Academic literature on the topic 'Islam and politics – India'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Islam and politics – India.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Islam and politics – India"
1
Kooria, Mahmood. "Politics, Economy and Islam in ‘Dutch Ponnāni’, Malabar Coast." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 62, no. 1 (December 10, 2019): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341473.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractPonnāni was a port in southwestern India that resisted the Portuguese incursions in the sixteenth century through the active involvement of religious, mercantile and military elites. In the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Ponnāni was the only place where the Dutch East India Company had commercial access into the kingdom of the Zamorins of Calicut. When the Dutch gained prominence in the coastal belt, this port town became the main centre for their commercial, diplomatic, and political transactions. But as a religious centre it began to recede into oblivion in the larger Indian Ocean and Islamic scholarly networks. The present article examines this dual process and suggests important reasons for the transformations. It argues that the port town became crucial for diplomatic and economic interests of the Dutch East India Company and the Zamorins, whereas its Muslim population became more parochial as they engaged with themselves than with the larger socio-political and scholarly networks.
2
Krishna, Gopal. "Islam, minority status and citizenship: Muslim experience in India." European Journal of Sociology 27, no. 2 (November 1986): 353–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600004653.
Full textAbstract:
Indian muslims have been a large and an active constituent of Indian politics and society for a very long time. Throughout the twentieth century their political endeavours have been directed towards achieving communal autonomy in a plural society. The aspiration to autonomy has been sufficiently strong to unite an otherwise extremely heterogeneous population, divided by language, class, caste and sect. Muslim politics were never monolithic but the dominant tendency was wedded to the cause of autonomy, which entailed a substantial struggle to determine the character and the scope of the state's jurisdiction.
3
Aquil, Raziuddin. "Making Sense of the Languages of Islam in Medieval North India1." Comparative Islamic Studies 1, no. 1 (February 4, 2007): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v1i1.93.
Full textAbstract:
An extensive review of Muzaffar Alam's The Languages of Political Islam in India c 1200-1800 in which the reviewer concludes that 'despite the author's adherence to liberal/progressive values within Islam and commitment to secular politics in contemporary India, which have restrained him in a large measure, this work has almost everything in it to become a classic.'
4
Fazalbhoy, Nasteen. "Islam, Politics and Social Movements." American Journal of Islam and Society 9, no. 3 (October 1, 1992): 416–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v9i3.2579.
Full textAbstract:
This book contains thirteen well-researched case studies on social movements in North Africa, India, the Middle East, and Iran. Each movement differs,as the issues and concerns vary according to area. This diversity is mademanageable by a neat categorization taking into account geography, periodization,and problematics, for example, and by the editors' clear explanation,in the first part of the book, of how the articles are arranged. In the second partare articles by Von Sivers, Clancy-Smith, Colonna, and Voll. Each authoranalyzes resistance and millenarian movements in precolonial (i.e., nineteenthandearly twentieth-century) North Africa. Part three, with articles by Frietag,Gilmartin and Swdenburg, deals with more contemporary issues, such asIslam and nationalism in India and Palestine. Part four discusses labor movements in Egypt and northern Nigeria (Beinin, Goldberg, Lubeck), while partfive looks at the Iranian revolution and the mles of Imam Khomeini and AliShari'ati in defining and inspiring it (Algar, Abrahamian, Keddie).One of the main issues that must be addressed when dealing with socialmovements in Islamic societies is whether they are really "Islamic" or whetherthey just happen to be taking place in Muslim Societies. Lapidus, in his introductoryessay, brings out the main issues when he says that the movements arestudied "in order to explore their self-conception and symbols, the econofnicand political conditions under which they developed, and their relation toagrarian and capitalist economic structum and to established state regimes andelites" (p. 3). The authors look at social, structural, and ideological featureswithout giving exclusive primacy to one or the other. Burke stresses this point.In his article, he discusses methodological issues and places the studies in thecontext of contemporary modes of analyses such as the "new cultural" and the"new social history" methods inspired by E. P. Thompson and others. Thisessay is an invaluable introduction to the case studies. Placing the movementsin the context of changes occurring in the Islamic world as well as in the contextof wider political and social events, the essay allows one to make comparisonsacmss the different areas covered in terms of popular culture, patternsof collective action, the problem of Islam and secularism, and other aspects.The articles range from the role of Islamic symbols (i.e., the mosque inIndia) in articulating new political organizations designed to deal with the ...
