Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Islam and social problems Indonesia'
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1
Mansurnoor, Iik Arifin 1950. "Ulama, villagers and change : Islam in central Madura." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=72083.
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The ulama in Madura are an inseparable part of the local social structure. Their strategic position has given them an excellent opportunity to exercise a leadership role in the local context. The ulama's niche in the social order of the village and the forces that participate in the process of change can be seen through a study of village religion in a historical context. More specifically, this study examines village religion in a contemporary setting, and focuses on the internal structure of the villages and their relations to the outside world. The ulama play an important role in a number of domains, and thus occupy a central position in society. Indeed, their religious leadership has nurtured the emergence of complex networks of followers and colleagues which have, over time, sustained the stability of the ulama's leadership role in the face of social and political vicissitudes.
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Kassem, Dana. "Electrification and industrial development in Indonesia." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3788/.
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Economists and policymakers have long believed that access to electricity is essential for industrial development, and ultimately growth. Despite this consensus, there is limited evidence of this relationship. In this thesis, I ask whether electrification causes industrial development. I study the effect of the extensive margin of electrification (grid expansion) on the extensive margin of industrial development (firm entry and exit). I combine newly digitized data from the Indonesian state electricity company with rich manufacturing census data. To deal with endogenous grid placement, I build a hypothetical transmission grid based on colonial incumbent infrastructure and geography. The main instrumental variable is the distance to this hypothetical grid. I examine the effect of electrification on local industrial development. To understand when and how electrification can cause industrial development, I shed light on an important economic mechanism - firm turnover. I find that electrification causes industrial development, represented by an increase in the number of manufacturing firms, manufacturing workers, and output. Electrification increases firm entry rates, but also exit rates. Overall, electrification creates new industrial activity, as opposed to reorganizing it across space. I then evaluate the impact of electrification on firm-level performance. I find that connected firms are larger, more likely to exit, and younger. This is consistent with higher turnover at the market level. I look at the implications of the previous results on industry productivity. Higher turnover rates lead to higher average productivity and induce reallocation towards more productive firms. This is consistent with electrification lowering entry costs, increasing competition and forcing unproductive firms to exit more often. Without the possibility of entry or competitive effects of entry, the effects of electrification are likely to be smaller. I use detailed product-level production data to structurally estimate a quantity-based production function, which when combined with price data, allows me to estimate marginal cost. Electrification substantially reduces the cost of production of existing products and their prices. While mark-ups don’t change for incumbent firm-product pairs, the average markup increases in the market. This is due to a selection effect where products produced post access have higher mark-ups. These products are "new" and are more likely to be differentiated.
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Sirojudin, Sirojudin. "Toward welfare pluralism : policy and practice of the Islamic welfare effort in Indonesia." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=81465.
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This study reviews the policy and practice of Islamic social welfare efforts in Indonesia. Findings from this study suggest that Indonesian Islamic welfare policies are ambivalent. The ambivalent character is due, in part, to the need of the government to maintain the status of Indonesia as a secular state, while at the same time, to accommodate Muslim aspirations to practice Islamic social welfare. Some Islamic welfare organizations have succeeded in combining Islamic social welfare programs with a modern social development perspective that is relevant to large national development programs. Dompet Dhuafa Republika's (DD) experience of collecting Islamic welfare funds and developing social welfare programs reveals significant potentials of Islamic welfare efforts to contribute to statutory social welfare services. These findings have shown that there is a promising prospect for Indonesia to further augment a pluralistic social welfare system.
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Kullolli, Arben. "Proselytization in Albania by Middle Eastern Islamic organizations." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Mar/09Mar%5FKullolli.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Kadhim, Abbas ; Shore, Zachary. "March 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 24, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: Revival of Islam in Albania, Islamic Extremists, Religious Tolerance, Democratic Reforms Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-60). Also available in print.
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Pradheksa, Pratama Yudha. "Islam and the Social Construction of Risk: A Discourse Analysis of the Fatwa to the Muria Nuclear Power Plant in Indonesia." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/86275.
