Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Islam and politics – India'
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Misra, Devika. "Religious resurgence : Islam in Malaysia, Hindutva in India /." Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1999. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B21240693.
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Deutsch, Karin Anne. "Muslim women in colonial North India circa 1920-1947 : politics, law and community identity." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/229605.
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This dissertation explores the relationship between gender and Muslim community identity in late colonial India. It pursues two broad themes. The first of these is the way in which gender issues were used symbolically by Muslim religious and political leaders to give substance to a community identity based largely on religious and cultural ideals in the three decades prior to independence. The second is the activities of elite Muslim women in social reform organisations and their entry into politics. Most of the recent literature on the development of a distinct Muslim identity during this period focuses entirely on politics and thus on relatively short-term factors leading to Partition. However, gender makes us look again at the longer term, especially the way in which it gave substance to the imagining of an all- India Muslim identity. I examine the various constructions and stereotypes of the Muslim woman and the ways in which she was seen as being in need of special protection in the political sphere while being in an advantageous position with regard to Muslim personal law. Of particular importance here are the discourse on purdah, which had become communalised during this period even as purdah practices were changing, and the ways in which Islamic law became considered as a 'sacred site' for Muslims in the late colonial period. I argue that the focus on gender issues by certain political and religious leaders was a 'universalising' factor: while it was difficult to portray all Indian Muslims as constituting a definitive and united group, all Indian Muslim women could be depicted as being alike, with the same interests and problems. These tendencies were strengthened by the Indian Muslim awareness of a wider Muslim community. In terms of practice, I examine women's entry into the political sphere, as well as their relationship with national women's organisations. I show that women were not passive onlookers to the debates on gender, but contributed to them, although their interest was more on improving women's rights than on formulating community identities. The dissertation examines women's conflicting identities as women and as Muslims, particularly as the initial unity among women on social reform issues was eroded due to communal antagonism in the realm of politics. The focus of the dissertation will be on the public sphere, which is where one can best examine the interactions between men and women, Hindus and Muslims, and Indian and British representatives. Given the diversity of the Indian Muslim experience, I concentrate on and give examples primarily from the United Provinces, but owing to wider connections between women I also look at other north Indian examples.
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Samad, Yunas. "South Asian Muslim politics, 1937-1958." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:20859dd8-f3cf-47d2-915b-6142d8a7cbe5.
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The object of this thesis is to explain why Pakistan which Muslim nationalist historians claim was created in the name of Islam failed to sustain a democratic political system. This question is explored by examining the politics of South Asian Muslims as a continuity from the colonial to the post-partition period, focusing on the tension between centripetal and centrifugal forces. The thesis begins by investigating the factors which helped politicize Muslim identity during the inter-war years. The interplay of nationalism, constitutional reforms and common identity based on confessional faith forged political identities which determined the course of subsequent events. Dyarchy set in motion processes which the Government of India Act of 1935 reinforced,- the emergence of political solidarities based on religion and region and alienation from nationalist politics. The Congress was able to neutralize the centrifugal developments among its Hindu constituency. It was not so successful among Muslims partly due to the impact of the Reforms and partly due to the activity of Hindu revivalists in the party. Simultaneously Muslim politics was moving away from the Congress, not towards the Muslim League but to the All-India Muslim Conference, around which most Muslims had gathered in opposition to the Nehru Report. However most regional and communitarian parties were not simply antagonistic to the Congress. They rejected centralist politics as a whole. This was amply demonstrated by the 1937 election results which underlined Jinnah's irrelevance to Muslim politics. Hence Muslims were in their political loyalties divided between strong currents focused on provincial interests and weak ones emphasizing sub-continental unity, national or Muslim. This configuration, the opposition between centrifugal and centripetal forces defined the basic parameters of Muslim politics. The second chapter describes how the political divisions between Muslims was partially overcome. The 1937 elections initiated a major political shift among the Muslim regional parties and caused great unease among the urban groupings. The Muslim regional partie's feared that the Congress Party's control over provincial ministries through a centralized structure and its rejection of the federal basis of the 1935 Act, would lead to their being roped into a Hindu-dominated unitary state. To fight this threat, an alternative political focus at the all-India level came to be considered necessary for the protection of their interests. The Muslim League's revival was indirectly facilitated by the Quit India Movement which temporarily removed the Congress from the arena of open politics and by the encouragement Jinnah received from the Raj. The League was able to gradually pull Muslim groups, particularly those in the Muslim-minority provinces, into its ranks through the use of anti-Congress propaganda. But among the urban masses of UP Jinnah was eclipsed by Mashriqi until the mid-1940s when the Khaksars became a spent force. This development combined with the increasing influence of the Pakistan slogan, vague yet immensely attractive, provided the ideological cutting edge of the League's agenda for Muslim unity. The ideological hegemony allowed the League to focus the forces of community consciousness as a battering ram to breakdown the regional parties resistance. The Pakistan slogan spread from the urban areas and Muslim-minority provinces into the rural areas of the Muslim-majority provinces. But in Bengal the regionalist had taken over the party, in the Punjab Khizr continued to resist and in the NWFP and Sind the Muslim League was a peripheral influence. Hence by the mid-1940s the League was only able to achieve partial unity under the Pakistan banner. The third chapter deals with the brief moment of political unity achieved through the combined impact of mass nationalism and communal riots. After the constitutional deadlock following the breakdown of the Simla Conference the League was able to make major advances by positing a clear choice between their and the Congress's plans for India's future. Muslim nationalism now centred on the League capitalized on the political uncertainties caused by the negotiations and won over many adherents from the provincial parties. An important factor which widened the League's area of influence was the increased significance of economic nationalism. It opened channels of communication between the elites and the masses, drew in groups previously unaffected by the Muslim League and turned the agitation for Pakistan into a mass movement. These factors combined with the weakness of the Congress due to their incarceration during the war resulted in the widespread shift away from the regional parties to the Muslim League. Jinnah was able to achieve for a brief moment political unity and used this as the basis to extract the maximum constitutional concessions from the British and the Congress. However the centralization process was weak and its frailty was at the root of ideological confusion. The confusion was manifest in the changing definition of Pakistan in this crucial period. The problem was compounded by the League's lack of strong party structure to control and enforce discipline over the regional supporters. Jinnah's interventions in the provinces were the exception and not the rule and limited to disciplining local leaders. For expanding the party's influence he was completely dependent on the provincial leaders. The regionalist forces were not genuine converts to Muslim nationalism. They used the League as a stalking horse for their provincial interests. Jinnah accepted the Cabinet Mission Plan due to the strong pressures from the Muslim-majority provinces who were not interested in a separate homeland for Muslims and later he supported Suhrawardy's attempt to avoid partition of Bengal. Jinnah had to be responsive to these different currents within the party in order to avoid a revolt against his leadership. Besides the internal pressure, pro-Congress opposition was still strong in Sarhad and Sind and they used regional ethnicity as a counter against the League. However the opposition collapsed when the civil disobedience movement mounted by the League at this extremely tense moment triggered off the communal explosion which engulfed northern India and as a result the Congress accepted partition. The fourth chapter deals with the Muslim League's effort to consolidate its position in Pakistan through the construction of a strong state and the potent anti-centre backlash it produced. Pakistan came into existence through the contingent circumstances attending the transfer of power and the League's leadership was ill-prepared to establishing itself in Pakistan. The perceived threat from India and the internal opposition to the leadership convinced them that the country and they themselves could survive politically only if a strong centre was established. However the ethnic composition of the ruling group was a source of tension which bedeviled the centralizing process. The Muslim League leadership was mainly Muhajirs who had no social base in Pakistan. They along with the Punjabis also dominated the military and the bureaucracy. Hence the push for a unitary structure alienated others such as the Bengalis, who were not represented in the upper echelons of the state. The political instability was aggravated by the ruling group's efforts to establish a strong centre not on the basis of a broad consensus but through strong arm tactics. As a result internal and external opposition to the League leadership was suppressed in an authoritarian manner. Karachi used the state apparatus to crush the emerging opposition and interfered in the provinces attempting to put its supporters into power.
