Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Islam et relations internationales'
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Chninif, Abderrahim. "Mondialisation et civilisations : Islam-Occident." Perpignan, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PERP0792.
Full textAfter the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the cold war, several conflicts were started in many parts of the world and for which the unipolar world seems unable to find remedies and adequate solutions. But, why, despite everything these problems from which the world suffers, one is interested in the theory of the clash of civilizations? Why the Islamic world acquires as much interest and poses as many interrogations? Which is the strategic interest of this world (Islamic) at the era of globalization? Is it really a threat for Western civilization and international safety? Are there an exception or an Islamic characteristic? Why we assist with a spectacular rise of Islamism? Which are the various branches of Islamism? Which is the relationship between political Islamism and Islamism djihadist? Can we put an end to the conflicts civilisationnels and the Islam/Occident duality? Why not to work together for a cohabitation enters the people and civilizations and for their union against truths challenges threatening very whole humanity?
Tedeschi, Monique. "Les politiques de l'islam : islams transnationaux et islams étatiques." Paris 13, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA131042.
Full textAllès, Delphine. "Recomposition des politiques étrangères sous l'effet du facteur religieux : une comparaison des cas indonésien et malaisien." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011IEPP0038.
Full textThis dissertation addresses the role of religion in international relations. Through an extensive study of the evolution of the international policies of Indonesia and Malaysia since their independence, it looks at the way this factor has been tackled by the successive governments of both states. The proposed approach does not limit itself to government foreign policies: it also looks at the way private religious organizations are organized at the global level, in order to understand their interactions with official policies. The starting point is to consider that foreign policy aims at spreading the national identity vision that is promoted by government elites. The role of religion in foreign policies is therefore closely linked to the position it occupies in the context of the negotiations associated to state building and the construction of a national identity. Facing the religious revival which occurred in Southeast Asia in the 1980s, the relationship between institutions and religion has evolved: Muslim civil societies have become more closely associated to a global Muslim community, which has prompted both governments to react to crises which did not previously seem to concern them directly. Religion however constitutes a factor which it is difficult to integrate in a coherent way to a national policy, since it cannot be reduced to compromises linked to national interest. It is partly in order to overturn this difficulty that governments have been inclined to externalize some religious aspects of their international policies, delegating to private economic or social actors the responsibility of their religious international projection
Saad-Ghorayeb, Amal. "Hizbu'llah : politics and religion /." Londres : Pluto Press, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38942056z.
Full textLamloum, Olfa. "La politique étrangère de la France face à la montée de l'islamisme : Algérie, Tunisie, 1987-1995." Paris 8, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA082001.
Full textAlaoui, Rachid Ben El Hassan. "L'organisation de la conférence islamique : étude d'une organisation internationale spécifique." Bordeaux 4, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001BOR40009.
Full textBayramzadeh, Kamal. "Une étude sur la sociologie politique des relations internationales : les enjeux principaux des relations entre l'Iran et l'Europe de 1979 à juillet 2003 : une relation ambiguë." Paris, EHESS, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003EHES0063.
Full textThe principal object of this thesis is to demonstrate the relationship between Iran and Europe since the Change of Iran's political system in 1979. First of all, we will explain Iran's relationship with three important european countries, that is France, Germany and England, during the war between Iran-Iraq. This followes the period between 1979 and 1992, when there was no relationship between Iran and the European Union. Next, we explain the development of the relationship between Iran and the E. U. From 1992 until 2003, taking in to accont the critical and global dialogue between these two protagonists and underlining the importance to Iran of the conditions laid down by Europe : respect for human rights, etc. In effect, the coming to power of an islamic regime has completely changed the political orientation of Iran's foreign policy. The domination of idealogical criteria, resulting in an islamic slant to international policy, has caused a major upheaval in relations between Iran and Europe, as well as the United States of America. The result has been the isolation of Iran on the international political landscape. But because of a divergence in views between the USA and Europe in matters of international policy, Iran has tried to exploit this situation in order to develop its relationship with the E. U. Since 1992 despite the U. S. A. Remaining hostil to this development. On the other hand, because of Europe's strategic need for Iran, the E. U. , has resisted americain pressure to end the critical dialogue (from 1992 to 1997) and the global dialogue (from 1998 until now) with the iranian gouvernment. Despite a tense and contradictory relations between Teheran and certain european nations during the Iran-Iraq war, the normalisation of Iran's diplomatic relationship, during the time of the Rafsanjani and Khatami gouverments, with Europe was the only option for the iranian administration if a provisional solution to the deep crisis in Iran's political, economic and social life was to be found. Neverthless, the recent agreement (2003) between Europe and U. S. A. , on the subject of Iran's atomic ambitions, has demonstrated that Iran can no longer use diverging between these two worlds powers as an answer to its internal and external problems. This is why, since 2003, the relationship between Iran and Europe has entered a new phase
Stoffer, Florentius H. "La régulation internationale de la crise indonésienne : entre processus de démocratisation et restauration autoritaire." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004IEPP0005.
