaminating variety of evil. Illegitimate children were treated differently in the law in matters of inheritance, for example, and may still be. They frequently lived in fear of needing to show a birth certificate to gain a passport, for example, or to marry. Sometimes, it was at this point in adult life, that a person first discovered their illegitimacy, changing their entire understanding of their family and their place in the world. It might be possible to argue that the emphasis upon the legitimacy of a birth has lessened in proportion to an acceptance of genetic markers as an indicator of biological paternity, but that is not the endeavour here.Given the arbitrariness and mutability of the division between legitimacy and illegitimacy as a constructed boundary, it is policed by social and legal sanctions. Boundaries, such as the differentiation between the raw and the cooked (Lévi-Strauss), or S/Z (Barthes), or purity and danger (Douglas), serve important cultural functions and also convey critical information about the societies that enforce them. Categories of person, place or thing which are closest to boundaries between the legitimate and the illegitimate can prompt existential anxiety since the capacity to discern between these categories is most challenged at the margins. The legal shenanigans which can result speak volumes for which aspects of life have the potential to unsettle a culture. One example of this which is writ large in the recent history of Australia is our treatment of refugees and asylum seekers and the impact of this upon Australia’s multicultural project.Foreshadowing the sexual connotations of the illegitimate, one of us has written elsewhere (Green, ‘Bordering on the Inconceivable’) about the inconceivability of the Howard administration’s ‘Pacific solution’. This used legal devices to rewrite Australia’s borders to limit access to the rights accruing to refugees upon landing in a safe haven entitling them to seek asylum. Internationally condemned as an illegitimate construction of an artificial ‘migration zone’, this policy has been revisited and made more brutal under the Abbot regime with at least two people – Reza Barati and Hamid Khazaei – dying in the past year in what is supposed to be a place of safety provided by Australian authorities under their legal obligations to those fleeing from persecution. Crock points out, echoing the discourse of illegitimacy, that it is and always has been inappropriate to label “undocumented asylum seekers” as “‘illegal’” because: “until such people cross the border onto Australian territory, the language of illegality is nonsense. People who have no visas to enter Australia can hardly be ‘illegals’ until they enter Australia” (77). For Australians who identify in some ways – religion, culture, fellow feeling – with the detainees incarcerated on Nauru and Manus Island, it is hard to ignore the disparity between the government’s treatment of visa overstayers and “illegals” who arrive by boat (Wilson). It is a comparatively short step to construct this disparity as reflecting upon the legitimacy within Australia of communities who share salient characteristics with detained asylum seekers: “The overwhelmingly negative discourse which links asylum seekers, Islam and terrorism” (McKay, Thomas & Kneebone, 129). Some communities feel themselves constructed in the public and political spheres as less legitimately Australian than others. This is particularly true of communities where members can be identified via markers of visible difference, including indicators of ethnic, cultural and religious identities: “a group who [some 585 respondent Australians …] perceived would maintain their own languages, customs and traditions […] this cultural diversity posed an extreme threat to Australian national identity” (McKay, Thomas & Kneebone, 129). Where a community shares salient characteristics such as ethnicity or religion with many detained asylum seekers they can become fearful of the discourses around keeping borders strong and protecting Australia from illegitimate entrants. MethodologyThe qualitative fieldwork upon which this paper is based took place some 6-8 years ago (2006-2008), but the project remains one of the most recent and extensive studies of its kind. There are no grounds for believing that any of the findings are less valid than previously. On the contrary, if political actions are constructed as a proxy for mainstream public consent, opinions have become more polarised and have hardened. Ten focus groups were held involving 86 participants with a variety of backgrounds including differences in age, gender, religious observance, religious identification and ethnicity. Four focus groups involved solely Muslim participants; six drew from the wider Australian community. The aim was to examine the response of different communities to mainstream Australian media representations of Islam, Muslims, and terrorism. Research questions included: “Are there differences in the ways in which Australian Muslims respond to messages about ‘fear’ and ‘terror’ compared with broader community Australians’ responses to the same