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Shāh, Sayyid Vaqār ʿAlī. "Muslim politics in the North-West Frontier Province, 1937-1947." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:25cf19fa-51ab-4020-8bf8-19c339b517f9.
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This dissertation examines Muslim politics in the North-West Frontier Province of India between 1937 and 1947. It first investigates the nature of modern politics in the Frontier Province and its relationship with all-India politics. The N-WFP was the only Muslim majority province which supported the INC in its struggle to represent an Indian nation against the British raj, rather than of joining other Muslims in the AIML. The N-WFP had its own peculiar type of society, distinct from the rest of India. In the Frontier Province, Islam wa? iaierwoven to such an extent with Pashtoon society that it formed an essential and integral part of it; and the Pashtoons 1 sense of separate ethnic identity, within the bounds and framework of Islam, become an acknowledged fact. In this Muslim majority province, there was no fear of Hindu domination, as was prevalent among Muslims in Hindu majority provinces. This was a principal reason for the initial failure of ML to acquire support in the FP. The study also explores the rise of the Khudai Khidmatgars and the reasons for the preference of majority of the N-WFP Muslims for Congress. It argues that the coming together of the KKs and the Congress gave the former popularity, and an ally in all-India politics and the latter a significant base of support in a Muslim majority province. It elucidates the changing political contexts of the period 1937-47 and shows how loyalties were contingent on these circumstances. It is therefore not just about Frontier politics, but, at a deeper level, about the nature of evolving political identities in the sub-continent. The thesis concludes with a discussion of the All-India National Congress 'desertion' of the Frontier people on the eve of partition, the dismissal of the provincial Congress ministry by Jinnah, and the deeply ambiguous positions of the KKs in the context of the new nation of Pakistan.
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Islam, Maidul. "Limits of Islamism : ideological articulations of Jamaat-e-Islami in contemporary India and Bangladesh." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f1942d17-cbce-4f8f-a717-7121548a80eb.
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My doctoral thesis analyses the political ideology of Islamism by taking the case study of a major Islamist organization, namely the Jamaat-e-Islami in contemporary India and Bangladesh. In doing so, I try to understand the similarities and differences of the ideological articulations of Islamism in a Muslim minority context of India and in a Muslim majority context of Bangladesh. The thesis is written from a political theory perspective in general and within the realm of ideology studies in particular. The study analyses how and why the Jamaat is responding to the economic and cultural issues of neoliberal India and Bangladesh. One cannot possibly ignore the neoliberal context within which Islamists are generating markedly new kinds of political articulations with an unprecedented set of political demands, never seen before in the history of Islamist movements. The ideological articulations of Jamaat have been studied by analyzing various primary sources—organisational literature, the party constitution, policy resolutions, press releases, election manifestos and political pamphlets of Jamaat-e-Islami. In addition, this dissertation has also relied on field interviews with the Jamaat leadership in India and Bangladesh. Magazines and internet sources have been also helpful for this study. My thesis analyses Islamist responses to neoliberalism by discussing the contrasting conditions of contemporary India and Bangladesh. In doing so, I conclude that in India, Jamaat is opposed to neoliberalism whereas in Bangladesh, it has a ambiguous character vis-à-vis neoliberalism. However, Islamists in both these countries are opposed to cultural issues like atheism, ‘blasphemous’ views, live-in relationships and homosexuality, which they construe as the products of ‘western cultural globalization’. In this respect, I try to analyse why the Islamists are opposed to ‘western cultural globalization’. Finally, I also explain how Islamism, as a politico-ideological project of populist mobilization is facing a crisis in contemporary India and Bangladesh.
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Misra, Amalendu. "Perception of Islam in Indian nationalist thought." Thesis, University of Hull, 1999. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:8003.
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Umar, Muhammad. "Islam in Northern India during the eighteenth century /." New Delhi : Munshiram Manoharlal publ, 1993. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb374828727.
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Stephens, Julia Anne. "Governing Islam: Law and Religion in Colonial India." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10842.