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This thesis analyzes Badan Tenaga Atom Nasional (BATAN, the Indonesia National Nuclear Energy Agency and the the Ulama of Pengurus Cabang Nahdlatul Ulama (PCNU, the Islamic scholars of District Branch of Nahdlatul Ulama) Jepara’s different risk assessments of the purposed nuclear power plant in Muria, Indonesia. Using a discourse analysis combined with the social construction of risk from a science and technology studies (STS) perspective, this thesis focuses on the Ulama’s risk assessments, and looks at how the Islamic interpretations of fiqh (Islamic Jurisprudence) and the knowledge of perceived risk of the State’s nuclear inexpertise, environmental degradations, the type of the reactor, and foreign technological dependence are used simultaneously by the Ulama of the PCNU Jepara to construct maslahah (benefits) and mafsadah (disadvantages) on the fatwa to the proposed Muria nuclear power plant. I argue that the different risk assessments converge on the proposed Muria nuclear power plant, which are based on not only scientific and political discourse but also Islamic beliefs. In contrast to alternative forms of knowledge, Islamic belief not only has orientations to the social world but also the afterlife. I found the Ulama’s concerns regarding perceived risk of the State’s nuclear inexpertise did not change whether from the authoritarian regime to the democratic model. Across the contesting political regimes, the Ulama articulated their concerns of perceived risk of the State’s nuclear inexpertise through distrust of the State’s capacities and capabilities in handling a commercial nuclear power plant. Furthermore, the different ways of constructing risk through BATAN and the Ulama depict the contested meaning of national identity after the Indonesia independence. Lastly, this thesis offers a unique view of studying Islam and the social construction of risk from a non-Western context.Master of Science
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Esch, David B. "Trans Terrains: Gendered Embodiments and Religious Landscapes in Yogyakarta, Indonesia." FIU Digital Commons, 2015. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1829.
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Transgendered Indonesians live in the fourth most populated nation in the world with more Muslims than any other country. This thesis summarizes an ethnography conducted on one religiously oriented male-to-female transgender community known in the city of Yogyakarta as the waria. This study analyzes the waria’s gender and religious identities from an emic and etic perspective, focusing on how individuals comport themselves inside the world’s first transgender mosque-like institution called a pesantren waria. The waria take their name from the Indonesian words wanita (woman) and pria (man). I will chart how this male-to-female population create spaces of spiritual belonging and physical security within a territory that has experienced geo-religio-political insecurity: natural disasters, fundamentalist movements, and toppling dictatorships. This work illuminates how the waria see themselves as biologically male, not men. Anatomy is not what gives the waria their gender, their feminine expression and sexual attraction does. Although the waria self-identity as women/waria, in a religious context they perform as men, not women.
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Ishaq, Muhammad. "Socio-political impacts of the contemporary religious movements in AJK Pakistan : an empirical study on competing visions of an ideal Islamic society." Thesis, University of Gloucestershire, 2016. http://eprints.glos.ac.uk/5717/.
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The aim of this study was to explore the emergence of the three main religious movements in AJK Pakistan and empirically investigate how they utilise social and public spaces to achieve their vision for this society. These groups are recognized as Islamic revivalist movements; therefore, the study aims to explore and understand how religiously motivated values function as social visions to shape or transform a society. As AJK society is largely based on the biraderi or caste system, it is important to explore how the above mentioned religious groups, reconcile their religious ideals to address a socially-segregated society. The role of religion, or more specifically, Islam and Islamic activism, is examined by applying sociological methods; the socio-religious and socio-political activities of the Islamic movements are analysed within the paradigms of the Social Movement theory. The study focusses on three main research questions, (i) the emergence of the Islamic movements, (ii) how they utilise or mobilise resources and (iii) how the movements disseminate their values and message into society. Aside from contemporary India and Pakistan, Kashmir has its own very long history of religion, politics, and independence as a kingdom. It consists of a Buddhist kingdom, a Brahman caste structured society, and a Sufi-oriented Muslim state, while the image of post-colonial Kashmir is totally different, which is divided, governed by foreign rules, and holds differing religious and secular ideologies. There are many active Islamic movements who are working in the name of revivalism, or reform, and who aim to bring changes to the society to make an ideal Islamic society according to their own perceived visions. The focus of this study was upon the three social-religious movements that are seeking to bring changes to the AJK society. Jamat-e-Islami (JI) is a well-known Islamic revivalist movement in the subcontinent; which has more than six chapters in six South-Asian countries. The movement uses many strategies to achieve its social, political and religious goals. In AJK, it