Full textAbu, Khater Yasser. "Essai sur l'affaire des otages (personnels diplomatique et consulaire) des États-Unis à Téhéran et la responsabilité internationale." Rouen, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1994ROUEL182.
Full textIn this essay, we aimed at highlightening the comlexity of international responsabiliy in relying on a and the consular staff). To begin with, there is no doubt that the responsabilit of Iran is obvious if we consider conventiona and customs (especially the international islamic law). Iran was not able to protect the hostages where the so-called "islamic students" attacked the American embassy and consulates. And a more serious point is that susbsequently the Iranian government did not hesitate, on political grounds, to take the resposibility for the kidnapping of the hostages. Actually, this case cannot be studied judiciously unless we resort to politics. The stormy relationships between both nations since the coup d'Etat of 1953, as well as the necessity of safeguard for the Khomenist revolution lead the analystn to underline the relationships between international law and politics. Consequently we shoud keep in mind the causes -that- might have cancelled ,or at least lightened, the
Moos, Olivier. "Visages et rivages d'un nouvel Orientalisme : décryptage des discours et réseaux de l'anti-islamisme contemporain." Paris, EHESS, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009EHES0074.
Full textThe Emergeace of a New Orientalism, analyses the post-Cold War appearance of a nea-culturalist discourse based upon critics of Islam, particularly Political Islam. The end of the bipolar moment and the convergence of incidental and long-term fact, have led to the substitution of the lslamic Orient in the place of the Soviet East. Islam, in the new discourse, has become epitome of the Other. From American and European perspectives, in contexts of low intensity conflicts and globalisation Islam has become an essential part of identity building processes. Lndividuals and group' have been propagating and upholding, consciou. Ly and not, a narrative of Islam that serves ideological, political or professional agendas. This narrative renews some premises inherited from classical orientalism, combined with a pro-democracy stand and the support of humanitarian interventionism. The New Orientalism synthesizes complex issues rightly or wrongly associated with IsIam though perennial anthropological and religious lenses. It manufactures certainty through the idea that Muslims, and a fortiori Islamic militants, are culturally predictable. The goal of the study is both to identify and understand the motives that inspire groups or individuals to support and propagate this narrative, and to highlight the existence of an influential intellectual trend
Balivet, Michel. "De byzance aux ottomans : attitudes de conciliation et comportements supraconfessionels." Université Marc Bloch (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992STR20030.
Full textAs soon as the middle-ages, two competitive parties coexisted in anatolia and later in the balkans : the greek-byzantine group, from hellenic and christian filiation, a sedentary and imperial people from mediterranean tradition, happened to be tightly mingled with a population whose language was turco-mongolic, who was muslem, from central-asian nomadic origin. Between those two very different worlds, many were the conflicts from the xith century down to the nationality crises that opposed the ottoman turks in the xixth century to the sultan's sujects from orthodox and byzantine tradition. However, if one limits one's study to the sole aspect of war and conflicts between greeks and turks who have been living on the same territory for almost a millenary, one cannot understand neither how quick was the turkish conquest, neither the long life of the ottoman empire, nor the common inheritance of the peoples born from it. The present study gathers medieval and ottoman sources that were chosen so as to show that besides the undeniable conflicts, there has been between the two societies, along their long living together, a dynamics in political alliances, in cultural exchanges, in trends of ideas and behaviours, that allowed a common consensus and a relatively harmonious coexistence. The peace trend even existed in religion and a few mystics in both parties played an active part in a transreligious and even sometimes supraconfessionnal approach that lead to unite all the sultan's subjects by the means of syncretism, or, on the contrary, that sometimes opposed the government through anarchy and armed rebellion
Alhomoud, Eiman. "Le discours médiatique en Arabie Saoudite après les évènements du 11 septembre 2001." Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040101.