5
PUROHIT, TEENA. "Identity Politics Revisited: Secular and ‘Dissonant’ Islam in Colonial South Asia." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 3 (November 10, 2010): 709–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x10000181.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper analyzes the political project of secular Islam as outlined by the Indian political and religious leader, Muhammad Shah—also known as Aga Khan III (1877–1957). As first president of the All India Muslim League, Muhammad Shah facilitated the installation of separate electorates for Muslims as well as the call for Partition. The reformist notion of Islam he invoked for this separatist programme was informed by the secular and modernizing projects of the colonial public sphere. Simultaneously, however, Muhammad Shah claimed a divine role as Imam of the Ismaili Muslim community—a position validated by Ismaili beliefs and teachings of messianic Islam. The paper engages Muhammad Shah's writings and the devotional texts of the Ismailis to illustrate how the heterogeneous forms of practices peculiar to the vernacular history of Islam in early modern South Asia were displaced by the discourse of religious identity in the colonial period.
6
Schofield, Victoria. "The population myth, Islam family planning and politics in India." Round Table 111, no. 6 (November 2, 2022): 743–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2022.2149119.
Full text
7
Mohomed, Carimo. ""Islam" as the national identity for the formation of Pakistan: the political thought of Muhammad Iqbal and Abu'l 'Ala Mawdudi." História (São Paulo) 33, no. 1 (June 2014): 317–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0101-90742014000100015.
Full textAbstract:
In 1930, Muhammad Iqbal (1877-1938) devised for the first time the creation of a separate state for the Indian Muslims, for whom, according to him, the main formative force through History had been Islam. Although predicated upon secular ideologies, the Pakistan movement was able to mobilize the masses only by appealing to Islam. Nationalism became dependent on Islam and, as a result, politicized the faith. A number of Muslim religious and communal organizations pointed to the importance of promoting Muslim nationalism, political consciousness and communal interests. As the creation of Pakistan became more and more likely, Abu'l 'Ala Mawdudi (1903-1979) increased his attacks on the Muslim League, objecting to the idea of Muslim nationalism because it would exclude Islam from India. The increasingly communal character of the Indian politics of the time, and the appeal made to religious symbols in the formulation of new political alliances and programmes by various Muslim groups as well as Muslim League leaders, created a climate in which Mawdudi's theological discourse found understanding and relevance. This paper, using especially the political thought of Muhammad Iqbal and Abu'l 'Ala Mawdudi, analyses how Islam was used to justify a separate state for the Indian Muslims, and the impacts on and challengesto the political process and its evolution, at the same time that it concludes that "Islam", as a political symbol, can have many forms according to the ideas previously held by those who use it.
8
Mannan, Md Abdul. "Islam’s role in Bangladesh–Pakistan Alignment against India under the BNP’s Rule." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 74, no. 2 (April 18, 2018): 138–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928418766685.
Full textAbstract:
This article engages with Bangladesh’s policy of seeking alignment with Pakistan, pursued by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) government in different tenures from the 1990s on. In this endeavour, the article takes into account the BNP’s politics of Islamic identity as a key variable of analysis. This identity factor tacitly presents Bangladesh, Pakistan and India as ‘Muslim Bangladesh’, ‘Muslim Pakistan’, and ‘Hindu India’, respectively. It frames ‘Muslim Pakistan’ as a mutual ally of ‘Muslim Bangladesh’ and shares with Pakistan a view of ‘Hindu India’ as the enemy-other. It operates in foreign policy through domestic politics in Bangladesh, wherein for the BNP, being anti-Indian is synonymous with being pro-Islam. It is claimed in this article that this politics of Islamic identity draws Bangladesh into an alignment with Pakistan, dragging Bangladesh into Pakistan’s own conflict with India.
