Journal articles on the topic 'Islam and politics – India'
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Kooria, Mahmood. "Politics, Economy and Islam in ‘Dutch Ponnāni’, Malabar Coast." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 62, no. 1 (December 10, 2019): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341473.
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AbstractPonnāni was a port in southwestern India that resisted the Portuguese incursions in the sixteenth century through the active involvement of religious, mercantile and military elites. In the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Ponnāni was the only place where the Dutch East India Company had commercial access into the kingdom of the Zamorins of Calicut. When the Dutch gained prominence in the coastal belt, this port town became the main centre for their commercial, diplomatic, and political transactions. But as a religious centre it began to recede into oblivion in the larger Indian Ocean and Islamic scholarly networks. The present article examines this dual process and suggests important reasons for the transformations. It argues that the port town became crucial for diplomatic and economic interests of the Dutch East India Company and the Zamorins, whereas its Muslim population became more parochial as they engaged with themselves than with the larger socio-political and scholarly networks.
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Krishna, Gopal. "Islam, minority status and citizenship: Muslim experience in India." European Journal of Sociology 27, no. 2 (November 1986): 353–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600004653.
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Indian muslims have been a large and an active constituent of Indian politics and society for a very long time. Throughout the twentieth century their political endeavours have been directed towards achieving communal autonomy in a plural society. The aspiration to autonomy has been sufficiently strong to unite an otherwise extremely heterogeneous population, divided by language, class, caste and sect. Muslim politics were never monolithic but the dominant tendency was wedded to the cause of autonomy, which entailed a substantial struggle to determine the character and the scope of the state's jurisdiction.
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Aquil, Raziuddin. "Making Sense of the Languages of Islam in Medieval North India1." Comparative Islamic Studies 1, no. 1 (February 4, 2007): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v1i1.93.
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An extensive review of Muzaffar Alam's The Languages of Political Islam in India c 1200-1800 in which the reviewer concludes that 'despite the author's adherence to liberal/progressive values within Islam and commitment to secular politics in contemporary India, which have restrained him in a large measure, this work has almost everything in it to become a classic.'
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Fazalbhoy, Nasteen. "Islam, Politics and Social Movements." American Journal of Islam and Society 9, no. 3 (October 1, 1992): 416–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v9i3.2579.
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This book contains thirteen well-researched case studies on social movements in North Africa, India, the Middle East, and Iran. Each movement differs,as the issues and concerns vary according to area. This diversity is mademanageable by a neat categorization taking into account geography, periodization,and problematics, for example, and by the editors' clear explanation,in the first part of the book, of how the articles are arranged. In the second partare articles by Von Sivers, Clancy-Smith, Colonna, and Voll. Each authoranalyzes resistance and millenarian movements in precolonial (i.e., nineteenthandearly twentieth-century) North Africa. Part three, with articles by Frietag,Gilmartin and Swdenburg, deals with more contemporary issues, such asIslam and nationalism in India and Palestine. Part four discusses labor movements in Egypt and northern Nigeria (Beinin, Goldberg, Lubeck), while partfive looks at the Iranian revolution and the mles of Imam Khomeini and AliShari'ati in defining and inspiring it (Algar, Abrahamian, Keddie).One of the main issues that must be addressed when dealing with socialmovements in Islamic societies is whether they are really "Islamic" or whetherthey just happen to be taking place in Muslim Societies. Lapidus, in his introductoryessay, brings out the main issues when he says that the movements arestudied "in order to explore their self-conception and symbols, the econofnicand political conditions under which they developed, and their relation toagrarian and capitalist economic structum and to established state regimes andelites" (p. 3). The authors look at social, structural, and ideological featureswithout giving exclusive primacy to one or the other. Burke stresses this point.In his article, he discusses methodological issues and places the studies in thecontext of contemporary modes of analyses such as the "new cultural" and the"new social history" methods inspired by E. P. Thompson and others. Thisessay is an invaluable introduction to the case studies. Placing the movementsin the context of changes occurring in the Islamic world as well as in the contextof wider political and social events, the essay allows one to make comparisonsacmss the different areas covered in terms of popular culture, patternsof collective action, the problem of Islam and secularism, and other aspects.The articles range from the role of Islamic symbols (i.e., the mosque inIndia) in articulating new political organizations designed to deal with the ...
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PUROHIT, TEENA. "Identity Politics Revisited: Secular and ‘Dissonant’ Islam in Colonial South Asia." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 3 (November 10, 2010): 709–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x10000181.
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AbstractThis paper analyzes the political project of secular Islam as outlined by the Indian political and religious leader, Muhammad Shah—also known as Aga Khan III (1877–1957). As first president of the All India Muslim League, Muhammad Shah facilitated the installation of separate electorates for Muslims as well as the call for Partition. The reformist notion of Islam he invoked for this separatist programme was informed by the secular and modernizing projects of the colonial public sphere. Simultaneously, however, Muhammad Shah claimed a divine role as Imam of the Ismaili Muslim community—a position validated by Ismaili beliefs and teachings of messianic Islam. The paper engages Muhammad Shah's writings and the devotional texts of the Ismailis to illustrate how the heterogeneous forms of practices peculiar to the vernacular history of Islam in early modern South Asia were displaced by the discourse of religious identity in the colonial period.
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Schofield, Victoria. "The population myth, Islam family planning and politics in India." Round Table 111, no. 6 (November 2, 2022): 743–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2022.2149119.
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Mohomed, Carimo. ""Islam" as the national identity for the formation of Pakistan: the political thought of Muhammad Iqbal and Abu'l 'Ala Mawdudi." História (São Paulo) 33, no. 1 (June 2014): 317–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0101-90742014000100015.
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In 1930, Muhammad Iqbal (1877-1938) devised for the first time the creation of a separate state for the Indian Muslims, for whom, according to him, the main formative force through History had been Islam. Although predicated upon secular ideologies, the Pakistan movement was able to mobilize the masses only by appealing to Islam. Nationalism became dependent on Islam and, as a result, politicized the faith. A number of Muslim religious and communal organizations pointed to the importance of promoting Muslim nationalism, political consciousness and communal interests. As the creation of Pakistan became more and more likely, Abu'l 'Ala Mawdudi (1903-1979) increased his attacks on the Muslim League, objecting to the idea of Muslim nationalism because it would exclude Islam from India. The increasingly communal character of the Indian politics of the time, and the appeal made to religious symbols in the formulation of new political alliances and programmes by various Muslim groups as well as Muslim League leaders, created a climate in which Mawdudi's theological discourse found understanding and relevance. This paper, using especially the political thought of Muhammad Iqbal and Abu'l 'Ala Mawdudi, analyses how Islam was used to justify a separate state for the Indian Muslims, and the impacts on and challengesto the political process and its evolution, at the same time that it concludes that "Islam", as a political symbol, can have many forms according to the ideas previously held by those who use it.