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This dissertation charts how the legal regulation of Islam in colonial India fostered a conception of religion that focused on dividing it from secular economy and politics. Colonial law segregated religious law from other branches of law through intersecting binaries that pitted religion against reason and family against the economy. These binaries continue to shape both popular and scholarly approaches to South Asian religion. Unsettling these common assumptions, the dissertation reveals the close relationship between contemporary conceptions of religion and the imperatives of imperial governance. By segregating religious from secular law, the British developed a bifurcated strategy of governance that balanced contradictory commitments to preserving Indian traditions with introducing modernizing reforms. Scholars have traditionally located the origins of the colonial approach to administering Indian religious laws in the early decades of Company rule. The dissertation argues instead that the conceptual framework of religious personal laws emerged between the second and third quarter of the nineteenth century. Changing concepts of sovereignty, an evangelical commitment to spreading Christian civilization, and the integration of colonial production into global markets led colonial officials to look for ways to consolidate the authority of the colonial state. Due to the history of Mughal rule, colonial officials viewed Islamic law as posing a particular threat to colonial suzerainty, placing Islam at the center of these debates. Limiting religious laws to the sphere of domestic relations and ritual performance allowed the colonial state to maintain the rhetoric of respecting Indian religions while consolidating new bodies of criminal, commercial, and procedural law. The boundaries colonial law drew around religion, however, proved unstable. By bringing different definitions of religion into dialogue, legal adjudication in courts unsettled the boundaries between religious and secular authority that colonial legislation and legal texts attempted to solidify. The dissertation looks at legal debates occurring in different levels of the judicial system and in the wider court of public opinion, turning to newspaper coverage of trials and literature on Islamic law. The dissertation uses this broadened archive of legal contest to explore alternative understandings of the relationship between religion, politics, and economy.History
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Costain, Marc D. Anderson Mark A. "The banality of Islamist politics /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FCostain.pdf.
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Huzen, Kent Bob. "Politics of Islamic Jihad." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Sciences, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/3504.
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This thesis argues among other things, That the concept of jihad, which represents a form of striving and endeavour-often misinterpreted in the literature as 'holy war'- is rooted in the Qur'anic ideals and interpretations (ijtihad). However it can be extremely variable when 'applied' to Muslim societies in the course of history. Thus for example, the Greater and Lesser Jihads might be subject to a number of different interpretations when applied to Muslim societies deriving from a (a) historical experiences and/or circumstances; (b) theological or philosophical debates; (c) differing religio-political elite formations; and (d)strategic assesments of threats and/or dangers to Islam. We demonstrate the multifaceted and variable characteristics of jihad through the use of a 'Jihadist Wheel'. In the case of modern jihadist organizations, which we examine, reference to the Qur'an as a source of ideological guidance and inspiration has sometimes given way to what is referred to in the literature as a 'strategic' assesment of the realities confronting Islam. Often, as the case of Iraq, this might lead to excessive violence and accusations of Islamic terrorism.
From an analytical standpoint this thesis argues that 'jihadism' and 'terrorism' are two differnt construct in terms of motivation and goals. However the variability of the jihadist concept when applied by Muslims under varying conflictual circumstances (i.e. threats and/or response) can sometimes add to confusion surrounding the meaning of the term and of course its identification with 'holy war' or 'terrorism'.
It is hoped that this thesis will at least add some light to the current debate in the literature over the anatomy of jihadism, whils seeking to provide an analytical framework for the identification and application of different forms of jihad based on the Qur'anic exegesis.
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Raman, Nithya Varsha. "The politics and anti-politics of shelter policy in Chennai, India." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/45367.
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Thesis (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2008.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 82-87).
Many scholars argue that global forces, such as increased economic integration into the global economy or interventions from international aid agencies, are directly affecting the governance of municipalities. This paper explores the process by which international influences affect local governance by using the history of a single institution, the Tamil Nadu Slum Clearance Board in Chennai, India, and examining the evolution of the Board's policies towards slums and slum clearance from 1970 to the present. In its early years, state level political party incentives determined the shelter policies of the Board. The World Bank donated significant amounts of money to the Board for projects in low- income shelter provision between 1975 and 1996, and attempted to significantly change shelter sector policies in the city. However, the Bank faced a great deal of resistance in imposing reforms on the Board. It was not until they radically changed institutional structures within the Board to cut ties with local political parties that they were able to successfully implement policy reform. The history of the Tamil Nadu Slum Clearance Board suggests that institutional structures are of great importance when trying to understand the way in which international influences affect local governance.
by Nithya V. Raman.
M.C.P.
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Massoud, Sami 1962. "Sufis, Sufi ṯuruq̲ and the question of conversion to Islam in India : an assessment." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=27956.
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The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the topoi found in various writings on the Indian subcontinent, which depict Muslim mystics, the Sufis, as responsible for the conversion, forced or peaceful, of non-Muslim Indians to Islam. Our analysis of various historiographical traditions produced in the Subcontinent between the eleventh and the twentieth centuries, will show that this image of Sufis qua missionaries is more the result of socio-political considerations (legitimization of imperial order; posthumous images of Sufis in the eyes of different folk audiences, etc.) than the reflection of historical reality. This thesis also examines the processes, most of them indirect, in which Sufis were involved and which on the long run led to the acculturation and to the Islamization of certain non-Muslim groups, thus opening the way for the birth and then consolidation of a Muslim identity.
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Adeel, Liaqat. "The politics of Islam in a postcolonial state Pakistan /." Canberra, 1996. http://erl.canberra.edu.au/public/adt-AUC20060531.163022/.
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Gupta, Radhika. "Piety, politics, and patriotism in Kargil, India." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.547755.
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Merati, Simona E. "Russia's Islam: Discourse on Identity, Politics, and Security." FIU Digital Commons, 2015. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1840.
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Despite the long history of Muslims in Russia, most scholarly and political literatures on Russia’s Islam still narrowly interpret Muslim-Slavs relations in an ethnic-religious oppositional framework.
In my work, I examine Russia’s discourse on Islam to argue that, in fact, the role of Islam in post-Soviet Russia is complex. Drawing from direct sources from academic, state, journalistic, and underground circles, often neglected by Western commentators, I identify ideational patterns in conceptualizations of Islam and reconstruct relational networks among authors. To explain complex intertextual relations within specific contexts, I utilize an analytically eclectic method that appropriately combines theories from different paradigms and/or disciplines.
Thanks to my multi-dimensional approach, I show that, contrary to traditional views, Russia’s Muslims participate in processes of post-Soviet Russia’s identity formation. Starting from textual contents, avoiding pre-formed analytical frames, I argue that many Muslims in Russia perceive themselves as part of Russian civilization – even when they challenge the status-quo.
Building on my initial findings, I state that a key element in Russia’s conceptualization of Islam is the definition, elaborated in the 1990s, of traditional Islam as part of Russian civilizational history, as opposed to extremist Islam as extraneous, hostile phenomenon. The differentiation creates an unprecedently safe, if confined, space for Islamic propositions, of which Muslims are taking advantage. Embedded in debates on Russian civilization, conceptualizations of Islam, then, influence Russia’s (geo)political self-perceptions and, consequently, its domestic and international policies.