9
Esha, Muhammad In'am. "AGAMA SIKH DI INDIA: Sejarah Kemunculan, Ajaran dan Aktivitas Sosial-Politik." El-HARAKAH (TERAKREDITASI) 8, no. 1 (December 8, 2008): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/el.v8i1.4615.
Full textAbstract:
<p>The paper examines the Sikhism on its history, doctrines, and political activities. The Sikhism was founded by Guru Nanak whose ideology was initially closed to Islam and further moved to Hindu. However, the political conflict in India between Hindu and Islam is as one strong reason to make eclecticism. Therefore, the doctrines of Sikhism were taken from Islam on one side and Hindu on another side. It results in the Sikhism as a dualistic doctrine in its concept on God, human beings and nature. The Sikhism was involved conflict in India's society when the leader of Sikhism dragged in the political sphere. In the beginning it tried to mediate the conflict between Islam and Hindu. However, it turned to be a trigger into triangle conflict, The Sikh, Islam and Hindu. It becomes obvious that religion is not immune from political conflict, as politics can also become the conflict trigger among religions.</p><p> </p><p>Makalah ini mengkaji Sikhisme mengenai sejarah, doktrin, dan aktivitas politiknya. Sikhisme didirikan oleh Guru Nanak yang ideologinya awalnya tertutup bagi Islam dan selanjutnya beralih ke Hindu. Namun, konflik politik di India antara Hindu dan Islam adalah salah satu alasan kuat untuk membuat eklektisisme. Oleh karena itu, doktrin Sikhisme diambil dari Islam di satu sisi dan Hindu di sisi lain. Ini menghasilkan Sikhisme sebagai doktrin dualistik dalam konsepnya tentang Tuhan, manusia dan alam. Sikhisme terlibat konflik di masyarakat India ketika pemimpin Sikhisme menyeret dalam ranah politik. Pada awalnya ia berusaha menengahi konflik antara Islam dan Hindu. Namun, hal itu berubah menjadi pemicu konflik segitiga, Sikh, Islam dan Hindu. Menjadi jelas bahwa agama tidak kebal dari konflik politik, karena politik juga bisa menjadi pemicu konflik antar agama.</p>
10
Thodika, Shaheen Kelachan. "Iranian Islamic Revolution and the Transformation of Islamist Discourse in Southern India: 1979–1992." Religions 14, no. 1 (January 16, 2023): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14010130.
Full textAbstract:
By focusing on the publications of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind (JIH) in the Malayalam language, this article argues that the 1979 Iranian Islamic Revolution (IIR) marked a rupture from the disenchantments of the 1947 partition of British India and Cold War-centered politics for the Islamists of Kerala. This rupture from the colonial past and a Western-inspired intellectual climate had resonances in the discourse on Islam in Kerala. The Iranian revolution not only imported the idea of Islamism or revolution but also a renewed interest in democracy, modernity and the idea of “Islamist political” to the southwest coast of India. In an attempt to write an intellectual history of emotions related to the IIR, this paper argues that in the case of Islamists, there was a strong tendency to break from the intellectual discourse of the nation-state and begin afresh in politics, and the moment of 1979 provided what they sought for long.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Islam and politics – India"
1
Misra, Devika. "Religious resurgence : Islam in Malaysia, Hindutva in India /." Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1999. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B21240693.