messages?” and “How do Australian Muslims construct the perceptions and attitudes of the broader Australian community based on the messages that circulate in the media?” Recent examples of kinds of messages investigated include media coverage of Islamic State’s (ISIS’s) activities (Karam & Salama), and the fear-provoking coverage around the possible recruitment of Australians to join the fighting in Syria and Iraq (Cox). The ten focus groups were augmented by 60 interviews, 30 with respondents who identified as Muslim (15 males, 15 female) and 30 respondents from the broader community (same gender divisions). Finally, a market research company was commissioned to conduct a ‘fear survey’, based on an established ‘fear of rape’ inventory (Aly and Balnaves), delivered by telephone to a random sample of 750 over-18 y.o. Australians in which Muslims formed a deliberative sub-group, to ensure they were over-sampled and constituted at least 150 respondents. The face-to-face surveys and focus groups were conducted by co-author, Dr Anne Aly. General FindingsMuslim respondents indicate a heightened intensity of reaction to media messages around fear and terror. In addition to a generalised fear of the potential impact of terrorism upon Australian society and culture, Muslim respondents experienced a specific fear that any terrorist-related media coverage might trigger hostility towards Muslim Australian communities and their own family members. According to the ‘fear survey’ scale, Muslim Australians at the time of the research experienced approximately twice the fear level of mainstream Australian respondents. Broader Australian community Australian Muslim communityFear of a terrorist attackFear of a terrorist attack combines with the fear of a community backlashSpecific victims: dead, injured, bereavedCommunity is full of general victims in addition to any specific victimsShort-term; intense impactsProtracted, diffuse impactsSociety-wide sympathy and support for specific victims and all those involved in dealing with the trauma and aftermathSociety-wide suspicion and a marginalisation of those affected by the backlashVictims of a terrorist attack are embraced by broader communityVictims of backlash experience hostility from the broader communityFour main fears were identified by Australian Muslims as a component of the fear of terrorism:Fear of physical harm. In addition to the fear of actual terrorist acts, Australian Muslims fear backlash reprisals such as those experienced after such events as 9/11, the Bali bombings, and attacks upon public transport passengers in Spain and the UK. These and similar events were constructed as precipitating increased aggression against identifiable Australian Muslims, along with shunning of Muslims and avoidance of their company.The construction of politically-motivated fear. Although fear is an understandable response to concerns around terrorism, many respondents perceived fears as being deliberately exacerbated for political motives. Such strategies as “Be alert, not alarmed” (Bassio), labelling asylum seekers as potential terrorists, and talk about home-grown terrorists, are among the kinds of fears which were identified as politically motivated. The political motivation behind such actions might include presenting a particular party as strong, resolute and effective. Some Muslim Australians construct such approaches as indicating that their government is more interested in political advantage than social harmony.Fear of losing civil liberties. As well as sharing the alarm of the broader Australian community at the dozens of legislative changes banning people, organisations and materials, and increasing surveillance and security checks, Muslim Australians fear for the human rights implications across their community, up to and including the lives of their young people. This fear is heightened when community members may look visibly different from the mainstream. Examples of the events fuelling such fears include the London police killing of Jean Charles de Menezes, a Brazilian Catholic working as an electrician in the UK and shot in the month following the 7/7 attacks on the London Underground system (Pugliese). In Australia, the case of Mohamed Hannef indicated that innocent people could easily be unjustly accused and wrongly targeted, and even when this was evident the political agenda made it almost impossible for authorities to admit their error (Rix).Feeling insecure. Australian Muslims argue that personal insecurity has become “the new normal” (Massumi), disproportionately affecting Muslim communities in both physical and psychological ways. Physical insecurity is triggered by the routine avoidance, shunning and animosity experienced by many community members in public places. Psychological insecurity includes fear for the safety of younger members of the community compounded by concern that young people may become ‘radicalised’ as a result of the discrimination they experience. Australian Muslims fear the backlash following any possible terrorist attack on Australian soil and describe the possible impact as ‘unimaginable’ (Aly and Green, ‘Moderate