Full textUntil the events of September 11, 2001, the discourse conveyed by the Saudi media has remained confined in a complete archaism, both on the level of construction and transmission. Devoid of any objectivity and creativity, this discourse has been characterized by its aversion for the real social, political and cultural issues that havepreoccupied the Saudi society since this country became the first oil producer in the world and the first importer-in the Arab Persian Gulf- of manufactured products.This work attempts to provide a reading of the evolution of the Saudi media discourse after the events of September 11, 2001. A corpus of 113 selected articles published by the local press has been given a thorough analysis to follow this evolution and identify its contours. The examination of this corpus has allowed us to identify the emergence, within the Saudi society, of two modes of thinking. The first one is qualified as liberal andis represented by many influential intellectuals working for more reforms and for the opening of the Saudi culture to the outside. As for the opposite mode of thinking, it is embodied by the defenders of a traditional line who estimate that the opening to the West would constitute a threat to the Saudi identity and culture
Bruce, Benjamin. "Governing islam abroad : the Turkish and Moroccan Muslim fields in France and Germany." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015IEPP0001.
Full textOver the last fifty years, Turks and Moroccans have come to form the two largest diaspora groups in Western Europe, with the largest numbers in Germany and France respectively. The states of origin of these populations have developed a wide variety of policies aimed at their citizens abroad, amongst which Islam has figured prominently. For decades, the official institutions of state religious governance in Turkey and Morocco, the Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı) and the Ministry of Habous and Islamic Affairs, have actively engaged in providing support to Muslim groups in France and Germany, from sending imams to directly financing mosques and the associations that run them. This doctoral thesis seeks to respond to the following questions: how and why are Turkey and Morocco able to govern Islam outside of their national boundaries, and what are the consequences for the development of Muslim fields in France and Germany? Based on over one hundred interviews carried out with diplomats, state religious officials, and non-state religious actors in all four countries, this study argues that in contrast to France and Germany, the Turkish and Moroccan states consider religious governance as a distinct domain of public policy. Thanks to diplomatic cooperation and converging interstate interests, both home states have been able to expand their religious activities within transnational Muslim fields. In particular, Turkey and Morocco seek to promote a legal-rational model of religious authority and a national form of Islam, ultimately reinforcing both the position of home state religious institutions and ethno-national boundaries in religious fields abroad
Seurat, Laetitia Leila. "La politique étrangère du Hamas 2006-2013 : idéologie, intérêt et processus de décision." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0019.
Full textThe present thesis argues that the Palestinian movement Hamas pursues its own foreign policy even though it may be considered a non state actor, or a semi-state actor at best. The key independent variables determining this foreign policy are internal decision-making processes and various types of interests that in the vast majority of cases prevail upon ideological considerations. Decision making processes vary from period to period and sometimes from case to case. Sometimes their output reflects a compromise of competing interests, even though these compromises are always biased in favour of the stronger groups or factions within the movement. Only the 2008 truce with Israel gave rise to substantial ideological debates which left their trace in the run-up to this event and subsequent cleavages and defections, in particular to the al-Qassam brigades. In spite of various diverging interests, the leaders and members of Hamas share a basic objective which is to guarantee the political supremacy of their movement in Palestine. Its foreign policy enables Hamas to pursue a number of interests both external and internal: to obtain diplomatic and symbolic recognition, mobilize material and symbolical ressources, secure its domination over the Gaza strip, and compete with its nationalist and islamist opponents. Ideological propositions are constantly adapted to these different interests
Basiri, Mohammad Ali. "Les armes de destruction massive dans les zones à risque du Croissant islamique : Moyen-Orient et pays périphériques (1945-1991)." Toulouse 1, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996TOU10069.
Full textThe analysis of the situation of mass destruction weapons in the Islamic crescent, dangerous areas spreading from the Indian sub-continent to Maghreb (North-Africa), aims at identifying the principal causes of their proliferation at the end of the 20th century: the need of security, the willingness to dominate, the effect of the political and economic strategies of the great powers and the weakness of international law. Its second goal is to appraise their relevance in the different states of the studied region. This can be done in three different ways: the geostrategic analysis enables us to do the inventory, to define and to classify the many potential crisis that are likely to facilitate the development of mass destruction weapons. As far as ideological views are concerned, it is necessary to ponder over the possible attitudes of the major systems of thoughts = religions, political doctrines, strategic doctrines. . . Regarding such weapons and thus to define the cultural background studied issue. Finally, from the factual and eventual points of view, it is advisable to study the historical aspects of the different components of mass destruction weapons as well as the consequences of their proliferation on the strategic conceptions. On this base, it is possible to determine the bases, the characteristics and the effects of the politics of studied area countries regarding these weapons and thus to validate the initial hypothesis
Daoudi, Zaynab. "La polygamie et la répudiation en droit marocain et dans les relations Franco-marocaines." Thesis, Lille 2, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LIL20024.