is actively using different networks, such as education, health, welfare and politics. Minhaj-ul-Qur’an (MQ) is a comparatively new movement, however, the strategies and methods it deploys are quite like those of the JI Movement, but differ in its application of ideology, vision and rhetoric. Khanqah-e-Fatihiya, or Hadhrat Sahib of Gulhar Sharif (GS), is an apolitical movement that has evolved from within AJK. This movement represents the popular Sufi forms of Islam prevalent within AJK society. However, over the last 30 years, its substantial changes demonstrate elements of an internal revival within the AJK tasawwuf sects, which also emphasise ‘economic and religious emancipation’. The study highlights how these movements adopt different tactics to promote their ideologies through a variety of means, hence, how socio-religious and socio-political strategies are operating in a society which is mainly based on the caste system. As an exploratory, qualitative and ethnographic study, the research is based on three case studies centred on the above mentioned Islamic movements. The study concluded that all three movements had different goals and focus in AJK, for example, JI uses a state-centric approach, MQ mainly concentrates on society, whereas, the Sufi tariqa is an individual-centric movement. All three movements utilise an individual movement structure and apply differing methods to convey their message, in AJK.
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Murniati, Sri. "Conditions for Moderation: Unpacking the Inclusion Experience of Islamist Parties in Three Different Political Systems in Indonesia." Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1219832770.
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Elizarni, FNU. "Gender, Conflict, Peace: The Roles of Feminist Popular Education During and After the Conflict in Aceh, Indonesia." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1605018870170842.
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Love, Kaleen E. "The politics of gender in a time of change : gender discourses, institutions, and identities in contemporary Indonesia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e7aea965-c1aa-43b0-bc76-3bc743e90879.
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This dissertation fundamentally explores the nature of change, and the development interventions that aim to bring this change into a particular society. What emerges is the notion of a ‘spiral’: imagining the dynamic relationship between paradigms and discourses, the institutions and programmes operating in a place, and the way individual identities are constructed in intricate and contradictory ways. Within this spiral, discourse has power – ‘words matter’ – but equally significant is how these words interact dialogically with concrete social structures and institutions – ‘it takes more than changing words to change the world’. Furthermore, these changes are reacted to, and expressed in, the physical, sexed body. In essence, change is ideational, institutional, and embodied. To investigate the politics of change, this dissertation analyses the spiral relationships between gender discourses, institutions, and identities in contemporary Indonesia, focusing on their transmission across Java. It does so by exploring the Indonesian state’s gender policies in the context of globalisation, democratisation, and decentralisation. In this way, the lens of gender allows us to analyse the dynamic interactions between state and society, between ideas and institutions, which impact on everything from cultural structures to physical bodies. Research focuses on the gender policies of the Indonesian Ministry of Women’s Empowerment, substantiated with case study material from United Nations Population Fund reproductive health programmes in West Java. Employing a multi-level, multi-vocal theoretical framework, the thesis analyses gender discourses and relational structures (how discourses circulate to construct the Indonesian woman), gender institutions and social structures (how discourses are translated into programmes), and gender identities and embodied structures (how discourses enter the home and the body). Critically, studying gender requires analysing the human body as the site of both structural and symbolic power. This dissertation thus argues for renewed emphasis on a ‘politics of the body’, recognising that bodies are the material foundations from which gender discourses derive their naturalising power and hence ability to structure social relations. The danger of forgetting this politics of the body is that it allows for slippage between ‘gender’ and ‘women’; policy objectives cannot be disentangled from the reality of physical bodies and their social construction. This thesis therefore argues that there are distinct and even inverse impacts of gender policies in Indonesia. As the ‘liberal’ and ‘modern’ assumptions of gender equality are overlaid onto the patriarchal culture of a society undergoing transformation, women’s bodies and women’s sexuality are always and ever the focus of the social gaze. The gender policies and interventions affecting change on discursive and institutional levels may thus provoke reaction at the level of individual identities that are contrary to explicit intentions. In effect, projects that purport to work on ‘gender’ are often so deeply rooted in underlying gender normativity that their net effect is to reinscribe these gender hierarchies. By exposing the contradictions in these underlying paradigms we gain insight into the politics of a transforming society. Furthermore, engaging with the politics of the body allows us to analyse the spiral processes between discourse and practice, the question of power, and the way men and women embody social structures and experience social transformation.