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Mannan, Md Abdul. "Islam’s role in Bangladesh–Pakistan Alignment against India under the BNP’s Rule." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 74, no. 2 (April 18, 2018): 138–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928418766685.
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This article engages with Bangladesh’s policy of seeking alignment with Pakistan, pursued by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) government in different tenures from the 1990s on. In this endeavour, the article takes into account the BNP’s politics of Islamic identity as a key variable of analysis. This identity factor tacitly presents Bangladesh, Pakistan and India as ‘Muslim Bangladesh’, ‘Muslim Pakistan’, and ‘Hindu India’, respectively. It frames ‘Muslim Pakistan’ as a mutual ally of ‘Muslim Bangladesh’ and shares with Pakistan a view of ‘Hindu India’ as the enemy-other. It operates in foreign policy through domestic politics in Bangladesh, wherein for the BNP, being anti-Indian is synonymous with being pro-Islam. It is claimed in this article that this politics of Islamic identity draws Bangladesh into an alignment with Pakistan, dragging Bangladesh into Pakistan’s own conflict with India.
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Esha, Muhammad In'am. "AGAMA SIKH DI INDIA: Sejarah Kemunculan, Ajaran dan Aktivitas Sosial-Politik." El-HARAKAH (TERAKREDITASI) 8, no. 1 (December 8, 2008): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/el.v8i1.4615.
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<p>The paper examines the Sikhism on its history, doctrines, and political activities. The Sikhism was founded by Guru Nanak whose ideology was initially closed to Islam and further moved to Hindu. However, the political conflict in India between Hindu and Islam is as one strong reason to make eclecticism. Therefore, the doctrines of Sikhism were taken from Islam on one side and Hindu on another side. It results in the Sikhism as a dualistic doctrine in its concept on God, human beings and nature. The Sikhism was involved conflict in India's society when the leader of Sikhism dragged in the political sphere. In the beginning it tried to mediate the conflict between Islam and Hindu. However, it turned to be a trigger into triangle conflict, The Sikh, Islam and Hindu. It becomes obvious that religion is not immune from political conflict, as politics can also become the conflict trigger among religions.</p><p> </p><p>Makalah ini mengkaji Sikhisme mengenai sejarah, doktrin, dan aktivitas politiknya. Sikhisme didirikan oleh Guru Nanak yang ideologinya awalnya tertutup bagi Islam dan selanjutnya beralih ke Hindu. Namun, konflik politik di India antara Hindu dan Islam adalah salah satu alasan kuat untuk membuat eklektisisme. Oleh karena itu, doktrin Sikhisme diambil dari Islam di satu sisi dan Hindu di sisi lain. Ini menghasilkan Sikhisme sebagai doktrin dualistik dalam konsepnya tentang Tuhan, manusia dan alam. Sikhisme terlibat konflik di masyarakat India ketika pemimpin Sikhisme menyeret dalam ranah politik. Pada awalnya ia berusaha menengahi konflik antara Islam dan Hindu. Namun, hal itu berubah menjadi pemicu konflik segitiga, Sikh, Islam dan Hindu. Menjadi jelas bahwa agama tidak kebal dari konflik politik, karena politik juga bisa menjadi pemicu konflik antar agama.</p>
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Thodika, Shaheen Kelachan. "Iranian Islamic Revolution and the Transformation of Islamist Discourse in Southern India: 1979–1992." Religions 14, no. 1 (January 16, 2023): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14010130.
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By focusing on the publications of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind (JIH) in the Malayalam language, this article argues that the 1979 Iranian Islamic Revolution (IIR) marked a rupture from the disenchantments of the 1947 partition of British India and Cold War-centered politics for the Islamists of Kerala. This rupture from the colonial past and a Western-inspired intellectual climate had resonances in the discourse on Islam in Kerala. The Iranian revolution not only imported the idea of Islamism or revolution but also a renewed interest in democracy, modernity and the idea of “Islamist political” to the southwest coast of India. In an attempt to write an intellectual history of emotions related to the IIR, this paper argues that in the case of Islamists, there was a strong tendency to break from the intellectual discourse of the nation-state and begin afresh in politics, and the moment of 1979 provided what they sought for long.
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Siddiqi, Mohammad A. "Conversion to Islam Untouchables' Strategy for Protest in India." American Journal of Islam and Society 7, no. 2 (September 1, 1990): 258–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v7i2.2795.
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Many Indians were taken by surprise, anger, and dismay by severalthousand South Indian untouchables when they converted to Islam in 1981-82.Hindu chauvinists violently reacted and formed the Vishva Hindu Prishadwhich later occupied the famous mosque built by the first Mughul ruler ofIndia, Babur. Since then many attempts have been made to analyze the causesof the mass conversion which still continues, although not in large numbers.Abdul Malik's book carefully examines the regional and local causes as wellas the consequences of this mass conversion to Islam. Malik explains theelements of the complex social matrix in which the untouchables usedconversion as a "conscious and articulate protest" against a cruel and unjustcaste system. This unique study provides a thorough sociological perspectivethat deepens our understanding of more than 200 million untouchables of India.Malik explains, in the first chapter, the methodological and theoreticalbasis as well as the framework of his study. He raises relevant questionsthat have been answered in the latter part of the book, questions such as:Why did the untouchables resort to the extreme measure of conversion? Werethe conversions isolated cases or were they part of a long-term strategy? Whywas Islam as a religion chosen? Malik suggests that the main variables inthe process of conversion were the untouchables’ “aggressive and assertivebehavior.” While developing his own thesis, Malik carefully examines similarstudies by political sociologists such as Feierbend, Gum, Grimshaw, Niebuhrand others. He critically evaluates their work and draws meaningful similarities.Yet he establishes a more comprehensive framework by redefining many termssuch as violence and psychological violence in the context of the untouchables’conversion to Islam.The second, third, and fourth chapters provide a detailed understandingof the caste system that is the core of Indian politics, the economic, social,political, and cultural milieu of the untouchables, the pervasiveness ofuntouchability in the Indian society, the nature of violence against theuntouchables, and the helplessness of ’the untouchables in dealing with thepolitical power that is embedded in the caste hierarchy of the social systemin India ...