Full textThe reception of polygamy and repudiation by the French international legal order has evolved, fluctuating between tolerance and rejection. Placing us in the specific context of French-Moroccan relations, we have sought to verify to what extent the reform of these two institutions, introduced by the new Code of family in Morocco, could provide them a better reception. But before, we thought it useful to review their history and their evolution under Moroccan law. Then we reviewed the difficult course of their " immigration " in France, the different jurisprudential dislocations that they underwent, and the more severe intervention of the public order now based on respect for such fundamental rights as dictated by the ECHR.Far from resolving all disputes in this area, the French - Moroccan agreement of 10 August 1981 revealed its shortcomings and limitations. The ambition of this work was then to offer some solutions inspired for some of them by the doctrine, such as the adoption of new substantive rules or the theory of reciprocal accommodations
Rondeau, Dany. "Prolégomènes à une éthique globale interculturelle." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/NQ65430.pdf.
Full textAysu, Murat Okan. "Comprendre l'Al Qaedisme : stratégies et réponses." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009LYO22007.
Full textAl Qaeda has become renowned thanks to a few symbolic pioneering terrorist attacks among which the most spectacular ones took place on 11 September 2001. The study of Al Qaeda’s complex profile with deep roots in history, politics and the society of the Islamic world, and of its evolution, helps to understand that the real menace comes not from one man, nor from a group, but from an overarching ideology dedicated to a defensive jihad, Al Qaedism. This radical ideology, built upon strong and coherent pillars, preaches a holy global war against the West. Radical fundamentalist ad hoc networks and local terrorist groups have amalgamated around the objectives and strategies of a common, codified Al Qaedism disseminated in cyberspace and have magnified the menace by reaching all the spheres of the international community. The dominating conservative political approach attempted in vain to prevent further terrorist attacks by putting in place a series of exceptional measures more repressive one than another. However, the growing radicalization and the unprecedented multiplication of terrorist attacks since 2001 demonstrate that the western models applied as such by Westerners to societies established on other fundamentals have not allowed to find a longstanding solution against Al Qaedism and rather increased the menace. Responses adjusted to the real menace, reinforced by the respect to human rights, have to be introduced by new multidisciplinary and synchronized strategies of deradicalization that take into account the war on ideas in order to depolarize the relations between Muslims and non-Muslims in the world. The adoption of preventive, proactive and reactive measures that find a balance between the needs of the fight against terrorism and the fundamental democratic values will have to aim first at gaining the hearts and minds of all the parties involved and to foster an alliance of civilizations
Efangon, Lucien Sédar. "Relations franco-africaines et dynamiques internationales." Lyon 3, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000LYO33043.
Full textZakané, Vincent. "Relations commerciales internationales et contraintes écologiques." Université Robert Schuman (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994STR30014.
Full textIn recent years, the environment has become a major concern for all the states and for the international community. Rules and regulations are made in all the countries to assure its protection. On the international level, there is an emergence of a certain number of normes constituting some sort of a world ecological order. However, the relations between the environment and international trade are at the centre of a doctrinal and legal controversy: does the rapid and continuous development of world trade not curry the risk of having negative effects on the environment of several countries and, in the end, on the world environment? Conversely, are the national measures of protection not likely to disturb international trade? Beyond these simple problems brought up, the introduction of environmental norms in international law is likely to create legal conflicts with the rules of international trade. A fundamental contradiction between legal policies of environmental protection, which are interventionniest in nature, and legal policies of international trade, which are rather liberal, thus manifests itself. With international law providing us rules to deal with this, only economic and ecological international organizations are capable of providing select solutions. But, are these institutions capable of resolving the conflicts between the imperatives of environment and the requirements of international law which are likely to result?
Jamot, Didier. "Le Parlement et les relations internationales." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AIXM1005.
Full textParliament is generally thought to be an institution which is incapable of influencing international relations. The Executive Power alone is said to be capable of acting in this sphere.In reality, while this was true at the dawn of the Fifth Republic, it is no longer the case. The way the world changed after World War II – decolonization, the end of the Cold War, globalization, but also the rapid European integration – was the fundamental appeal of foreign policy for members of Parliament. The constitutional changes which then occurred, changes to Rules of Procedure of the assemblies and the adoption of several laws, afforded them the ability to act. Ever since, deputies and senators have influenced French foreign affairs. They have access to tools which assure them information and a certain control of the Government's international activities. They have likewise succeeded in establishing a parliamentary diplomacy equally bilateral – like Friendship groups – as multilateral, as is found in international parliaments
Aoumeur, Mama. "Les médias et les relations internationales." Nice, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008NICE0002.