Full text
2
Deutsch, Karin Anne. "Muslim women in colonial North India circa 1920-1947 : politics, law and community identity." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/229605.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation explores the relationship between gender and Muslim community identity in late colonial India. It pursues two broad themes. The first of these is the way in which gender issues were used symbolically by Muslim religious and political leaders to give substance to a community identity based largely on religious and cultural ideals in the three decades prior to independence. The second is the activities of elite Muslim women in social reform organisations and their entry into politics. Most of the recent literature on the development of a distinct Muslim identity during this period focuses entirely on politics and thus on relatively short-term factors leading to Partition. However, gender makes us look again at the longer term, especially the way in which it gave substance to the imagining of an all- India Muslim identity. I examine the various constructions and stereotypes of the Muslim woman and the ways in which she was seen as being in need of special protection in the political sphere while being in an advantageous position with regard to Muslim personal law. Of particular importance here are the discourse on purdah, which had become communalised during this period even as purdah practices were changing, and the ways in which Islamic law became considered as a 'sacred site' for Muslims in the late colonial period. I argue that the focus on gender issues by certain political and religious leaders was a 'universalising' factor: while it was difficult to portray all Indian Muslims as constituting a definitive and united group, all Indian Muslim women could be depicted as being alike, with the same interests and problems. These tendencies were strengthened by the Indian Muslim awareness of a wider Muslim community. In terms of practice, I examine women's entry into the political sphere, as well as their relationship with national women's organisations. I show that women were not passive onlookers to the debates on gender, but contributed to them, although their interest was more on improving women's rights than on formulating community identities. The dissertation examines women's conflicting identities as women and as Muslims, particularly as the initial unity among women on social reform issues was eroded due to communal antagonism in the realm of politics. The focus of the dissertation will be on the public sphere, which is where one can best examine the interactions between men and women, Hindus and Muslims, and Indian and British representatives. Given the diversity of the Indian Muslim experience, I concentrate on and give examples primarily from the United Provinces, but owing to wider connections between women I also look at other north Indian examples.
3
Samad, Yunas. "South Asian Muslim politics, 1937-1958." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:20859dd8-f3cf-47d2-915b-6142d8a7cbe5.
Full textAbstract:
The object of this thesis is to explain why Pakistan which Muslim nationalist historians claim was created in the name of Islam failed to sustain a democratic political system. This question is explored by examining the politics of South Asian Muslims as a continuity from the colonial to the post-partition period, focusing on the tension between centripetal and centrifugal forces. The thesis begins by investigating the factors which helped politicize Muslim identity during the inter-war years. The interplay of nationalism, constitutional reforms and common identity based on confessional faith forged political identities which determined the course of subsequent events. Dyarchy set in motion processes which the Government of India Act of 1935 reinforced,- the emergence of political solidarities based on religion and region and alienation from nationalist politics. The Congress was able to neutralize the centrifugal developments among its Hindu constituency. It was not so successful among Muslims partly due to the impact of the Reforms and partly due to the activity of Hindu revivalists in the party. Simultaneously Muslim politics was moving away from the Congress, not towards the Muslim League but to the All-India Muslim Conference, around which most Muslims had gathered in opposition to the Nehru Report. However most regional and communitarian parties were not simply antagonistic to the Congress. They rejected centralist politics as a whole. This was amply demonstrated by the 1937 election results which underlined Jinnah's irrelevance to Muslim politics. Hence Muslims were in their political loyalties divided between strong currents focused on provincial interests and weak ones emphasizing sub-continental unity, national or Muslim. This configuration, the opposition between centrifugal and centripetal forces defined the basic parameters of Muslim politics. The second chapter describes how the political divisions between Muslims was partially overcome. The 1937 elections initiated a major political shift among the Muslim regional parties and caused great unease among the urban groupings. The Muslim regional partie's feared that the Congress Party's control over provincial ministries through a centralized structure and its rejection of the federal basis of the 1935 Act, would lead to their being roped into a Hindu-dominated unitary state. To fight this threat, an alternative political focus at the all-India level came to be considered necessary for the protection of their interests. The Muslim League's revival was indirectly facilitated by the Quit India Movement which temporarily removed the Congress from the arena of open politics and by the encouragement Jinnah received from the Raj. The League was able to gradually pull Muslim groups, particularly those in the Muslim-minority provinces, into its ranks through the use of anti-Congress propaganda. But among the urban masses of UP Jinnah was eclipsed by Mashriqi until the mid-1940s when the Khaksars became a spent force. This development combined with the increasing influence of the Pakistan slogan, vague yet immensely attractive, provided the ideological cutting edge of the League's agenda for Muslim unity. The ideological hegemony allowed the League to focus the forces of community consciousness as a battering ram to breakdown the regional parties resistance. The Pakistan slogan spread from the