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Ganayee, Shameem Ahamad. "Book review: S. Y. Quraishi, The Population Myth: Islam, Family Planning and Politics in India." Indian Journal of Human Development 16, no. 2 (August 2022): 403–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09737030221118608.
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Zubair, Muhammad, Aamer Raza, and Saiful Islam. "The coexistence of religion and politics in Pakistan: an analysis of historical, social, and political factors." Journal of Humanities, Social and Management Sciences (JHSMS) 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 435–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.jhsms/3.1.30.
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In the context of Pakistan, the connection between religion and politics predates its existence. Islam was the faith on which All India Muslim League based its demand for a separate country for India's Muslims. Since independence in 1947, the country's political and constitutional evolution has been significantly influenced by the religion; as political, economic, social, and constitutional debates centred on Islam. Islam has always been a major theme of official ideology in one form or another in practically all political administrations, whether they were under democratic or military authority. In this paper, we have discussed the elements that contributed to the emergence of Islamist political power in the country, using pertinent instances from historical events and political decisions made by successive governments and regimes to illustrate how politics and religion interact. For this purpose, we used secondary technique of data collection i.e., ‘Document Analysis’ and relied on primary sources such as the Constitutions of Pakistan and secondary sources e.g., books and research articles, etc. The study is an extensive review of the existing literature on the subject. The study’s findings show that the state, over the decades, has used the instrument of religion at different times for different purposes.
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Bhargava, Meena. "Book Review: Culture and Politics: Afghans and Islam in Medieval North India." Indian Historical Review 35, no. 1 (January 2008): 264–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/037698360803500117.
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Khan, Abdul Qayum, and Nadeem Ahmad. "A BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO ALLAMA MUHAMMAD IQBAL’S POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 03, no. 04 (December 31, 2021): 338–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v3i4.300.
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In Iqbal’s political philosophy and practice, parliamentary spiritual democratic system is universalistic and particularistic in its range. Global in nature, it is anchored in the religion of Islam that gives it a universal look. In 1926, when he entered politics to realize this ideal in practice, his ideas started to reflect the political scenario of the subcontinent. Besides Islam, Iqbal had made use of a good deal of western political concepts of nationalism, democracy, secularism, sovereignty, ethics of politics and communism. But he neither fully appreciates nor discards out rightly all these concepts. On the other hand, he has expounded his own political ideals of Tauhid, Khudi, Marde Momin, Islamic democracy, Millat, etc. Through these patterns of thought, Iqbal try to train an individual, a society and a global Islamic order. This universal order as it is construed from the concept of ummah will strive for the promotion of pan-humanism, i.e., freedom, brotherhood, and equality of humanity. In this paper Iqbal’s political philosophy, his concept of Khudi, how he perceives an ideal society will be analyzed. It will also be highlight that how his political philosophy changed from one stage to another. Keywords: Allama Iqbal, Political Philosophy, Muslim Society in India, Islam, Nation-State
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ALAVI, SEEMA. "‘Fugitive Mullahs and Outlawed Fanatics’: Indian Muslims in nineteenth century trans-Asiatic Imperial Rivalries." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 6 (May 12, 2011): 1337–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000266.
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AbstractThis paper follows the careers of ‘outlawed’ Indian Muslim subjects who moved outside the geographical and political space of British India and located themselves at the intersection of nineteenth century trans-Asiatic politics: Hijaz, Istanbul and the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire, and Burma and Acheh in the East. These areas were sites where ‘modern’ Empires (British, Dutch, Ottoman and Russian) coalesced to lay out a trans-Asiatic imperial assemblage. The paper shows how Muslim ‘outlaws’ made careers and carved out their transnational networks by moving across the imperial assemblages of the nineteenth century. British colonial rule, being an important spoke in the imperial wheel, enabled much of this transnationalism to weld together. Webs of connections derived from older forms of Islamic connectivity as well: diplomacy, kinship ties, the writing of commentaries on Islam and its sacred texts in unique ways, oral traditions, madrasa and student contacts. These networks were inclusive and impacted by the tanzimat-inspired scriptural reformist thought in the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire. They were not narrowly anti-colonial in tone as they derived from a complex inter-play of imperial rivalries in the region. Rather, they were geared towards the triumph of reformist Islam that would unite the umma (community) and engage with the European world order. The paper shows how this imperially-embedded and individual-driven Muslim transnational network linked with Muslim politics rooted within India.
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Gupta, Charu. "Allegories of “Love Jihad” and Ghar Vāpasī." Archiv orientální 84, no. 2 (September 18, 2016): 291–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.84.2.291-316.
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In modern India, the year 2014 was marked by the ascendency of Hindu nationalist forces in politics. At a subterranean level, it was also witness to cries of “love jihad” and ghar vāpasī. “Love jihad” was alleged to be a movement aimed at forcibly converting vulnerable Hindu women to Islam through trickery and marriage and ghar vāpasī was a metaphor deployed by the Hindu Right to prevent religious conversions out of Hinduism and to simultaneously encourage “reconversions.” This essay examines the larger politics behind these aggressive campaigns. It highlights how both these movements were charged with a moral and communal fervor, adopting an unrestrained anti-Christianity and anti- Islam polemic. It argues that such idioms signal the interlocking of the social and the religious with the political. Furthermore, they also reflect the deep-seated anxieties of Hindu Right politics regarding female free will, the subversive potential of love, pliable and ambiguous religious identities, and syncretic socio-religious practices, all of which continue to exist in different forms.
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Amir Arjomand, Saïd. "The Salience of Political Ethic in the Spread of Persianate Islam." Journal of Persianate Studies 1, no. 1 (2008): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187471608784772751.
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AbstractPersianate Islam developed in close connection with the rise of independent monarchies and state formation in Iran from the last decades of the ninth century onward. Political ethic and norms of statecraft developed under the Sāmānids and Ghaznavids, and constituted a major component of Persianate Islam from the very beginning. When Islam spread to India under the Delhi Sultanate in the thirteenth century and to the Sultanates in Malaysia and Indonesia after the fifteenth, Persianate political ethic was one of its two salient components, Sufism being the other. The immigrating Persian bureaucratic class engaged in state formation for Indian rulers became the carriers of this political ethic, importing it in its entirety and together with symbols and institutions of royalty and justice. With the continued eastward expansion of Islam, Persianate political ethic and royal institutions spread beyond India into the sprawling Malay world.
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Sheikh, Shayan. "India's Muslims: The 'Other' Within?" Columbia Journal of Asia 1, no. 1 (April 26, 2022): 74–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.52214/cja.v1i1.9372.