Full textThe technical progress, the development of the broadcast satellite, the increase of the cross-border channels, and other distribution channels as internet carry the expanding of the international distribution of information. We can note the coming of the globalisation of the media. The main problem is not the increase of information, but to realise and admit that those industries of communication manage the vision of the world and can not be separate of a reflexion about the way they are received. The control of this ideogical machenery made up by the media have a political effect. The resolution of wars and conflicts depends more than never on information and communication control. The media becomes a real actor of the international relation. Our study deals mainly about the gulf war in 1991 which should leads us to a deep relexion on what was previously considered
Lambert, Stéphane. "Les télécommunications internationales et l'Etat occidental : libertés de communiquer et relations internationales." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2004. https://spire.sciencespo.fr/notice/2441/53r60a8s3kup1vc9kd4sgepk2.
Full textMinatchev, Andrei. "Brandt et Kissinger deux visions des relations internationales." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ61811.pdf.
Full textThieulent, Anne. "Mesures de contrainte économique et relations contractuelles internationales." Dijon, 2000. https://nuxeo.u-bourgogne.fr/nuxeo/site/esupversions/baeae04a-4aa3-4a07-98f1-543aff5030d8.
Full textDickès, Christophe. "Jacques Bainville et les relations internationales (1908-1936)." Paris 4, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PA040267.
Full textBorn in a republican environment, Bainville evolve under the intellectual influence of Sainte-Beuve, Taine, Carlyle, Barrès up to becoming a royalist. This reasoned choice is reinforced as he discovers the German unity sustaining the emperor, while the Dreyfus case is dividing the French people. In 1908 he is appointed as the international affairs columnist for the royalist Action française. His knowledge of Germany allows him to become one of the best experts in the German-French relationship. In his works, Bainville advocates a policy rid of the democratic idealism of the 19th century. Discarding every system of thought, he means to be realistic and empirical with respect to developing ideologies. However widely read, Bainville will not be listened to by the ruling class. This lack of recognition makes him bitter and pessimistic as for the future of the European peace. His election at the Académie Française is a final recognition of his career as a writer but not as a politician
Minatchev, Andrei. "Brandt et Kissinger: Deux visions des relations internationales." Sherbrooke : Université de Sherbrooke, 2001.
Find full textSchiavina, Alessandra. "Accords commerciaux et comportements strategiques : un cadre d'analyse pour la politique agricole commune." Paris 10, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA100072.
Full textThis dissertation provides an analytical framework allowing to account for some major issues dealing with the international co-ordination of economic policies. The first section considers the establishment of a regional organisation and the consequences for the world welfare. We consider a regional economic organisation as a cartel of countries facing competition from third countries, each member maximising its own collective welfare. We show that the stability of an economic union requires a common tariff protection against exports from third countries. However, if this protection does not exceed the level that ensures cartel stability, it may benefit to third countries which benefit from the positive externalities generated by the establishment of the regional economic union. In the second part of the dissertation, we investigate some international co-ordination problems caused by the asymmetric nature of the contracting parties. The model deals with two countries whose demand structure differ. This leads them to produce different qualities of a same commodities. In such a case, the two countries do not benefit from a given co-ordination of trade and the respect of an agreement requires ex post redistribution of gains between partner countries. We considered a bargaining process under which the redistribution is acceptable, compared to the status quo situation. We show that, in general, this requires a transfer from the country producing higher quality towards the country producing lower quality. The third part of the dissertation deals with the existence of trade restriction measures which are sometimes motivated by protection of quality and by consumers' information objectives. This is the case of product safety standards, which may differ considerably between countries. Without proper information of consumers on the origin of the goods available on the market, trade liberalisation may generate some market inefficiencies and cause welfare losses. The effects of a freer trade depend on consumers' beliefs on the quality of imported goods
Pavlidis, Pascal. "Industrie et défense nationale aux Etats-Unis : l'impact des pouvoirs de gestion sur la production et le transfert des armements." Paris 9, 1986. https://portail.bu.dauphine.fr/fileviewer/index.php?doc=1986PA090107.