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Ahmed, Shamila Kouser. "The impact of the 'war on terror' on Birmingham's Pakistani/Kashmiri Muslims' perceptions of the state, the police and Islamic identities." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3635/.
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This thesis explores British Muslims’ counter discourse to the ‘war on terror’ through revealing the impact of the dominant ‘war on terror’ discourse created by the state. The research explores the counter discourse through investigating the impact of the ‘war on terror’ on Birmingham’s Pakistani / Kashmiri Muslims’ perceptions of the state, the police and Islamic identities before the ‘war on terror’ and since the ‘war on terror’. The theoretical perspectives of cosmopolitanism and citizenship are used as a foundation from which the ‘war on terror’ and the role of the state and the police in the ‘war on terror’ can be deconstructed, critiqued and reconstructed according to Muslim citizens’ perceptions. In particular attention is paid to the challenges and difficulties the 32 respondents interviewed for the research have faced since the ‘war on terror’. Many themes emerged through this framework and the core themes were injustice, legitimacy and human rights. The impact of the ‘war on terror’ showed the battle for Islamic identity construction versus resistance and the negative impact of regulatory discourses on perceptions of commonality, unity and shared identities.
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Billaud, Julie. "Malalay's sisters : women's public visibility in 'post war/reconstruction' Afghanistan." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2010. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/2396/.
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This thesis investigates the modalities and conditions of Afghan women's reappearance in the public domain following the downfall of the Taliban regime. Based on a twelvemonth ethnographic fieldwork conducted in 2007 among different groups of women (women MPs, women's rights activists, female University Students) mostly based in Kabul, I study women's responses to various social anxieties that have emerged as a consequence of this new visibility. I argue that while the current ‘reconstruction' project has opened new possibilities for women and created new imaginaries pertaining to their role in society, the ideological framework (i.e liberal notions of equality and human rights etc.) on which it is grounded together with the strong military presence of foreign troops, have fuelled tensions at different levels of the Afghan society. Pressurized by their community to remain faithful to their ‘culture', ‘religion' and ‘tradition' on one hand, and encouraged to access the public and become ‘visible' by global forces on the other hand, women have been left with little choice but to adapt and find alternative ways to preserve a sense of autonomy. I describe these tactics as ‘oppositional practices of everyday life' (De Certeau 1984), i.e complex practices of dissimulation which under the necessary appearance of compliance and conformity allow women to reconfigure social norms and create new spaces for themselves. More generally, this work engages with issues such as nationalism, Islam, gender, veiling, modernity, agency, rights and the public sphere.
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Muhtadi, Burhanuddin. "Thinking Globally, Acting Locally: A Social Movement Theory Approach of The Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and Its Islamist Transnational Framing." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144666.
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Over the last five years, there is evidence of an emerging
interest in the application of theories and approaches from
social movement perspectives to Islamic movements in a broad
sense. Such emerging research has mostly been undertaken in the
Middle East and North Africa, but not in Southeast Asia. By
applying the fundamentals of social movement theory i.e.,
political opportunity structure (POS), resource mobilisation
theory and collective action frames, I will examine the emergence
and the rise of the Islamist Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in
Indonesian politics. PKS emerged from quiet conversations among
students in secular universities who subsequently transformed
their activism into a political movement. PKS attracted public
and scholarly attention since its success in increasing vote in
by six hundred percent, from 1.4 percent in 1999 to 7.3% in 2004.
I demonstrate that social movement approach can shed important
light on the dynamics of PKS. Results of this study suggest that
PKS: (1) emerged from an array of tumultuous social and political
conditions that gave rise a favourable political opportunity
structure; (2) took advantage of expanding political
opportunities by enhancing its resource mobilisation, including
its organisational structures, cadres and recruitment, financial
assets, and communication networks; and (3) consciously responded
to the significant increase in political opportunities and its
organisational capacities to mobilise supporters with shared
ideas, beliefs and values.