urban areas and Muslim-minority provinces into the rural areas of the Muslim-majority provinces. But in Bengal the regionalist had taken over the party, in the Punjab Khizr continued to resist and in the NWFP and Sind the Muslim League was a peripheral influence. Hence by the mid-1940s the League was only able to achieve partial unity under the Pakistan banner. The third chapter deals with the brief moment of political unity achieved through the combined impact of mass nationalism and communal riots. After the constitutional deadlock following the breakdown of the Simla Conference the League was able to make major advances by positing a clear choice between their and the Congress's plans for India's future. Muslim nationalism now centred on the League capitalized on the political uncertainties caused by the negotiations and won over many adherents from the provincial parties. An important factor which widened the League's area of influence was the increased significance of economic nationalism. It opened channels of communication between the elites and the masses, drew in groups previously unaffected by the Muslim League and turned the agitation for Pakistan into a mass movement. These factors combined with the weakness of the Congress due to their incarceration during the war resulted in the widespread shift away from the regional parties to the Muslim League. Jinnah was able to achieve for a brief moment political unity and used this as the basis to extract the maximum constitutional concessions from the British and the Congress. However the centralization process was weak and its frailty was at the root of ideological confusion. The confusion was manifest in the changing definition of Pakistan in this crucial period. The problem was compounded by the League's lack of strong party structure to control and enforce discipline over the regional supporters. Jinnah's interventions in the provinces were the exception and not the rule and limited to disciplining local leaders. For expanding the party's influence he was completely dependent on the provincial leaders. The regionalist forces were not genuine converts to Muslim nationalism. They used the League as a stalking horse for their provincial interests. Jinnah accepted the Cabinet Mission Plan due to the strong pressures from the Muslim-majority provinces who were not interested in a separate homeland for Muslims and later he supported Suhrawardy's attempt to avoid partition of Bengal. Jinnah had to be responsive to these different currents within the party in order to avoid a revolt against his leadership. Besides the internal pressure, pro-Congress opposition was still strong in Sarhad and Sind and they used regional ethnicity as a counter against the League. However the opposition collapsed when the civil disobedience movement mounted by the League at this extremely tense moment triggered off the communal explosion which engulfed northern India and as a result the Congress accepted partition. The fourth chapter deals with the Muslim League's effort to consolidate its position in Pakistan through the construction of a strong state and the potent anti-centre backlash it produced. Pakistan came into existence through the contingent circumstances attending the transfer of power and the League's leadership was ill-prepared to establishing itself in Pakistan. The perceived threat from India and the internal opposition to the leadership convinced them that the country and they themselves could survive politically only if a strong centre was established. However the ethnic composition of the ruling group was a source of tension which bedeviled the centralizing process. The Muslim League leadership was mainly Muhajirs who had no social base in Pakistan. They along with the Punjabis also dominated the military and the bureaucracy. Hence the push for a unitary structure alienated others such as the Bengalis, who were not represented in the upper echelons of the state. The political instability was aggravated by the ruling group's efforts to establish a strong centre not on the basis of a broad consensus but through strong arm tactics. As a result internal and external opposition to the League leadership was suppressed in an authoritarian manner. Karachi used the state apparatus to crush the emerging opposition and interfered in the provinces attempting to put its supporters into power.
4
Shāh, Sayyid Vaqār ʿAlī. "Muslim politics in the North-West Frontier Province, 1937-1947." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:25cf19fa-51ab-4020-8bf8-19c339b517f9.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation examines Muslim politics in the North-West Frontier Province of India between 1937 and 1947. It first investigates the nature of modern politics in the Frontier Province and its relationship with all-India politics. The N-WFP was the only Muslim majority province which supported the INC in its struggle to represent an Indian nation against the British raj, rather than of joining other Muslims in the AIML. The N-WFP had its own peculiar type of society, distinct from the rest of India. In the Frontier Province, Islam wa? iaierwoven to such an extent with Pashtoon society that it formed an essential and integral part of it; and the Pashtoons 1 sense of separate ethnic identity, within the bounds and framework of Islam, become an acknowledged fact. In this Muslim majority province, there was no fear of Hindu domination, as was prevalent among Muslims in Hindu majority provinces. This was a principal reason for the initial failure of ML to acquire support in the FP. The study also explores the rise of the Khudai Khidmatgars and the reasons for the preference of majority of the N-WFP Muslims for Congress. It argues that the coming together of the KKs and the Congress gave the former popularity, and an ally in all-India politics and the latter a significant base of support in a Muslim majority province. It elucidates the changing political contexts of the period 1937-47 and shows how loyalties were contingent on these circumstances. It is therefore not just about Frontier politics, but, at a deeper level, about the nature of evolving political identities in the sub-continent. The thesis concludes with a discussion of the All-India National Congress 'desertion' of the Frontier people on the eve of partition, the dismissal of the provincial Congress ministry by Jinnah, and the deeply ambiguous positions of the KKs in the context of the new nation of Pakistan.