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Three assumptions have been crucial to the Hindu Right wing’s discourse in post independence India. Firstly, this discourse takes as a priori that Islam is a foreign import to India. Accordingly, the coming of the faith to the subcontinent during the Medieval period is seen as having ‘cataclysmic’ implications, disturbing its erstwhile tranquility in the form of forced conversions, temple desecrations and so on. Secondly, this discourse conceives Modern Indian Muslims as a discrete, homogenous community, whose loyalty is at worst questionable, on account of their affiliation with a foreign civilization. Lastly, in its self-perception, the Hindu Right partly derives legitimacy by presenting itself as successors and custodians of a Millennium-old Hindu subjectivity: a collective Hindu trauma precipitated by the cataclysmic coming of Islam in India, which enables a vision of the latter atrocities through ‘memory’. Critics often point to the violent implications of this discourse for Indian Muslims, especially since the rise of the BJP in the late 20th Century and the waves of communal violence that it has left in its wake. Less often do critics delve into the historical veracity of the Hindu Right’s claims. Far from being an ‘objective’ contact with memory, I will show how the Hindu Right’s discourse derives its genealogy from the British colonial discourse on Islam and the Muslim community in India. I shall do so by analyzing British colonial narratives, in relation to statements on Muslims issued by the two earliest RSS chiefs. Moreover, I will highlight how this discourse grossly oversimplifies the history of Islam in the subcontinent. This kind of a historical critique will be significant in unsettling the Hindu Right’s claims to memory and not just in condemning the violent manifestations of its politics.
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Rashedul, Mohammad. "Reveal the Civilization of Contemporary Islam in Children in India." International Journal of Science and Society 2, no. 2 (July 6, 2020): 279–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/ijsoc.v2i2.122.
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Civilization and culture in the arm of the continent of India had undergone the rise and fall since the colonialism era until the independence day. It can be illustrated by the domination of political map which had existed since the arrival of foreign nation, especially England until they got their indepence. The condition of Indian society at that time was full of contradiction, religion coflicts, quarrelling, robbery, various race, certain group interest dominating, and etc. From this condition, it born many great islamic political figures like Syeh Ahmad Sirhindi, Shah Waliyullah and the next generation, Sayyid Ahmad Khan and the next generation, Indian Moslem League. Which finally made India and Pakistan Independence (1947 M) and Bangladesh’s (1971M). Next, these three countries, which are the same in term of historical country have also various dynamic and sophisticated improvement of Islam.
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Laskar, Sakir Hossain. "Islam and Sufism in South Asia." ISLAMIC STUDIES 61, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 331–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.52541/isiri.v61i3.2430.
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In his Lovers of God: Sufism and the Politics of Islam in Medieval India, Raziuddin Aquil studied the role of Sufis in preaching Islam in medieval South Asia. He saw the preaching of Islam in South Asia as a gradual process. Many Sufi orders preached Islam in South Asia from medieval times. Among these Sufi orders, the Chishtī order caught the attention of many scholars of Islamics. Carl W. Ernst and Bruce B. Lawrence also penned a highly acclaimed work Sufi Martyrs of Love: Chishti Sufism in South Asia and Beyond. While Aquil detailed various practices of the Chishtī order and Chishtī saints’ role in various socio-political events that took place in the Delhi Sultanate, Ernst and Lawrence elaborated on the origin, development, practices, and concepts of the Chishtī order. Unlike Aquil, Ernst and Lawrence continued describing the history of the Chishtī order up to the twenty-first century. The purpose of this review essay is to compare and assess these two works with the help of primary and secondary sources.
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Rizwan, Muhammad, Manzoor Ahmed, and Saima Gul. "Ideology and Politics of Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (1947-1973)." Global Social Sciences Review III, no. I (March 30, 2018): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2018(iii-i).03.
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Khilafat Movement provided an opportunity to the Ulema of sub-continent to take part in active politics, however, Anjuman-i-Khuddam-i-Kaaba which was the first ever organized confrontation with the British raj. It eventually resulted in the formation of Jamiat Ulema-i-Hind (JUH). Although Majlis-iAhrar-i-Islam, emerged as an effective instrument of Deobandi activism yet it denounced the creation of an independent Muslim state. Majority of Ulema believed that with the demise of British regime in India, the Muslims being a strong minority, could not be impoverished, therefore, JUH worked closely with the Congress. Interestingly, the history of the Ulema has been one of their perpetual conflicts with intelligentsia and the creation of Pakistan by the moderate leadership was a great setback for the “nationalist” Ulema. However, they failed to create a political constituency and continued to tag along with the Muslim League. Yet, JUI time and again denounced socialism and advocated the Islamic system for Pakistan. After 1970 Elections, both NAP and JUI emerged as majority parties in NWFP and Baluchistan. During the study, it will be analyzed that how JUI, a conservative Islamic party could form an alliance with NAP that had won the elections on the basis of secular ideas.
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Abbas, Megan Brankley. "The language of Secular Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 117–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v32i1.960.
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In her study of Urdu language politics in late colonial India, Kavita SaraswathiDatla traces the rise and eventual demise of an alternative Urdu movement thatenvisioned the language not as a marker of Muslim religious identity, but as ameans to articulate a modern secular nationalism with roots in India’s Islamicpast. By highlighting this largely forgotten moment of secular Urdu nationalism,the author pushes back against two well-established historiographical narrativeson Muslims in colonial India: the dominant understanding of theHindi-Urdu controversy as a process of sharpening communal boundaries andthe scholarly emphasis on the epistemological struggles to make Islam andWestern science compatible. She complicates both of these existing historiesby shifting her geographic lens from northern India to the so-called colonialperiphery: the Muslim princely state of Hyderabad. Specifically, Datla’s researchcenters on the establishment and initial decades of intellectual activitiesat Hyderabad’s innovative and Urdu-medium Osmania University.In the book’s opening chapter, Datla argues that Hyderabad’s leadingMuslim intellectuals and administrators were largely uninterested in epistemologicalquestions about the relationship between Islam and modern Westernforms of knowledge. To underscore this disinterest, she examines Wilfred S.Blunt’s unsuccessful proposal from the late nineteenth-century that the Hyderabadistate build a modern Islamic seminary. Whereas Blunt envisionedan Islamic university as a catalyst for Islamic reform in India, Datla demonstratesthat his Muslim interlocutors remained unconvinced about the necessityof any Protestant-style reformation of Islam. Instead of possessing such boldtheological agendas, leading Hyderabadi educators focused on extending educationalaccess and forging a stronger connection between the values taughtat home and the knowledge acquired at school. They located the solution tothese twin issues in vernacular education. For them, the use of Urdu insteadof Persian, Arabic, or English as the medium of instruction would remove theexisting language barriers in Hyderabad’s education system and simultaneouslyensure a greater continuity between home and school cultures. Accordingto Datla it was this focus on vernacular education, not Islamic reform, thatinspired Osmania University’s founding in 1918.The second chapter provides an in-depth examination of the university’sTranslation Bureau and its projects designed to reform Urdu into a modernscientific language. She explains that the Osmania faculty hoped to ...