Islam’).In addition to this range of fears expressed by Australian Muslims and constructed in response to wider societal reactions to increased concerns over radical Islam and the threat of terrorist activity, an analysis of respondents’ statements indicate that Muslim Australians construct the broader community as exhibiting:Fear of religious conviction (without recognising the role of their own secular/religious convictions underpinning this fear);Fear of extremism (expressed in various extreme ways);Fear of powerlessness (responded to by disempowering others); andFear of political action overseas having political effects at home (without acknowledging that it is the broader community’s response to such overseas events, such as 9/11 [Green ‘Did the world really change?’], which has also had impacts at home).These constructions, extrapolations and understandings by Australian Muslims of the fears of the broader community underpinning the responses to the threat of terror have been addressed elsewhere (Green and Aly). Legitimate Australian MuslimsOne frustration identified by many Muslim respondents centres upon a perceived ‘acceptable’ way to be an Australian Muslim. Arguing that the broader community construct Muslims as a homogenous group defined by their religious affiliation, these interviewees felt that the many differences within and between the twenty-plus national, linguistic, ethnic, cultural and faith-based groupings that constitute WA’s Muslim population were being ignored. Being treated as a homogenised group on a basis of faith appears to have the effect of putting that religious identity under pressure, paradoxically strengthening and reinforcing it (Aly, ‘Australian Muslim Responses to the Discourse on Terrorism’). The appeal to Australian Muslims to embrace membership in a secular society and treat religion as a private matter also led some respondents to suggest they were expected to deny their own view of their faith, in which they express their religious identity across their social spheres and in public and private contexts. Such expression is common in observant Judaism, Hinduism and some forms of Christianity, as well as in some expressions of Islam (Aly and Green, ‘Less than equal’). Massumi argues that even the ways in which some Muslims dress, indicating faith-based behaviour, can lead to what he terms as ‘affective modulation’ (Massumi), repeating and amplifying the fear affect as a result of experiencing the wider community’s fear response to such triggers as water bottles (from airport travel) and backpacks, on the basis of perceived physical difference and a supposed identification with Muslim communities, regardless of the situation. Such respondents constructed this (implied) injunction to suppress their religious and cultural affiliation as akin to constructing the expression of their identity as illegitimate and somehow shameful. Parallels can be drawn with previous social responses to a person born out of wedlock, and to people in same-sex relationships: a ‘don’t ask, don’t tell’ kind of denial.Australian Muslims who see their faith as denied or marginalised may respond by identifying more strongly with other Muslims in their community, since the community-based context is one in which they feel welcomed and understood. The faith-based community also allows and encourages a wider repertoire of acceptable beliefs and actions entailed in the performance of ‘being Muslim’. Hand in hand with a perception of being required to express their religious identity in ways that were acceptable to the majority community, these respondents provided a range of examples of self-protective behaviours to defend themselves and others from the impacts of perceived marginalisation. Such behaviours included: changing their surnames to deflect discrimination based solely on a name (Aly and Green, ‘Fear, Anxiety and the State of Terror’); keeping their opinions private, even when they were in line with those being expressed by the majority community (Aly and Green, ‘Moderate Islam’); the identification of ‘less safe’ and ‘safe’ activities and areas; concerns about visibly different young men in the Muslim community and discussions with them about their public behaviour and demeanour; and women who chose not to leave their homes for fear of being targeted in public places (all discussed in Aly, ‘Australian Muslim Responses to the Discourse on Terrorism’). Many of these behaviours, including changing surnames, restricting socialisation to people who know a person well, and the identification of safe and less safe activities in relation to the risk of self-revelation, were common strategies used by people who were stigmatised in previous times as a result of their illegitimacy.ConclusionConstructions of the legitimate and illegitimate provide one means through which we can investigate complex negotiations around Australianness and citizenship, thrown into sharp relief by the Australian government’s treatment of asylum seekers, also deemed “illegals”. Because they arrive in Australia (or, as the government would prefer, on Australia’s doorstep) by illegitimate