Full textThe United States domining power position is revealed, among other things, at the level of its production capacity of armaments. Because of their dimension, of the scope of materials and services they cover armaments production and transfer activities have gradually extended beyond the strictly military frame. What may appear as a military decision is before all the outcome of a national industrial policy having generated specific powers. To carry on its tasks, the American States is depending on the functioning of great private armaments groups. The armaments race in which the U. S. A. Are involved has acquired a proper dynamics the movement of which is lying before all in the management area and more especially in the powers it generates. The American national interests and industrial power depend on an internal dynamics of the conjunction of military and industrial interests. The creation of new bureaucratic structures and the application of management methods have contributed to the reinforcement of this dynamics. In the U. S. A. , the "game" of the production and transfer of armaments is structured by rules defined by the different social, economical and political actors. The links created between defense economy and national economy greatly determine the present balances of the armaments production and transfer cycles. The analysis of management powers within the armament equipment acquisition process and this of management of armament equipment enable to show that systematization of procedures and rules established, promotes interaction of military and industrial management powers. On account of the symbiosis created between military and industrial management powers, the United States defense industry moves in a war context made necessary to meet the different international military stakes of the United States which maintain it to better use it. The U. S. A. Experience really makes clear the basic importance of a good management synergy between industrials and militaries and reveals its impact both decisive and ineluctable on the development of modern armaments
Baloge, Jérôme. "L' enjeu linguistique dans les relations internationales." Paris 1, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PA010336.
Full textTaïb, Abduli Shukor. "Arme alimentaire et relations internationales : La fin d'un mythe." Paris 2, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA020089.
Full textCollot, Gélin Imanes. "Le droit fiscal hai͏̈tien et les relations économiques internationales." Aix-Marseille 3, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990AIX32028.
Full textHaitian fiscal law is closely linked with international economic relations between haiti and her major partners. The relationship is even more evident as certain fiscal mesures are often adopted either to satisfy the government international agreements (foreign delt) or to facilitate trade exchange with the outside world through a certain fiscal "mimetisme" (imitation). These mesures print two tendencies to our fiscal law that are difficult to reconcile : rigourous and the other liberal. The rigorous tendency is a result of certain mesures recommended mostly by international backers aiming at widenning the tax base and at the repression of international tax evasion with a view of maximising the yields. On the other hand, the liberal tendency, resides in the fiscal encouragment of foreign investment in haiti by reducing the fiscal obligations for taxpayers. Application of these two sets of mesures, little as they overlap , encounter major structural obstacles on the internal level and conjoncturelly on international level. The former encounter the country's inadequats administrative and juridical structures, where as the latter, besides having the same obstacles, face a general climate of investment in haiti, in the absence of a fiscal policy and in international contexte of outbidding tax advantages ("surencheres fiscales")
Shalluf, Hadi. "Les relations internationales entre la france et la libye." Reims, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1991REIMD003.
Full textRelations between france and libya from the 17th century. France, great-britain and italy had concluded many treaties concerning libya and africa. After the second world war, france didn't like libya's independence because of the interests in algeria and the south of libya which sje had occupied. In 1951, after libya had gained independence, france immediately concluded frienxiship, economic and cultural treaties with libya. However libya already had long links with the anglo-saxon world. The first of september 1969, after kadhafi had taken power in libya, he broke relations with the u. S. A. U. K. France replaced them, and concluded many agreements with libyan new government. Libya developed a world-wide new revolutionary foreign policy particularly in africa, for example assisting liberation movements, economic help to countries and to the unified arabics and africans against colonialism and neo-colonialism. Meanwhile, these new libyan policies were not accepted by france and other western countries. As a result of this, france intervened against libyan policy in africa by force or other ways. In particular, when libya wanted to get uranium from niger or south-africa. The gulf war and the change of policies in eastern europe made kadhafi change his position with france. President mitterand's declaration regarding the explosion of civil airphane of uta will make the relations between them more difficult despite their recent efforts to improve their relations
Migneault, Dominic. "RÉGIONALISME ET CONVERGENCE DES POLITIQUES : L’étude des politiques de contrôle frontalier entre le Canada et les États-Unis de 1980 à 2005." Thesis, Université Laval, 2011. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2011/27938/27938.pdf.
Full textColonomos, Ariel. "Églises en réseaux : trajectoires politiques entre Europe et Amérique /." Paris : Presses de Sciences Po, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37097033v.
Full textBessaoud, Salem. "Places financières internationales, places eurobancaires spécialisées : différenciation et complémentarité." Paris 9, 1987. https://portail.bu.dauphine.fr/fileviewer/index.php?doc=1987PA090045.