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Danish, Iqbal. "Ethics In Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 6, no. 1 (September 1, 1989): 173–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v6i1.2705.
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The seminar on "Ethics in Islam" was held in Faridabad, Haryana, onJuly 30-31 1988, sponsored by the Institute of Objective Studies, New Delhiand the Department of Philosophy at Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh,India. Mr. Muqimuddin, the seminar organizer, opened the proceedings byremarking at the outset that the seminar's theme was of prime importancein the context of the present world. Justifying any aspect of Islamic Ethicsis both tricky and difficult. According to him, ethics has developed in theWest in the form of philosophical theories but classical philosophers did notgive much attention to the theoretical aspects of Islamic Ethics and virtuallyno effort has been made toward the documentation of ethics in Islam.The keynote address, delivered by Dr. Mohammed Abdul Haq Ansarientitled "Islamic Ethics: Concept and Prospect," (presently a professor atImam Muhammad Islamic University, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia), revieweddifferent streams of writing in the spheres of Islamic philosophy, Sufism,theology, jurisprudence, politics, and economy, and highlighted the contributioneach has made to the subject. He asserted that in view of the material availablein these writings, Islamic scholars of our time can develop a veritable chronicleof Islamic Ethics in a period shorter than the Islamic econoll}ists have takento develop Islamic Economics. According to Prof. Ansari, there is a wellformulatedsystem of morality in the Qur'an, but there is no such theorizationin the field of ethics. He pointed out that there are several ethical problemswhich need our attention while proceeding towards theorization of IslamicEthics, e.g., determinism, freedom of will, distinction between good andevil, etc.The keynote address was followed by a lively discussion. Prof. FazlurRahman Ginnori was of the opinion that Islam has provided a complete codeof morality obliviating the need for theorizing about Islamic Ethics. Otherparticipants were of the opinion that in order to convince the world of thefeasibility of Islamic Ethics, especially because of its identification with mostaspects of science, there is a need for an ethical theory of Islam.Dr. Sanaullah Mir of Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, India, reada paper on "Philosophical Justification of the Islamic Ethical Standard: theOntological and Deontological Standards." While discussing the nature of ...
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RIZVI, SAJJAD. "Faith Deployed for a New Shiʿi Polity in India: The Theology of Sayyid Dildar ‘Ali Nasirabadi." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 24, no. 3 (May 19, 2014): 363–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186314000303.
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AbstractWhile Shiʿi Islam and its imperial expressions were known in the Deccan sultanates from the sixteenth century and expressed in court-sponsored production of theology, it was only in the eighteenth century that Shiʿi political theology emerged in North India in the new state of Awadh. In this paper, I argue that one can discern in the theology of Sayyid Dildar ʿAli Nasirabadi (d. 1820) a clear attempt at forging a new Shiʿi theological dispensation to bolster the state, based upon a tripartite attack on three rival approaches to faith and politics: Akhbarism, Sufism, and the Sunni rationalism of Farangi Mahall. A careful examination of these textual practices within the Awadhi context demonstrates one example of how Indian thinkers responded to the decline of Mughal power and articulated alternative epistemologies in vernacular contexts before the advent of the British Empire.
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Kalidasan, Adhvaidha. "The Hadiya Case: Human Rights Violations and State Islamophobic Propaganda in India." IAFOR Journal of Cultural Studies 6, SI (January 22, 2021): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.22492/ijcs.6.si.04.
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This paper examines the “Hadiya case” which in the years 2016 and 2017 was well known throughout India and revolved around a woman, named Hadiya, her conversion from Hinduism to Islam and her marriage to a Muslim man. It caught the attention of the entire nation through intense coverage by the national media. The decision of Hadiya, who is an adult with her own conscience, to practice the religion of her choice and marry the person with whom she wishes to share her life, instigated a public legal debate. Hadiya’s case, which evoked Islamophobic and patriarchal ideologies, should be placed within the current political conditions of India. With regard to language, religion and ethnicity, India’s diversity under a right-wing political regime has been questioned, while the human rights of women, religious minorities like Muslims and Christians, dalits (lower caste people) and indigenous people from tribal communities have been violated. Paying close attention to the legal and logical reasoning of the Indian High Court during the year-long trial, this paper also evokes a critical perspective on the understanding of growing Islamophobia, hatred politics against Muslims and the violation of women’s rights, particularly of those from minority religious communities and lower castes in. Indian society is facing cultural dominance under the Hindutva ideology – an ideology that is intent on the dominance of Hindus and Hinduism. Such a cultural and ideological dominance can be seen in the everyday life of Indians, in legal systems, media institutions and other formal and informal organizations. As will become clear, such cultural politics were disguised in the form of legality in the Hadiya case.
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Damrel, D. W. "Sufism, Culture and Politics: Afghans and Islam in Medieval North India * BY RAZIUDDIN AQUIL." Journal of Islamic Studies 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 105–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/etn069.
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Amanullah, Arshad. "Minorities in Indian Urdu News: Ahmadis, Journalistic Practice and Mediated Muslim Identity." Culture Unbound 10, no. 3 (February 13, 2019): 367–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.2000.1525.2018103367.
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A case study of a protest campaign against the Ahmadiyya community in Punjab and its coverage in Urdu language news media of India, this paper locates its narrative at the intersection of media, politics and religion. It seeks to advance the field theory project beyond western media systems by applying it to Indian Urdu news. It demonstrates that the religious field is a neighbouring field of Urdu news and the former wields powerful influence over the latter. Moreover, the religious field with the help of news media uses politics to have its voice heard. The paper specifically reads into the manner in which Urdu dailies covered Majlis Ahrar-e Islam Hind’s (a Muslim interest group) protest campaign to cancel Pranab Mukherjee’s (then Finance Minister of India) visit to Qadian, Punjab in 2009. He was set to participate in an annual function of the Ahmadis who are a persecuted minority group among Muslims. The protest campaign, with an active support of Urdu dailies, got transformed into a media campaign against the Ahmadis and was successful in getting the Minister’s visit cancelled. The paper investigates the dynamics of collaboration between Urdu news and the ulama that made possible transformation of anti-Ahmadi campaign into a media campaign. It attempts to elucidate the uncritical support that Majlis Ahrar-e Islam Hind received from Urdu dailies. For this purpose, it delves into normative structure of Urdu news field and its journalistic practices. It draws attention to their implications for Indian Muslim identity.