In particular, Russian so-far neglected Islamic doctrine supports views of Islamic terrorism as a political and not religious phenomenon. Hence, Russia interprets both terrorism and counterterrorism within its own historical tradition, causing its strategy to be at odds with Western views. Less apparently, these divergences affect Russian-U.S. broader relations.
Finally, in revealing the civilizational value of Russia’s Islam, I expose intellectual relations among influential subjects who share the aim to devise a new civilizational model that should combine Slavic and non-Slavic, Orthodox and Islamic, Western, and Asian components. In this old Russian dilemma, the novelty is Muslims’ participation.
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Melayu, Hasnul Arifin. "Islam and politics in the thought of Tjokroaminoto." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33304.
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Hadji Oemar Said Tjokroaminoto (1882--1934) was one of the leading Indonesian Muslim political figures in the early twentieth century. He was one of the prominent leaders in Sarekat Islam. Beginning in 1912, when he firstly joined Sarekat Islam, Tjokroaminoto devoted alt of his attention to the development of this organization as well as to the political movement in general at that time. This thesis deals with a number of Tjokroaminoto's conceptions of Islam and politics, which reflect his involvement in the political discourses of his time, especially with Communist and secular nationalist groups. His life and his works as well as the political conditions of his time are discussed in order to trace the sources that inspired his vision. In his political ideas, Tjokroaminoto expressed his conceptions of the worth of Indonesian people, socialism and education, as well as the way in which all these ideas are interrelated. His ideas on Islam, which are mainly inspired by his aspiration to create a united Indonesian Muslim community, were highly influential and provided a relatively early definition as to what political Islam should encompass. These ideas are more clearly expressed in his conceptions of the separation between Islam and politics, nationalism, pan-Islamism and the Ummah. Finally, his discussion of Islam and politics marked a new stage in the self-awareness of Indonesians. As such, his ideas were of key importance to the formulation of the movement's goals and its strategies.
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Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, Elena. "Gender, Islam and the Sahrawi Politics of Survival." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.517121.
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Rodman, Emma. "Mahdi and me revolution and messianism in Iran, Sudan and the imaginary domain /." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/1233.
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Bentall, Michael James R. "Bharat versus India : peasant politics and rural-urban relations in North-West India." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.389483.
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Harjanto, Nicolaus Teguh Budi. "Islam and Liberalism in Contemporary Indonesia: The Political Ideas of Jaringan Islam Liberal." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1070464571.
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Ranganathan, C. S. "Religion, politics and the secular state in India." Thesis, University of Hull, 1993. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:6696.
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India has been declared to be a 'Secular State' since 1976, by an amendment to the Constitution, although its supporters claim that it has been one since 1950 when the Constitution was first adopted. From its inception the weaknesses of secularism as an operational category was apparent, but was ignored by politicians as well as by academics. 'Secularism' has since then not been defined in terms of the institutions of the state or the dominant values of the political system. It was given different interpretations by different groups. Even among the ranks of secularists there have been distinct divergences. The Constitution recognizes not only ethnic but also religious minorities and has given them special rights to maintain educational institutions. Similarly caste based privileges were provided on the plea of 'backwardness'. Moreover, India continued to be a religious society although the state claimed to be secular. Some secularists would identify it with anti-religious policies. The Hindu revivalists would identify the state with pro-minority and even anti-Hindu policies. In modern political idiom it was called 'minorityism' and 'pseudosecularism'. The Muslims, Sikhs and Christians, on the other hand, felt that such special rights are essential to maintain their identities. The rise of religions based politics in the eighties has created a major problem for the secular state. In the light of the above 'Secularism' needs to be redefined in clearer terms. Religious syncretism and political and cultural accommodation associated with South Indian tradition where some of this necessary re-definition has been achieved through the process of historical evolution needs be looked into. Similarly, the de-linking of religion from culture in Indonesia and the adoption of a national ideology which can provide some helpful insights for India is worth pursuing. ' Apparently, Malaysia has established a viable democratic state by adopting an inter-communal than an noncommunal approach to its political problems. By taking a comparative look at the problem of secularism, in the light of the experiences of other nations, perhaps, the Indian secular state could face the future with more confidence.
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Roy, Indrajit. "Capable subjects : power and politics in Eastern India." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0e1bb214-020e-4f9e-864f-9037c104660d.
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The principal aim of this thesis is to elaborate a politicized reading of Amartya Sen's Capability Approach. It explores how capabilities are augmented through the forging of contentious political subjectivities. In it, I build on the criticism that Sen's framework can be more sensitive to questions of power and politics. Against some of his critics, however, I argue that its 'politicization' must focus analytical attention on politics as the struggle to produce subjects rather than limiting its understanding to negotiations over authority, resources and allocations. I draw on quantitative and qualitative analysis of ethnographic data from rural eastern India to substantiate my argument. The first two chapters outline the contours of the debates and introduce the social, economic and political life of the study localities. Each of the four subsequent chapters elucidates the manner in which the contentious processes through which political subjectivity are forged augments capabilities. In Chapter 3 I advance the case that any discussion on capabilities needs to analyze how subjects interrogate the relations of domination and subordination which they have hitherto been compelled to inhabit. Based on an analysis of the contentions spawned by the Indian Government's National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, I point to how the notion of cooperative conflict is helpful in understanding these processes. In Chapter 4, I draw attention to the analytic importance that needs to be accorded to 'voice' in order to understand how subjects contest and reconstitute these relationships: I base my analysis on the claims made on elected representatives by different groups of people in respect to 'poverty cards'. This emphasis leads in Chapter 5 to an investigation of the ways in which agonistic exchanges in public spaces augments capabilities: this I do through an examination of two specific disputes involving a variety of local actors. I develop these insights further in Chapter 6 to show how our understanding of the processes through which capabilities may be enhanced gains analytically from an analysis of the manner in which subjects construct their identities. Chapter 7 concludes.
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Lal, Ramji. "Political India, 1935-1942 : anatomy of Indian politics /." Delhi : Ajanta publications, 1986. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35748296f.
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Basu, Arani. "Role of media in electoral politics in India." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Kultur-, Sozial- und Bildungswissenschaftliche Fakultät, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/17515.