Full textConcurrent to the classical multinational banking space, the rapid development of a transnational space has given rise to new kind of centers specialized on euro banking transactions. Often, these new centers are wrongly considered as real international financial centers. This confusion concerns the development conditions, the activity analysis and the concept of these two kinds of centers. Our thesis analyses the real complementarity between international financial centers (I. F. C. ) and what we call specialized euro-banking centers (S. E. C. ). This complementarity is needed because it allows transnational banking system (composed of euro-banks) the realization of its international financial intermediation function, with transaction and information costs minimization. However, these two concepts must be differentiated as well. I. F. C. And S. E. C. Did not have the same development thread, they do not have the same dimensions and their future is not outlined according to the same schemes
Mova, Sakanyi Henri. "Comprendre la fin de la guerre froide et la mondialisation /." Paris : l'Harmattan, 2009. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb414670723.
Full textRoch, Augustin. "Géopolitique et mécanismes de raréfaction des ressources combustibles et minière." Paris 8, 2012. http://octaviana.fr/document/178442798#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0.
Full textHistorically, securing resources focused on those fuels*, only carried by the energy sector. Currently, a paradigm shift reveals mechanisms of depletion of other resources, more particularly minerals. This highlights repositioning, new issues of wealth and power. This thesis analyzes these new risks and opportunities for states and industrials consumers: it demonstrates a necessary global and multidisciplinary approach, in energy issues too. Indeed, we must understand a system with multiple chessboards (state, financial and competitive) in which various actors evolve, increasingly reactive and cross sectors (beyond the energy sector). Their dynamics and interdependencies are complex and nonlinear. However, strategies and tactics of various actors, with asymmetric capabilities, are less binary antagonistic than it seems because relations are not reduced to an opposition between consumers and owners, between states and companies. . . From a state perspective, depletion is not only a geopolitical issue, i. E. Control of the resource (production and transit) in a territory, but also a geo-economic challenge: industrial policies’ vitality of various states depends on it. At the same time, the financialization of financial and physical resources markets favours financial actors, focused on diversification and rise of their financial assets. However, this re-examines stability and safety of mining operators and industrial consumers. For example, for the energy sector, security of supplies today concerns lithium, indium, rare earths. . . Finally, the organizational model of primary sector has often characterized by oligopolies, about a given resource. Thus, they control access and transit in order to strengthen their role of price maker and grabbing rent generated: geopolitical determinants are decisive. States and industrials consumers, aware of their dependence, must correct the fragility of their models in a cross-sectoral and global way: some recommendations are suggested in the end of thesis. These operational proposals seek to develop innovative mechanisms to control costs and risks associated with these depletion mechanisms. They suggest particularly to strengthen links between industrial sectors and state policymakers. For the effectiveness of these devices, we must go beyond sectoral approach, especially for energy systems
Saint-Chamaran, Alice H. "Les Communautés européennes et l'Australie." Paris 2, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986PA020013.
Full textCollin, Béatrice. "ALe processus d'internationalisation et la logique des mondes." Paris 12, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA122006.
Full textThis research projects deals with the evolution of the strategic perceptions and reasoning in groups undergoing a growing international development. The first part of the thesis analyzes the logic of the major theoretical works dealing with the internationalisation process. The literature distinguishes very clearly two types of companies as far as internationalisation is concerned: 1- companies undergoing an internationalisation process. They mostly carry out export operations, and, in some cases, set up commercial subsidiaries; 2- highly internationalised companies usually called multinational firms, present in many countries in a variety of forms. As major french groups seem to belong to neither of these two categories, we have decided to carry out three case studies involving the internationalisation process of three french groups in the last 25 years: l'oreal, promodes and rhone-poulenc (cf. Volume 2). This approach leads to two main results: - the concepts and theories commonly used are not fully adequate to explain the international development of the companies we have investigated, - we suggest a three stages model based on the concept of "world". A "world" is a consistent set of perceptions and reasoning systems which shapes the company vision, models its way and pre-structures its decisions. Implementing this model results in the assumption that the companies we have learnt about, may belong to a specific category of international firms which has not yet been described in the literature
Mioc, Roxana Consuela. "Nous, les Autres et le vivre ensemble en relations internationales." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/22820.
Full textPfefferlé-Chauvet, Corinne. "George F. Kennan, l'historien des relations internationales et le moraliste /." Genève : [C. Pfefferlé-Chauvet], 1988. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb349501374.
Full textNoumbissie, Tchamo Daniel Blaise. "La théorie rawlsienne de la justice et les relations internationales." Thesis, Metz, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009METZ029L.