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Sur, Esita. "Politics of Locating Muslim Women in Islamic Discursive Tradition in India." Space and Culture, India 3, no. 1 (June 18, 2015): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v3i1.135.
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In postcolonial India, narratives about Muslim women have revolved around tropes, such as tin talaq (divorce), purdah (veil), polygamy and Islam. These have always played a significant role to shape their homogenised identity: an existence of oppression and subordination. However, the paper will try to argue that the marginalisation of Muslim women is not only structural but also discursive (popular as well as religious), which produce them as ‘victims’ and ‘voiceless others’. The paper will also try to argue that Muslim women have already been discursively produced as incapable of progressive thinking, and waging struggle against their subordination. Therefore, the paper shall make an attempt to examine the impact of popular as well as Islamic discourses in shaping the identity of Muslim women in India, and locate those alternative spaces, where Muslim women can challenge their homogenised existence as a category as well as dominant discourses on their victimhood.
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Athar Ali, M. "The Islamic Background To Indian History." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 32, no. 1 (1989): 335–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852089x00114.
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AbstractThe medieval period of Indian history, as conventionally fixed by historians, c. 1000 to c. 1750 had so deep an imprint of Islam, that during much of the period, India could be held to belong culturally to the Islamic World, not on its periphery, but close to its core. It is, of course, the uniqueness of India's situation, that at the very same time, strictly in terms of its Hindu component, it could be said to be a world in its own right, with Islam only as a peripheral phenomenon. Yet, since the Islamic connexion greatly influenced the political structure, the fiscal system and even much of the network of internal commerce and external trade, it is crucial to understand the background that Islam provided to Indian history, or in other words, to understand Islamic history till the arrival of Islam in Northern India, c. 12001). A splendid effort to do so was provided by Professor Mohammad Habib in his introduction to a reprint of Vol. II of Elliot and Dowson's History of India as told by its Own Historians, Aligarh, 1952. A year later Hamilton Gibb came out with his well known essay, "An Interpretation of Islamic History", published in Journal of World
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Suleiman, Ibrahim, and Ya’u Idris Gadau. "Sayyid Mawdudi's Contribution towards Islamic Revivalism in the Contemporary Islamic Political thought." International Journal of Islamic Business & Management 2, no. 1 (March 8, 2018): 35–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.46281/ijibm.v2i1.51.
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This paper discussed the role and ideas of Sheikh Mawdudi in religion and politics in India and later Pakistan, Lahore. It is very paramount that Islamic scholars are considered to be relevant in moulding the minds of Muslims Ummah towards adherence to their religion and participation in politics and electoral process. Therefore, this article highlights the major contributions made by Mawdudi and outlines his role in terms of revivalism during his life-time and beyond. This is accomplished by investigating his major works and his teachings especially in shaping participation in political circle so as to ensure that Muslims are participated in the political and electoral process in India and Pakistan. In his political thought, Sheikh Mawdudi believed strongly in the formation of Islamic state and participation of Muslims in politics and governance as against the other views of anti-democratic arguments. His major concern is to encourage Muslims Ummah to adhere to the teaching of Islam and participate in all government activities in order to protect the interest of their religion considering the diverse nature of these countries. Therefore, assessing the role played by Mawdudi will significantly improve our understanding of Islamization movement towards determining social reality, justice and equity along Islamic ethics and values.
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Khan, Qaisar, and Muhammad Ramzan Pahore. "Ideology and Representation of the Nation: Aggressor and Transgressor in Film Sarfarosh." Progressive Research Journal of Arts & Humanities (PRJAH) 2, no. 1 (March 19, 2021): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.51872/prjah.vol2.iss1.25.
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This paper analyses the narrative of Bollywood film Sarfarosh which portrays the ethnic, cultural and religious issues between majority Hindu-minority and Muslim communities in India with projection of identifying politics between India and Pakistan. Further, it t reveals that Pakistan army constitutes spies who are behind the plot of cross border terrorism and supplies of arms through their local agents in the Indian state of Rajasthan. The agents and their activities are projected as the machineries that are firmly responsible for a series of havocs and killings of innocent people in the most of cities and towns within their reach. Through crafting the notions of national (in) securities, the film picks up an Urdu Ghazal singer, the Pakistani who migrated from Rajasthan during the partition of the subcontinent in 1947. The singer as a metaphor of terrorism often sings Ghazals among Indian dignitaries in the front of his weaponry smuggling to India. The paper finds out that the historical traumatic event of partition is used for posing the Muslim minorities, „Other? as cultural methodological device, whereas Pakistanis understood as extremely dangerous enemy of the Indian nation. The identity politics of the film results the conflicting ideologies of Hinduism and Islam. This is due to the cultural industry?s ideological apparatus for making strategies to manage and maximize the profits by seeking wider audiences through its well- established capitalist system. Bollywood cinematic apparatus should be cautious of essentialist form of nationalist narratives and the post partition conflicts should be avoided for authentic peaceful culturalsocial relationships between India and Pakistan.
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Stepanyants, M. T. "Philosophical and Worldview Grounds of Political Islam of India and Pakistan." Islam in the modern world 16, no. 1 (April 15, 2020): 127–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2020-16-1-127-146.
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The history of the Muslim world confirms the universality of the mutual interaction of existence and consciousness. Since the nineteenth century, the main challenges of the time have required from the umma mobilization and joint unification, initially in the name of liberation from colonialism and later — from the negative effects of globalization. Hence the natural and justifiable emergence of what can be called political Islam. The article is devoted to Muslim thinkers who had the greatest influence on public consciousness in India before and after its partition (1947) into India and Pakistan. The central figure in the Muslim enlightenment movement of India was Sayyid Ahmad Khan (1817–1898). No one has fully presented the philosophical foundations of reformation than the eminent poet-philosopher Muhammad Iqbal (1877–1938) in his “The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam”. Diametrically opposite to reformation stand was taken by Abul Ala Maududi (1903–1979), the founder and the leader of Jamaat-i-Islami, justified Muslim "fundamentalism". The intercultural philosophical position was implemented by Muhammad Sharif (1893–1965), a recognized authority among Muslim philosophers of India and Pakistan.