channels these would-be citizens are treated very differently from people who arrive at an airport and overstay their visa. The impetus to exclude aspects of geographical Australia from the migration zone, and to house asylum seekers offshore, reveals an anxiety about borders which physically reflects the anxiety of western nations in the post-9/11 world. Asylum seekers who arrive by boat have rarely had safe opportunity to secure passports or visas, or to purchase tickets from commercial airlines or shipping companies. They represent those ethnicities and cultures which are currently in turmoil: a turmoil frequently exacerbated by western intervention, variously constructed as an il/legitimate expression of western power and interests.What this paper has demonstrated is that the boundary between Australia and the rest, the legitimate and the illegitimate, is failing in its aim of creating a stronger Australia. The means through which this project is pursued is making visible a range of motivations and concerns which are variously interpreted depending upon the position of the interpreter. The United Nations, for example, has expressed strong concern over Australia’s reneging upon its treaty obligations to refugees (Gordon). Less vocal, and more fearful, are those communities within Australia which identify as community members with the excluded illegals. The Australian government’s treatment of detainees on Manus Island and Nauru, who generally exhibit markers of visible difference as a result of ethnicity or culture, is one aspect of a raft of government policies which serve to make some people feel that their Australianness is somehow less legitimate than that of the broader community. AcknowledgementsThis paper is based on the findings of an Australian Research Council Discovery Project (DP0559707), 2005-7, “Australian responses to the images and discourses of terrorism and the other: establishing a metric of fear”, awarded to Professors Lelia Green and Mark Balnaves. 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Framing of the Muslims and Islam has been a debatable/is a contentious area of interest for researchers. This study is designed to analyze the approach of the Australian press towards the Muslims and Islam when it covers the terrorist incidents in Australia and in other part of the world, especially in the western countries. The news related to terrorist incidents and activities published during a six-month timeframe, that is, from October 2016 to March 2017, in two popular newspapers namely The Daily Telegraph (leaning towards the Liberal Party) and The Courier Mail (right-centered newspaper in its nature) was thoroughly analyzed. The major objective was to know how these newspapers frame the Muslims and Islam in their news contents when the issue of terrorism is under discussion. Despite the different political leanings of the selected newspapers, their approach towards the Muslims and Islam was found to be similar as both the dailies framed the terrorism related stories in a way to associate the Muslims and Islam with terrorism.

Framing of the Muslims and Islam has been a debatable/is a contentious area of interest for researchers. This study is designed to analyze the approach of the Australian press towards the Muslims and Islam when it covers the terrorist incidents in Australia and in other part of the world, especially in the western countries. The news related to terrorist incidents and activities published during a six-month timeframe, that is, from October 2016 to March 2017, in two popular newspapers namely The Daily Telegraph (leaning towards the Liberal Party) and The Courier Mail (right-centered newspaper in its nature) was thoroughly analyzed. The major objective was to know how these newspapers frame the Muslims and Islam in their news contents when the issue of terrorism is under discussion. Despite the different political leanings of the selected newspapers, their approach towards the Muslims and Islam was found to be similar as both the dailies framed the terrorism related stories in a way to associate the Muslims and Islam with terrorism.

As COVID-19 broke out across the Asia Pacific from December 2019, media coverage on its impacts proliferated online. Among these discourses, coverage on influencers was prominent, likely as many of the issues arising from COVID-19 contingencies – such as digitalization, public messaging, and misinformation – are cornerstones of this digital economy. In response, this cross-cultural study draws on a corpus of Australian, Chinese, Japanese, and Korean online news articles published between January and May 2020, to understand how local news ecologies were parsing the impacts of COVID-19 on influencers. From the coding of 150 news articles guided by Grounded Theory, this article focuses on the impact of the pandemic on influencers, and influencers’ engagements with and reactions to the pandemic. Our study of individual governments’ past engagements with their influencer industries suggest that local backstories and contexts are crucial to decipher why news angles tend to pitch particular stories on influencers.