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Das primäre Ziel der Studie ist die Herstellung von Nachrichten durch vermittelte buzzwords zu verstehen. Vermittelte buzzwords werden von Medienhäusern und verbreitet durch Zeitungen oder Nachrichtenkanäle geprägt. Hier liegt der Schwerpunkt insbesondere ist zu untersuchen, wie vermittelte buzzwords hergestellt werden durch Zeitungen vor einer Wahl und wie diese buzzwords auf die Wähler, den Einfluss von Nachrichten konditionieren. In diesem Zusammenhang ist das größere Ziel Medien-Politik-Gesellschaft Wechselbeziehung in einer der größten Demokratien in der Welt und einer der bedeutendsten südasiatischen Ländern heißt Indien zu erkunden. Die Studie nimmt eine Gesellschaft zentrierten Ansatz, der Medien als soziale Institution betrachtet und zielt darauf ab, die verschiedenen Funktionen und Wirkungen in den Beziehungen zu anderen sozialen Einrichtungen nämlich Politik und Wähler zu analysieren. In diesem Licht setzt diese Studie, dass die Medien die Rolle vis-a-vis der Politik (Staat) und die Wähler (Gesellschaft) im Umfang liegt, auf die sie beeinflusst und wirkt sich auf die letztere.The primary aim of the study is to understand manufacture of news through mediated buzzwords. Mediated buzzwords are coined by media houses and disseminated through newspapers or news channels. Here the focus in particular is to explore how mediated buzzwords are manufactured by newspapers before an election and how these buzzwords condition the influence of news on the electorate. Within this context, the larger goal is to explore media-politics-society interrelationship in one of the biggest democracies in the world and one of the most significant South Asian countries i.e. India. The study adopts a society centric approach that views media as a social institution and aims at analyzing its various features and effects in its relations with other social institutions namely politics and electorate. In that light, this study posits that media’s role vis-a-vis politics (state) and the electorate (society) lies in the extent to which it influences and impacts the latter. This study will explore media’s influence on General Election 2014 in India with the help of mediated buzzwords identified through primary and secondary sources, analyze the relationship between buzzwords and newspapers (represented by the media houses) disseminating them and explore the impact and influence of these mediated buzzwords on the electorate cutting across different social locations. This study has three primary foci – to identify mediated buzzwords and issues during General Elections of 2014 in India, to analyze how the mediated buzzwords were used by the media houses to manufacture news during General Elections of 2014 in India, and to assess the effects of these mediated buzzwords on the formation of political opinion of the electorate during General Elections of 2014 in India.
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Horrocks, John. "Moderate Islam : a contradiction in terms or a political force for the 21st century? /." St Andrews, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/149.
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Adeel, Liaqat, and n/a. "The politics of Islam in a postcolonial state: Pakistan." University of Canberra. Information, Language and Culture Studies, 1996. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20060531.163022.
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During the last one year, while working on this thesis, I have been asked several times as to how
Islam or Islamic fundamentalism makes a communication thesis. The answer is simple: my
concern is not Islam as a religion or fundamentalism as a religious or political movement but the
way Islam is defined and fundamentalism presented. In the age of communication reality is not just
what we see or sense but what we are shown and made to perceive. It would be no exaggeration to
suggest that today our dependence on the communication networks is such that even for something
that happens in front of us we need interpretations to fully comprehend it. Thus reality without
interpretations, in most cases, has come to carry little meaning. Our perception of reality today is
not based on our individual experiences only. It is, in fact, the sum total of the reality plus
interpretations by the 'public arenas' such as education institutions, mass media, the civil service,
parliament, the courts, industry, the research and scientific community, political parties etc.
(Cracknell, 1993: 4).
This study deals with the interpretations of Islam and Islamic fundamentalism by the Muslim as
well as western public arenas. Throughout this thesis I use the word 'Islam' not as a religion but as
a symbol of political power and cultural identity. Because, I believe that Islam as a faith is a
personal and spiritual matter that for majority of the Muslims, like the believers of any religion,
need not be compared with any other religion unless to prove it superior. But as a symbol of
political power and cultural identity Islam does need interpretations and has been interpreted in
many different ways. What triggered my interest in yet another interpretation was that what I had
seen in Pakistan and what I felt the West thought of Muslim societies had no logical connection.
For instance, there is a widespread belief in the West that Muslim societies are deeply religious and
Islam guides every aspect of the Muslims' life. The reality that I have seen and experienced in
Pakistan society, which is ninety-six per cent Muslim, is that few, very few indeed, Muslims may
be willing to die or kill for Islam, but will not live according to Islam. The people of Pakistan, in
their day-to-day life, are as secular as the people of any other part of the world. They have all
human virtues and vices that human beings are capable of anywhere in the world. But still there is
no denying the fact that Pakistan, or for that matter any underdeveloped society, is different from
the industrialised West. How and why are they different is what I have investigated in this thesis.
I have no hesitation in admitting that except for the discrepancy in the reality that I had seen in
Pakistan and its perception that I noticed in the West, I had no clear idea about the subject. But I
have always believed, as Sartre has said somewhere, that the honourable thing about reading is to
let yourself be influenced. I claim to have started this thesis with an open mind, but I do not claim
to be an objective writer, unless objectivity is seen as nothing but to be honest to one's self as well
as others. All of us live with our subjectivity that is influenced by our individual and collective
objective conditions. Most of us are content to live with what we have learnt during our formative
phase in life. Some of us are not. I belong to the latter tribe. Through the years I have unlearnt
many a thing about religion, culture and human beings that I had learnt from my family, school and
society, to accommodate more ideas, opinions and concepts, not less. That process still continues.
One thing that I have learnt in life, and which I shall cherish forever, is that human beings must not
be frozen in their cultural, religious and social categories; they must not be seen as good and bad
without an understanding of their environment.
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Dahlan-Taylor, Magfirah. "Beyond Minority Identity Politics: Rethinking Progressive Islam through Food." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/37730.
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In this dissertation, I analyze the challenges of speaking about religion, ethics, and politics as a Muslim in America beyond the language of minority identity. I investigated the different ways Muslims negotiate the demands of Islamic dietary laws in their everyday lives by collecting primary data gathered through interviews with Muslims from different localities. The answers given by the participants in this study speak to more than the particular issue of how Muslims understand and carry out the demands of Islamic dietary laws given the reality of living in a country where Muslims are a minority group. They reflect a discourse on Islamic dietary laws that is framed primarily within the language of exclusive privatized religious identity and individual consumerism. In this dissertation, I seek to propose a different discourse on Islamic dietary laws, one that is characterized by greater inclusivity and challenges the language of exclusive privatized religious identity and individual consumerism.Ph. D.