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Aquil, Raziuddin. "Devotional Islam and Politics in British India - Ahmad Raza Khan and his Movement, 1870–1920." Indian Historical Review 28, no. 1-2 (January 2001): 221–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/037698360102800228.
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Steenbrink, K. A. "VII. Indian Teachers and their Indonesian Pupils: On Intellectual Relations between India and Indonesia, 1600–1800." Itinerario 12, no. 1 (March 1988): 129–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300023391.
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One of the classical accounts on the coming and first establishment of Islam in Indonesia runs as follows: Already a long time before the birth of Islam a mighty stream of colonisation started from Hindustan towards Java and surrounding islands. This stream definitely dominated the culture of this area and its influence is felt until today. After part of the Hindus had accepted Islam, these Indian Muslims were active in the trade with the archipelago and part of them also settled in this area. These traders and emigrants brought Islam into the Indian Archipelago. It is true, that already before this period some other Muslim nations sought articles of trade from the East-Indies and even established small settlements there: surely there resulted no permanent religious influence from these settlements. Islam, such as received by the Indonesians, therefore already experienced a process of adaptation towards the world of Hinduism. This made it easier for this new religion to accommodate itself once again to a degenerated Hinduism. Islam in the East-Indies unmistakably shows the signs of this Indian origin.
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ZAMAN, FARIDAH. "THE FUTURE OF ISLAM, 1672–1924." Modern Intellectual History 16, no. 3 (October 10, 2018): 961–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244318000422.
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This article examines the ways in which defining the character of early Islam has been instrumental to contemporary political debates at distinct moments in time. It looks in particular at Restoration-era England and the last decades of the Ottoman Caliphate. In the latter period, European and Muslim scholars alike reappraised Islamic history in the context of the often polemical discourse surrounding pan-Islamism and the future of Islam. Indian Muslim writers especially moved into new and inventive historical territory. They took up the vocabulary of modern politics in their histories and in doing so pluralized the heritage of certain ideas and concepts, including democracy, constitutionalism, republicanism, and socialism. The result was the articulation of a usable, progressive Islamic past.
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Saleem, Umar, and Dr Rashida Parveen. "Role of Woman in Political Sphere in Mughal Era and British Empire in the Sub Continent." Fahm-i-Islam 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 225–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.37605/fahm-i-islam.3.1.15.
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In general, this research revealed the error of the common assumption that "a state of negativity, dependency and self-reliance has prevailed over the participation of Indian women in public life, and that she was suffering from marginalization and exclusion from participation in political, social and scientific life". In fact, woman played important role in political sphere and some important personalities have been taken into consideration to unveil their efforts in politics. Similarly, the Indian woman gained a great deal of political influence. She took responsibility for governing herself at times in managing governance affairs. This political role was not limited to Muslim women alone, but was also found among Sikh and Hindu women. This article appraises the role of woman in political sphere during Mughal Era and British domain.
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HAROON, SANA. "The Rise of Deobandi Islam in the North-West Frontier Province and its Implications in Colonial India and Pakistan 1914–1996." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 18, no. 1 (January 2008): 47–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186307007778.
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The commitment of North-West Frontier Province Pakhtun religious politics towards the quest for a society and state governed by religious leaders was directed through the colonial period, and into the national period, predominantly by the ulama known as Deobandis. These ulama took their title from the madrasa Darul Ulum Deoband in the United Provinces in north-India and came to prominence through championing Muslim interests in colonial NWFP. After the partition of the Indian subcontinent and the creation of Pakistan in 1947, the United Provinces remained in India, separating Pakistani scholars trained in Deoband from Indian Deobandi theologians, and indeed from the school itself. But these ulama continued to call themselves Deobandis and were central to the successful demand for the constitutional declaration of Pakistan as an Islamic state; and brought Islam to bear on national and provincial legislation from positions in parliament. Increasingly well-organised and well-funded, NWFP Deobandi ulama established madrasas and mosques in the province, strengthening the preserve of religion and their own authority. When the Afghan resistance to the Soviet occupation began in 1978, a section of the resistance organisation working in exile in Peshawar gravitated towards these Deobandi institutions, drawing the Deobandi ulama of the NWFP into the jihad. Sustaining links to the Afghan fighters even after the withdrawal of the Soviets, the NWFP Deobandis contributed to and encouraged the emerging organisation of the Taliban, becoming champions of their reactionary brand of Islam.
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Kozlowski, Gregory C., and Usha Sanyal. "Devotional Islam and Politics in British India: Ahmad Riza Khan Barelwi and His Movement, 1870-1920." Journal of the American Oriental Society 119, no. 4 (October 1999): 707. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/604866.
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Manian, Padma. "Devotional Islam and Politics in British India: Ahmad Riza Khan Barelwi and His Movement, 1870–1920." History: Reviews of New Books 28, no. 2 (January 2000): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2000.10525430.
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Fisher, Michael H., and Usha Sanyal. "Devotional Islam and Politics in British India: Ahmad Riza Khan Barelwi and His Movement, 1870-1920." American Historical Review 103, no. 4 (October 1998): 1310. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651319.
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Sreedhar Rao, K. "India and the Threat of Radical Islam." Strategic Analysis 32, no. 5 (September 25, 2008): 721–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700160802309050.
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Sadria, Modj-ta-ba. "L’Indonésie : Interactions et conflits idéologiques avant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale." Études internationales 17, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701963ar.
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Since the dawn of the 20th century, three ideologies have been constantly interacting in the Indonesian society, namely Islam, Marxism, and nationalism. Each has played a striking role in the evolution of the movement for independence - which led to independence in 1945. And today each of them wonders to what extent it has been responsible for the coup d'État by General Suharto in 1965. Since in the current situation, the relations which exist between these three trends of thought, in many respects, are reminiscent of those which prevailed during the interwar years, a study of that period may shed new light on an important moment of the history of political thought in Indonesia. The question of relations between Islamic, nationalist, and Marxist thought is a prevalent issue in a country where a population of Muslim creed is held in subordination, and where there exist s an important leftist intellectual movement, with or without a significant working class. Through the history of the anti-Dutch nationalist movements, through the rise of various Islamic movements (Pan-Islamism, the moderen, the "laity") and that of the Islamic parties linked to them (Sarekat Dagang Islam, Sarekat Islam), through the expansion of the social-democratic, socialist and communist parties (ISDU - Indian Social Democratic Union ; PKI - Perserikaten Kommunist de India ; Sarekat Rakjat - People's Association), and finally, through Sukarno's efforts to conciliate all these movements with a view to independence, an attempt is made to show that, in the evolution of the nationalist movement in Indonesia, there are two inherent elements, namely the socialist ideology and Islam. In the light of the case of Indonesia, it is therefore tempting to consider religion and politics as being symbiotic ideologies.