In addition, I argue that PKS cannot be seen as merely a
political party which only articulates its political agenda
within the framework of institutionalised politics, but it also
acts as a SMO, which vigorously engages in collective action. No
other party is so active in mobilising their supporters on the
streets. In this sub-thesis, I will examine the behaviour of PKS
by employing protest-event analysis, which is commonly used in
the tradition of social movement research. My study captured 225
PKS collective events as reported by Kompas, Republika, and the
results suggest that PKS' collective actions have been driven by
a strong sense of anti-Zionism and anti-Americanism as well as
support for the Palestine cause. This indicates PKS'
preoccupation with distant but religiously charged issues. It is
true that anti-Israeli and America sentiments are widespread in
Indonesian Muslim circles. Unlike PKS, however, other Muslim
organisations' anti Israeli and America stance does not manifest
in direct actions.
By using timing and sequence indicators, I found that during
election time in 1999 and 2004, the number of PKS’ predecessor,
PK and PKS collective actions declined significantly. Aside from
the increasing participation of PKS in election process, this
decrease of PKS actions at election time can be seen as a wish to
avoid alienating voters by appearing militantly Islamic.
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Sholeh, Badrus. "Ethno-religious conflict and reconciliation : dynamics of Muslim and Christian relationships in Ambon." Phd thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110511.
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This thesis analyses the Ambon conflict from 1999 to 2002, and discusses the
reconciliation process by which the conflict was resolved. It argues that there were two
significant factors in the conflict. First, ethno-religious segregation existed in the
Ambonese islands from pre-colonial times until the present. Under the New Order regime
(1965-1998) a situation of Christian dominance changed to one of Muslim dominance in
terms of access to local political power and economic resources. Secondly, a culture of
premanism existed whereby gangs, thugs and laskars with the support of State elements
(including security forces) were able to incite ethno-religious conflict. Both 'state
premanism' and loose informal groups, coming under the category of 'private
premanism', played a pivotal role in instigating, inflaming and continuing the conflict by
provoking both the Muslim and Christian communities to attack each other.
The Coker preman, an Ambon-based gang, under leadership of Berty Loupatty and Agus
Wattimena (50, d. 2001), had operated in Muslim and Christian regions since the 1980s.
They gained the support of elements in the Indonesian Armed Forces who used them to
instigate the earlier conflict in December 1998 and the conflict from 19 January 1999
onwards. With the aid of handy-talkies, hand-phones and standard military weapons, the
provocateurs successfully forced Ambonese Muslims and Christians into ethno-religious
conflict. Christians were provoked to oppose having transmigrant and migrant (Butonese,
Buginese, Makassarese, Javanese and Sumatran (called BBM)) Muslims, living with them
in the islands. By contrast, both indigenous and migrant Muslims assumed that Christians
cooperated with the separatist Republik Maluku Selatan (RMS) group, as represented by
the Front Kedaulatan Maluku (FKM, Moluccan Sovereign Front) with Alex Manuputty as
chairperson. Rumours spread that Christians were seeking to conduct Muslim-cleansing in
the Moluccas. In March 1999, Javanese Muslims responded by declaring a Jihad against
the Christians-cum-separatists, to protect Ambonese Muslims from Christian slaughter
and to defend the Indonesian nation against the separatist threat. Furthermore, in the name
of religion and nationalism, the Laskar Jihad took up the banner of Jihad in Ambon in
January 2000. This Jihad movement forced Ambonese Christians to seek a greater Christian solidarity and to mobilise in the form of the Laskar Kristus (Christ Warriors).
They also sought international intervention to resolve the conflict.
Mainstream Ambonese Muslims and Christians were eager to forge a reconciliation. They
had attempted to do so from the early stages of the conflict in January 1999 up until the
Malino II agreement in February 2002. Muslims and Christians proposed the strategy of
re-implementating the Pela Gandong tradition as a basis for inter-ethnic or inter-religious
harmony. Measures to ensure equality of public access to political positions and economic
resources for both the Muslim and Christian communities had to be negotiated. This
underlined to both communities the importance of structuring a local democracy, by
assimilating local tradition and modem values. It also highlighted the necessity for real
power and economic-sharing arrangements under professional security forces in the spirit
of regional autonomy.