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Guenther, Alan M. "The Ḥadīth in Christian-Muslim discourse in British India, 1857-1888 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28275.
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In the development of Islam in India in the nineteenth century, the impact of the interaction between modernist Muslims and Christian administrators and missionaries can be seen in the writings of three Evangelical Christians on the role of the H&dotbelow;adith and the responses of Indian Muslims. The writings of Sir William Muir, an administrator in the Indian Civil Service, were characterized by European Orientalist methods of textual criticism coupled with the Evangelicals' rejection of Muh&dotbelow;ammad. In his response, Sir Sayyid Ah&dotbelow;mad Khan, an influential Muslim modernist, supported the traditional perception of the H&dotbelow;adith but also initiated a new critical approach. The writings of Thomas P. Hughes and Edward Sell, missionaries with the Church Missionary Society, tended to portray Islam as bound by this body of traditions, with the rejoinders of Sayyid Amir 'Ali and Chiragh 'Ali presenting an increasing rejection of the religious authority of the H&dotbelow;adith and an impassioned defense of Islam.
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Deftereos, Christine. "Contesting secularism : Ashis Nandy and the cultural politics of selfhood /." Connect to thesis, 2009. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/5722.
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This dissertation establishes that the methods used to generate social and political criticism are just as important as the ideas expressed. This proposition is explored in both the ideas and methods of the Indian political psychologist Ashis Nandy. For over thirty-five years Nandy has contributed extensively to a number of debates within a global academic culture, and as a public intellectual in India. His critique of Indian secularism has produced intense controversy, and is a dynamic case to explore this relationship between critique and method, and by extension the identity of the critic. This case study also allows for an analysis, of what is widely accepted, as the confronting features of his critique. In radically questioning the ways in which the ideology of secularism operates in Indian political culture, and in defining concepts of Indianness, Nandy contests dominant political ideas and ideals. Further, he confronts the role these ideas and ideals play in foreclosing understandings of national identity, national integration and Indian democracy. I argue that this confrontation demonstrates a critical and psychoanalytic engagement with the constituting features of Indian political culture, and political identities. This case study also provides a context to consider the implications of this approach for understanding and representing the identity of the critic.Much criticism of Nandy and his work is based on beliefs that he represents the intellectual basis of anti-secularism and anti-modernism in India. According to these accounts Nandy carries forward a threatening and disruptive quality. This is evident, it is claimed, in his calls to return to a regressive traditionalism. These responses represent his ideas and his identity within a particular ideological and intellectual framework. This takes place though, at the expense of engaging with the methods operating in his work. The focus on the disruptive and threatening features of Nandy and his work creates a series of over-determined responses that undermine recognition of his psychoanalytic approach. I argue that the location of agitation and fascination for critics is in Nandy’s willingness to confront accepted identities, meanings, fantasies, projections and ideals operating in politics, and in working through the complexities of subjectivity. This aptitude for working with external and internal processes, at the border between culture and psyche is where the psychoanalytic focus of his work is located. The psychoanalytic focus, in working with and working through the complexities of human subjectivity, produces a confronting self-reflexivity that can disarm critics. Nandy’s psychoanalytic reading of secularism is the starting point for theorising and characterising the method, or mode of critique operating across his work more broadly.
This dissertation argues that Nandy’s approach or method is characterised by a psychoanalytic mode. The psychoanalytic mode of engagement is illustrated in his capacity to generate critical analytic perspectives that rupture and regenerate subjectivity, including his own. This dissertation demonstrates Nandy’s psychoanalytic commitment, and argues the importance of this approach. Therefore, this reading of Nandy and the methods that are employed to develop this inquiry, build a case for the importance of psychoanalytic concepts, as a necessary interpretive mode for social and political criticism.
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Cusano, Christopher. "Iran: Islam and Political Participation." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2004. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/435.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucfBachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science
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HASHIM, WAHID HAMZA. "THE IMPACT OF MODERNIZATION ON MIDDLE EASTERN POLITICS." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184061.
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This study analyzes various perspectives of modernization theory in some Middle Eastern countries and examines the impact of modernization, both in its western and eastern formula, on the legitimacy and stability of these countries. It also examines those external factors that influenced these countries' internal and external policies. The study's major hypothesis is that Modernization + Secularization = Instability, whereas Modernization - Secularization = Stability in Middle Eastern Islamic countries. Secularization is a component of both the western and eastern paths; consequently, a Middle Eastern country that attempts to modernize and secularize along either of these paths is doomed to instability. The hypothesis suggested herein is analyzed in regard to twelve Middle Eastern countries. The principal conclusions are that the collapse of the Shah's regime in 1979 was a direct result of his western and secular policies; Egypt's political and economic instability was a result of its unsuccessful oscillation between west and east; Lebanon's limited experience with liberal democracy was a failure because of internal secularization and sectarian politics, and external interference by foreign powers; the instability of the Ba'athist regimes of Syria and Iraq is a consequence of their secular socialist policies; and South Yemen's Marxist-Leninist policies were a major cause for its unstable political regime. Even though Libya's Third International Theory of Modernization, based on an Islamic framework, seems to generate political stability for Qadhafi's regime, his latest adoption of Marxist-Leninist ideology may delegitimize his rule; on the other hand, the latest external pressures by the United States and Western European powers on Libya have legitimized Qadhafi's rule and boosted his popularity, for the time being. In contrast, Algeria's pragmatic socialism has been carefully tailored to its Islamic tradition and therefore has resulted in one of the major stable political systems in the Middle East. Contrary to the pessimist modernization theorists who predict the demise of the traditional monarchies when attempting to rapidly modernize, modernization in Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Morocco seems for the most part to have been accompanied by political stability due to their exclusion of the secular component of the western path.
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Bonura, Carlo J. "Political theory on location : formations of Muslim political community in Southern Thailand /." Thesis, Full text available, 2003. http://images.lib.monash.edu.au/ts/theses/bonura.pdf.
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Belt, David Douglas. "Framing Islam as a Threat: The Use of Islam by Some U.S. Conservatives as a Platform for Cultural Politics in the Decade after 9/11." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/51128.