Full textAgainst John Rawls we support the etablishment of distributive justice on a global scale from the theory of social justice shaped by rawls in "Theory of justice" and released to the "Law of peoples. Rawls limits domestically enforcement ot theory of social justice to well-ordered societies although a global basic structure can warrant principles of distributive justice as we claim here. This global distributive justice will explore the same conditions that are already settled at the domestic level in order to respond to the requirements of global economic and social justice. The difference principle requires that social institutions, insofar as they produce inequalities, be structured so as to optimize the index position of the least advantaged. So it takes a great importance in the moral universalism of the theory of justice as fairness from the original position without Rawls's veil of ignorance. In the cosmopolitan view, we join Thomas Pogge, author of Realizing Rawls, to show how this substance ambitious Rawls's theory of social justice might imply in space of law of peoples, to the social position of the least advantaged the current global economie order a touchstone for establisment of the global institutions of the institutions of global bases just anf fair. In doing so, we intend to glocalization social values to bridge gap between Rawl's A theory of justice and Law of peoples and cope with abridgments of first-principle goods for the sake of raising second principle scores. At the end glocal development becomes the new deal for all because of various interconnexions and interferences in the dual game between global and local
Paquin, Stéphane. "La paradiplomatie identitaire : le Québec et la Catalogne en relations internationales." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002IEPP0038.
Full textRobitaille, Caroline. "Relations internationales et pouvoir: Études de cas sur l'Internet et la politique." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27725.
Full textKergoat, Louis. "Charles de Foucauld et l'islam : politique et mystique." Paris 4, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA040430.
Full textCharles de Foucauld is a man very difficult to know, a man very contested specially in the "world of Islam". What are his thoughts on Islam and why did he think them? - this study begins by tracing, day by day, his first contacts with the Muslims, until his death, and even afterwards, with that of disciples. An evolution is witnessed in his thoughts on Islam, from the curious sympathy of the non-believer until the apparent close-mindedness, at the end of his life, to Islam. Charles de Foucauld turned away from Islam, yet turned more and more towards the Muslims, sharing their everyday life, even with the poorest. - the reason why this evolution occurred is outlined in this work. How to explain this evolution? The influence of the social cultures in his time? The influence of politics? The influence of the spiritual factor in his life? - his life of prayer appears to be the motivation of his entire evolution: the passion of worshipping god, of Christ and his imitation of Christ, of man and his love of man. Charles de Foucauld is a political and mystical man; however his mystical life explains his attitude towards Islam. The disciples of Ch. De Foucauld refined the ideas of their founder. - the last part (volume 2), contains all the texts of Ch. De Foucauld, which supports this study. The entire text is given where quotations are used
Lejbowicz, Agnès. "Logique internationale et logique étatique : l'impossible capture de l'humanité." Paris, EHESS, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996EHES0313.
Full textWe cannot deplore the weakness of international law because it does not have the same coercive force to make itself respected as state law has. It is important to discover how it resists the logic of state and keeps the human community from being transformed into a single super-state. The logic of state as a logic of power is opposed to the logic of the international society as a logic of equality (equality of states, international organisations and human beings) and the logic of the dispersion of powers. The international society is an expanding civil society which counter-balances state logic. International law strengthens the legitimatization and sovereignty of states, of all states and, because of its basic principle, which is that of self-determination of nations, tends to increase their number rather than transforming the international scene into a single political scene. International logic does not erase in any way state logic, on the contrary it implies it and relies on it. It is the complement, the reverse, the fault, but also the virtue and the mirror of it. International law tells us what interest there is in keeping the multiple figure of states, for the division of land into territories permits the stabilization of populations, gives them an identity and organizes their wandering without preventing it however. So, international law, while defined as a logic contrary to the state logic, offers us a new understanding of democracy
Pilarski, Cecile. "La gestion partagée des ressources en eau dans le bassin du Congo: État des lieux et perspectives." Thesis, Université Laval, 2009. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2009/26708/26708.pdf.
Full textThe following study deals with the building of cooperation between riparian States of the Congo basin, in Africa. Whilst based on a legal approach, this work goes beyond the theoretical basis of the sharing of freshwater resource, by including geopolitics factors related to the case study. The International law of freshwater resources helps defining the legal framework within which riparian States of a drainage basin organize their cooperation. Recently established, the River basin organization for the Congo “Commission internationale du basin du Congo-Oubangui-Sangha (CICOS)”, proves to be dynamic and proactive. However, pressure coming from regional actors as well as international actors command to be particularly careful about mid-term and long-term management of the water resource in the area.
Chauprade, Aymeric. "La géopolitique : genèse d'une science politique, déterminants et modèles explicatifs." Paris 5, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA05D004.
Full textBerthet, Samuel. "La culture française en Inde de 1870 à 1962 : présences et actions : dynamiques indiennes et politique française." Nantes, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002NANT3009.
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