15
Lessy, Zulkipli. "Philanthropic zakat for empowering Indonesia's poor : a qualitative study of recipient experiences at Rumah Zakat." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/4038.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)Existing zakat research reports little information about the living conditions of Indonesian zakat recipients. This study examined the perceptions of zakat recipients at Rumah Zakat, a charitable institution, in Yogyakarta. Semi-structured interviews solicited seven economic empowerment and seven socio-health program respondents’ narratives. This data collection method incorporating multiple approaches to data analysis, including phenomenology, revealed that economic empowerment respondents with more education and spousal support could better subsist after utilizing Rumah Zakat’s interest-free loans. And, compared to individual efforts or group support, spousal support helped significantly with business growth. These respondents typically earned incomes above the national standard of poverty. As their businesses grew, four respondents planned to employ the jobless. In the socio-health program, respondents had minimal education and incomes that fell below the national standard of poverty. A Rumah Zakat clinic gave these respondents four to five years of free health care services; it also facilitated collaborative learning. Although the services lowered their expenses, three respondents requested food distribution in addition to health care. Respondents benefiting from both programs reported a significant positive impact on their home economies, health, and social lives. Thus, an integrative program offering assistance with micro-credits, health care, food security, and education would better serve the poor.
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Makhasin, Luthfi. "Sokaraja has many santri: Sufism, market culture, and the Muslim business community in Banyumas, Central Java." Master's thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150335.
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Tule, Philipus. "Longing for the house of God, dwelling in the house of the ancestors : local belief, Christianity and Islam among the Kéo of Central Flores." Phd thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148477.
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Turmudi, Endang. "Struggling for the umma : changing leadership roles of kiai in Jombang, East Java." Phd thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144439.
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Naily, Nabiela. "Nyai and gender awareness in pesantren and the traditionalist muslim community in East Java." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148227.
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Gayatri, Gita. "Re-specifying a service quality instrument to an Islamic perspective." Phd thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149955.
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Damar, Alita P. "HIV, AIDS and gender issues in Indonesia : implications for policy : an application of complexity theory." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18691.
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The aim of the study was to offer solutions for the enhancement of Indonesia’s HIV
and AIDS policy and to suggest future possibilities. In the process, the gendered
nature of the epidemic was explored. In light of the relatively lower rates of
employment among Indonesian women, this study also sought to gain insights into
the possible reasons for many women appearing to be attached to domesticity.
In the first phase of the study, interviews with stakeholders in HIV and AIDS
prevention were conducted, followed by a Delphi exercise involving 23 HIV and
AIDS experts. In the second phase, 28 women from various ethnicities were
interviewed, including those in polygamous and contract marriages. The overall
results were interpreted through the lens of complexity theory.
Fewer than half of the proposed objectives were approved by the experts in the
Delphi round. These were interventions mainly aimed at the risk groups while most
objectives relating to education about HIV and AIDS and safer sex for the general
public failed to obtain consensus. Reasons for the lack of consensus were
differences in perceptions associated with human rights, moral reasoning, the
unfeasibility of certain statements and personal conviction about the control of the epidemic. Emphasis on men’s and women’s innate characteristics; men’s role as
breadwinner; women’s primary role as wife, mother and educator of their children;
and unplanned pregnancies emerged as major themes from the qualitative phase.
While the adat and Islam revival movements may have endorsed the ideals of the
New Order state ideology, Javanese rituals regarded as violating Islam teachings
were abandoned. Ignorance about safer sex and HIV and AIDS was also established. Interpretation of the results through the lens of complexity theory revealed that the
national HIV and AIDS policy needs to encompass interventions for the general
population, which would include comprehensive sex education in schools and
media campaigns focusing on women. It was found that women’s vulnerability to
HIV and their penchant for domesticity appear to be associated with their
perceived primary role as wife and mother, as promoted by the adat-based New Order state ideology.Sociology
D. Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)