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Why, in the aftermath of 9/11, did a segment of U.S. security experts, political elite, media and other institutions classify not just al-Qaeda but the entire religion of Islam as a security threat, thereby countering the prevailing professional consensus and White House policy that maintained a distinction between terrorism and Islam? Why did this oppositional threat narrative on Islam expand and even degenerate into warning about the “Islamization” of America by its tiny population of Muslim-Americans—a perceived threat sufficiently convincing that legislators in two dozen states introduced bills to prevent the spread of Islamic law, or sharia, and a Republican Presidential front-runner exclaimed, “I believe Shariah is a mortal threat to the survival of freedom in the United States and in the world as we know it”? This dissertation takes these puzzles as its object of inquiry. Using a framework that conceptualizes discourses and their agents as fundamentally political, this study deepens the literature’s characterizations of this discourse as “Islamophobia,” the “new Orientalism,” the “new McCarthyism,” and so on by examining how it functioned politically as a form of cultural politics, and how such political factors played a role in its expansion in the decade after 9/11. The approach is syncretic, blending Foucauldian genealogy with its emphasis on power, a more interpretive Bourdieuan relational sociology, and synthetic social movement theory. First, it examines the discourse at its macro-level, in the historical and structural factors that formed its conditions of emergence; specifically: 1) the culturally-resident political framing structure that rendered this discourse meaningful and credible; 2) the politically-relevant social-structural resources that rendered it influential; and 3) the more historically contingent or eventful political openings or opportunity “structure” that otherwise enabled, supported, or incentivized it. Then, it examines this threat discourse at its micro-level, biographically profiling three of its more influential polemicists, analyzing their strategies of cultural politics. The study concludes that this threat discourse functioned as a distinctive strategy by the more entrepreneurial segments of the U.S. conservative movement, who—in the emotion-laden wake of 9/11—seized Islam as another opportune site to advance their ongoing project of cultural politics.Ph. D.
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Sarkar, Swagato. "Limits of Politics : Dominance and Resistance in Contemporary India." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.508696.
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Grist, Nicola. "Local politics in the Suru valley of northern India." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 1998. http://research.gold.ac.uk/11450/.
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This thesis addresses the politics of the yokma-pa, a Shi'ite faction in the Suru valley in the Ladakh district of Jammu and Kashmir state, in Northern India. I use the term factions as this is one of two Shi'ite religious groups in the area that between them contain the majority of the population, and are normally opposed to each other. Recently, the yokma-pa have apparently undergone a major political shift from the 1 960s, when they had a millenarian ideology and were primarily concerned with their own local religious agenda. In the 1990s, they have taken on the role of an interest group in the context of electoral politics and the local administration. Education is a major contemporary issue in the area, and through opening their own English medium private school in Suru, they are addressing the stereotype held by the administration and in popular discourse in the area that Shi'ahs in Suru are backward and irrational. The thesis demonstrates the continuity between these two phases. It also shows that the yokma-pa constitutes a legitimate political organisation, at the same time as being a religious organisation and a faction. This thesis makes an important contribution to the anthropology of Ladakh, since there is now a large amount of detailed ethnography on Buddhists, but very little on Muslims, who also remain relatively neglected in the ethnography of India more generally. It may also contribute to academic debates on political forms in India in the context of the current political crisis, especially the rise of Hindu communalism, since there is a dearth of contemporary studies of local politics.
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Pal, Deep. "India-China Relationship Since 1988 -- Ensuring Economics trumps Politics." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1586663.
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The Sino-Indian relationship marked by mutual mistrust for the last six decades has seen definitive changes since the late 1980s. Though considerable issues remain unresolved, the two have begun establishing mechanisms to establish a certain level of trust that began with the visit of Indian prime minister Rajiv Gandhi to Beijing in 1988. The paper analyzes recent literature on this relationship and finds them predicting two outcomes primarily - either one where India admits Chinese supremacy and kowtows to it, or one that foresees increased clashes between the two. Neither outcome takes into account the complex association that the two nations are building guided by a series of frameworks, mechanisms and agreements. This paper posits that in the evolutionary arc of interstate relations, Sino-Indian relations have not reached a point where only one of the two options - cooperation and competition, will be chosen. This paper argues that economic interests of the two rising powers is behind the present behavior where the two are courting each other but at the same time, preparing for the other's rise. Both countries consider their economic identity to be primary and do not want to be distracted from the key national goal of economic development. They are particularly careful that their disagreements with each other do not come in the way of this goal. The paper analyzes the various frameworks and suggests that they are created with this end in consideration. Both India and China aim to continue collaboration in economic matters bilaterally or in international issues of mutual interest even when they don't see eye to eye on disputes left over from history. It is likely that competition will at times get the better of cooperation, driven by factors like strategic influence in the neighborhood, finding newer providers of energy as well as markets for their goods and services. But periodic flare-ups notwithstanding, in the absence of serious provocations, the two countries will avoid clashes that can escalate. The paper also analyzes certain black-swan events that might disturb the balancing act. Incidents like the death of the Dalai Lama creating a vacuum within the Tibetan leadership is one such scenario; a terrorist attack on India planned and executed form Pakistan like the one in Mumbai in 2008 is another. However, the presence of multiple bilateral platforms will continue to automatically insulate alternate channels of communication even in these situations. In conclusion, the paper suggests that as they grow, India and China will continue to engage each other at several levels, competing and cooperation, deterring and reassuring each other at once.
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Bowen, Huw Vaughan. "British politics and the East India Company, 1766-1773." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 1986. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.548079.
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Between 1766 and 1773 issues related to the East India Company were a dominant theme in British politics: in 1767 and 1772-3 there were major parliamentary inquiries into the affairs of the Company. This thesis is a study of why this was so. It is a study of the response of politicians and those within the Company to the changing nature of British activity in India. Attention is focussed upon two legislative bodies: Parliament and the General Court of the Company. Such an approach is necessary as much of the East Indian legislation enacted during this period originated in the General Court. The nature of this political proceHS is reflected in the organization of the thesis. Part one is devoted to a consideration of the political structure and decision-making machinery of the Company. Particular attention has been given to the factional struggle for control of the Company, and to the growth of a ministerial 'interest' in the executive body, the Court of Directors. Part two is a study of the intrusion of Company issues into parliamentary politics. It is argued that shortcomings in the Pratt-Yorke legal opinion of 1757 conditioned the nature of parliamentary intervent ions into the Company's affairs. The motives behind, and scope of, the first inquiry of 1767 are examined, as are the failures to reform the Company between 1768 and 1772. Finally, in the wake of the financial crisis of 1772, detailed consideration is given to the second parliamentary inquiry and the passage of Lord North's East Indian legislation in 1773.