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NELSON, Matthew J. "Indian Basic Structure Jurisprudence in the Islamic Republic of Pakistan: Reconfiguring the Constitutional Politics of Religion." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 13, no. 2 (December 2018): 333–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2018.18.
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AbstractIn both India and Pakistan, parliament is constitutionally endowed with ‘constituent power’, that is, the power to introduce constitutional amendments via procedures laid down in the constitution itself. Duly promulgated amendments, however, are occasionally struck down when Supreme Court judges see them as violating what the judges themselves define as the ‘essential features’ of each country’s constitutional ‘basic structure’. I trace the migration of basic structure jurisprudence from India to Pakistan, focusing on the ways in which it has elevated the power of judges over that of elected officials in the realm of religion-state relations. Specifically, I highlight the ways in which judicial independence vis-à-vis judicial appointments has been described as an essential feature of each country’s constitution, greatly enhancing the autonomous power of judges to mould constitutional benches that, in turn, define India’s constitutional understanding of secularism and Pakistan’s relationship with Islam.
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Malik, Rizwan. "The ‘Ulama and the Religio-Political Developments in Modern India." American Journal of Islam and Society 5, no. 2 (December 1, 1988): 247–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v5i2.2715.
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This paper is not an exercise in or a contribution to the ongoing debatein the Muslim world about the nature of the relationship between Islamicprinciples and Western statecraft, or the inseparability of spiritual and profanein a Muslim state. While all these issues are in one way or another relevantto the subject under discussion here, they do not form its core. This paperhas two major objectives. The first is to attempt to analyze how the ’ulamaviewed political developments in the late 19th and early 20th century in India.The second, equally important but only indirectly touched on in this paper(and the two are interrelated), is an investigation into whether it was Islamicreligious issues or the presence of the British that engrossed the attentionof the ‘ulama.This is essential if one is to understand the nature of the ‘ulama’sparticipation in the formative phase of religio-political developments in 19thand 20th century Indian Islam, and in particular, its impact in later yearson the interaction between the ’ulama and the Muslim League. It is in relationto both these objectives that a great deal of analysis-both from objectiveand polemical points of view-regarding the nature and content of the roleof the ‘ulama in politics suffers from a great degree of biases and confusion.Before discussing the political role of the Indian ‘ulama, it is necessaryto observe that it would be wrong to think of the ‘ulama in terms of an “estate”within the Muslim community or to assume that the ‘ulama were, as a body,capable of generating a joint political will. The reason for ‘ulama to takeso long to appear on the political horizon of India was one of principle andexpediency, that stopped the ’ulama from hurling futiiwa of condemnationat the East India Company when it eventually superseded Mughal power inIndia. Until 1790, penal justice in Bengal continued to be dispensed underthe revised Shari’ah forms of Aurengzeb’s time. In the sphere of civil law, ...
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Irfan Habib, S. "Reconciling science with Islam in 19th century India." Contributions to Indian Sociology 34, no. 1 (February 2000): 63–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/006996670003400103.
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Royyani, Muh Arif, and Muhammad Shobaruddin. "Islam, State, and Nationalism in Brunei Darussalam, India, Indonesia, and Malaysia: A Comparative Perspective." International Journal Ihya' 'Ulum al-Din 21, no. 2 (February 16, 2020): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/ihya.21.2.4832.
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<p><span lang="EN-US">Islam has comprehensive roles in some aspects of human activity. It enlarged from theological aspect to political aspects. Some former colonized countries where Islam was coexisted, this religion became an embryo of nationalist movements during colonization era. This essay scrutinizes the role of Islam in escalating nationalism during colonization era and it relation with the states in post colonization era in four former colonized countries namely Brunei Darussalam, India, Indonesia, and Malaysia. By using comparative method, the essay researched some main literature (library research) related to Islam and nationalism. It was founded that Islam has significant roles in nationalist movement in the four analyzed countries through several channels. Meanwhile, in the post-independence era, the relation between Islam and state system are variably. In India, Islam is separated from state system (secular). In contrast, Islamic ideology became the main sources of state system in Brunei Darussalam (adopted entirely) and Malaysia (adopted partially). Then, Islam in Indonesia seems like “a gray zone” because the country does not using Islamic law but still adopting Islamic thoughts in several cases. </span></p>
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Thomas, Ajin K. "Religion and Secularities: Reconfiguring Islam in Contemporary India." Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 41, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 202–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2021.1907022.
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Behl, Aditya. "Devotional Islam and Politics in British India: Ahmad Riza Khan and His Movement, 1870-1920. Usha Sanyal." Journal of Religion 79, no. 1 (January 1999): 178–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/490387.
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Rai, Santosh Kumar. "Social histories of exclusion and moments of resistance: The case of Muslim Julaha weavers in colonial United Provinces." Indian Economic & Social History Review 55, no. 4 (September 28, 2018): 549–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464618796896.
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Locating the theorisation and practices of caste hierarchies within South Asian Islam with reference to high-caste Muslims (Ashrafs) versus Julaha weavers (Ajlafs), this article argues that class exploitation and class hegemony over the marginalised sections of Muslim society in North India were practised through caste stratifications, social hierarchies and land relations. The horizontal equality of ‘textual Islam’ was transformed into vertical social hierarchies in South Asia. While explaining the conditions of the disadvantageous socio-economic status that ensured their subordination, this article narrates instances of resistance and quests for equality undertaken by the Julaha weavers. The dialectics of these negotiations produced factors such as the stigma of status mandated by their caste, on the one hand, and the weavers’ integration within the capitalist colonial economy and politics, on the other. The article explores this history of hierarchies and the complex resistances offered to it, closely mediated by social and economic structures, prevailing ideologies and notions of colonial legality and mobility. The processes of the weavers challenging their social marginalisation, predicated on their economic status and their quest for new identities may look familiar to other communities which similarly used religion, caste and colonial law to resist and subvert hierarchies. Hence, the politicisation of the colonial public sphere affected the relations among the Indian Muslims in a new milieu. These arguments are significant in terms of rewriting the existing historiography that reinforces the binaries of nationalist–communalist or Hindu–Muslim politics.