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Ghose, Rana Janak. "Regulating GMOs in India : pragmatism, politics, representation, and risk." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/7579/.
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At the core of any effort by a nation state to regulate new technologies for public release is an implicit navigation of uncertainty. The case of Bt cotton in India presents a very timely and pragmatic example of how nation states grapple with uncertainty in a regulatory context. While much attention has been given to how government actors form regulation, far less is given to how actors outside of the government spheres act as catalysts for regulatory reform. In practice, it is often these parties that drive regulation as a process. The question is how. This paper outlines the findings of fieldwork conducted in India between March 2007 and July 2009 in addressing this central question: what does regulation really mean in a context where new technologies burdened with uncertain consequences are introduced? How do preferences, decisions, and regulatory norms adapt to this introduction based on the interactions of a multitude of parties acting on multiple framings of understanding what risk means? The conclusion is that regulation – in the context of Bt cotton in India - is far from a set of government policies derived from scientific measures of risk assessment. Civil society, firms, and farmers themselves all have tremendous influence on how a nation state navigates uncertainty in a regulatory context. It is a process forged on risk interfaces, where constructions of risk both complement and oppose one another. The actors involved enter these spaces, invited or otherwise. What the government may have initially imagined as ‘regulation' is subject to multiple technical, economic, and political framings of risk from each actor. As a result, regulation is a coevolutionary, co-constructed process. This process of negotiating these spaces is what regulation really means.
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Kamra, Lipika. "The politics of counterinsurgency and statemaking in modern India." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:90864e1c-250a-4fa6-8749-e9b78c939542.
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This thesis undertakes a study of the modern state in India in the context of counterinsurgency. Through a combination of ethnographic and historical methods, it explores the processes and practices of state formation and legitimacy-building in an erstwhile Maoist guerrilla zone of the eastern Indian state of West Bengal. The colonial and postcolonial histories of this forested region, known popularly as the Jungle Mahals, are punctuated by moments of violent conflict and regime-change. These moments of rupture have tended to periodically reorder the relationships between the modern state and its ordinary subjects. Accordingly, the thesis reconstructs a trajectory of state-society relations in the Jungle Mahals from the early colonial era, when East India Company officials created a modern state apparatus to deal with rural rebellions, to the present, when the Indian government has pursued a 'development' agenda to wean ordinary people away from Maoist rebels. I show that periods of insurgency and counterinsurgency ought to be recognised as critical junctures in the history of the modern state in frontier regions such as the Jungle Mahals. The modern state is made and remade in the course of counterinsurgency as both state and rural society are reordered in tandem from above and below. Hence, I make a case for studying the state, understood as both an idea and a set of material practices, from 'within', that is, as emerging through the mediation of actors who represent the state and ordinary villagers in my fieldsites. Furthermore, through an exploration of ordinary villagers' responses to counterinsurgency in the Jungle Mahals, this thesis argues that popular responses to counterinsurgency cannot be explained through the binaries of resistance and complicity. In other words, it is necessary to examine the complex textures of people's lives and subjectivities vis-à-vis the state during and after counterinsurgencies in order to appreciate how statemaking in such circumstances, far from being a top-down imposition on hapless subjects, emerges from below as well.
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Chatterji, Joya. "Communal politics and the partition of Bengal, 1932-1947." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1991. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/273384.
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Anderson, Mark A., and Marc Costain. "The banality of Islamist politics." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1179.
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Approved For Public Release; Distribution is UnlimitedPolitical Islam has emerged as an unambiguous threat to liberal and Western-leaning regimes throughout the world. Public discourse has focused on the Islamic nature of this challenge, emphasizing the cultural characteristics of the threat. In contrast, this thesis argues that Political Islam is essentially a political challenge. Further, states can and do dictate the political space available to Islamists. In order to illustrate this argument, Indonesia and Algeria serve as case studies. These two culturally, economically and ethnically diverse nations share a predominance of Muslim adherents. Each nation has struggled with Political Islam. Yet, the consequences of state policy have profoundly differed. Recent innovations in political science theory are employed to provide a uniform structure of comparison between the two case studies. The thesis concludes that states make a choice whether to play offense or defense against their political opposition. When states choose the offensive, using targeted, preemptive repression to subsume the political space, they are successful. When states choose the defensive, using indiscriminate, reactive repression to foreclose political space, they are failures. This thesis implies that states, far from being hapless victims of fervently religious movements, can exercise a broad array of policy options to compete with Political Islam.
Major, United States Marine Corps
Lieutenant Commander, United States Navy
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Nereid, Camilla Trud. "The Turkish Identity Politics of Modernization: Islam and the West." Doctoral thesis, Norges teknisk-naturvitenskapelige universitet, Institutt for historie og klassiske fag, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-15741.
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Saad-Ghorayeb, Amal. "Hizbu'llah : politics and religion /." Londres : Pluto Press, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38942056z.
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Iyer, Sriya. "Religion and the economics of fertility in south India." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/226114.
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Saleem, Ahmad Muhammed. "All India Muslim League : 1906 - 1919." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.360202.
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Linn, Rachel. "Islamists in the Arab Spring : the Tunisian and Moroccan movements' response to increasing pluralism." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648206.
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Nuristani, Ahmad Yusuf. "Emergence of ulama as political leaders in the Waigal Valley, the intensification of Islamic Identity." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1992. http://books.google.com/books?id=LsZ2AAAAMAAJ.
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Lozowy, Dominique. "L'impact socio-politique du discours islamiste en Tunisie." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=68117.
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Despite the social reforms led by Bourguiba during his presidency, the state of Tunisia, as modern as it was, gave way to a thriving Islamic revival movement to such an extent that during the '80s their activities disturbed Tunisia's political life. The years between 1986 and 1991 were marked by open conflict between the regime and the Islamists. Since this conflict was an ideological one, the population was influenced only marginally by its outcome. Perhaps the concerns of the Islamists were not involved enough with those of most Tunisians. An analytical approach to Tunisian Islamist thought reveals that political matters, inspired by Islamic teachings as well as secular ones, formed its ideological basis. The ideological needs of the population were not a priority. Being easily influenced by mainstream thought, Tunisians were easily conditioned by the state and the mass media to reject any form of Islamism.
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Osman, Newal. "Partition and Punjab politics, 1937-55." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608215.
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Dhital, Pragya. "Paper chains : the techno-politics of communication in modern India." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2016. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/23639/.
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