5
Islam, Maidul. "Limits of Islamism : ideological articulations of Jamaat-e-Islami in contemporary India and Bangladesh." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f1942d17-cbce-4f8f-a717-7121548a80eb.
Full textAbstract:
My doctoral thesis analyses the political ideology of Islamism by taking the case study of a major Islamist organization, namely the Jamaat-e-Islami in contemporary India and Bangladesh. In doing so, I try to understand the similarities and differences of the ideological articulations of Islamism in a Muslim minority context of India and in a Muslim majority context of Bangladesh. The thesis is written from a political theory perspective in general and within the realm of ideology studies in particular. The study analyses how and why the Jamaat is responding to the economic and cultural issues of neoliberal India and Bangladesh. One cannot possibly ignore the neoliberal context within which Islamists are generating markedly new kinds of political articulations with an unprecedented set of political demands, never seen before in the history of Islamist movements. The ideological articulations of Jamaat have been studied by analyzing various primary sources—organisational literature, the party constitution, policy resolutions, press releases, election manifestos and political pamphlets of Jamaat-e-Islami. In addition, this dissertation has also relied on field interviews with the Jamaat leadership in India and Bangladesh. Magazines and internet sources have been also helpful for this study. My thesis analyses Islamist responses to neoliberalism by discussing the contrasting conditions of contemporary India and Bangladesh. In doing so, I conclude that in India, Jamaat is opposed to neoliberalism whereas in Bangladesh, it has a ambiguous character vis-à-vis neoliberalism. However, Islamists in both these countries are opposed to cultural issues like atheism, ‘blasphemous’ views, live-in relationships and homosexuality, which they construe as the products of ‘western cultural globalization’. In this respect, I try to analyse why the Islamists are opposed to ‘western cultural globalization’. Finally, I also explain how Islamism, as a politico-ideological project of populist mobilization is facing a crisis in contemporary India and Bangladesh.
6
Misra, Amalendu. "Perception of Islam in Indian nationalist thought." Thesis, University of Hull, 1999. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:8003.
Full text
7
Umar, Muhammad. "Islam in Northern India during the eighteenth century /." New Delhi : Munshiram Manoharlal publ, 1993. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb374828727.
Full text
8
Stephens, Julia Anne. "Governing Islam: Law and Religion in Colonial India." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10842.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation charts how the legal regulation of Islam in colonial India fostered a conception of religion that focused on dividing it from secular economy and politics. Colonial law segregated religious law from other branches of law through intersecting binaries that pitted religion against reason and family against the economy. These binaries continue to shape both popular and scholarly approaches to South Asian religion. Unsettling these common assumptions, the dissertation reveals the close relationship between contemporary conceptions of religion and the imperatives of imperial governance. By segregating religious from secular law, the British developed a bifurcated strategy of governance that balanced contradictory commitments to preserving Indian traditions with introducing modernizing reforms. Scholars have traditionally located the origins of the colonial approach to administering Indian religious laws in the early decades of Company rule. The dissertation argues instead that the conceptual framework of religious personal laws emerged between the second and third quarter of the nineteenth century. Changing concepts of sovereignty, an evangelical commitment to spreading Christian civilization, and the integration of colonial production into global markets led colonial officials to look for ways to consolidate the authority of the colonial state. Due to the history of Mughal rule, colonial officials viewed Islamic law as posing a particular threat to colonial suzerainty, placing Islam at the center of these debates. Limiting religious laws to the sphere of domestic relations and ritual performance allowed the colonial state to maintain the rhetoric of respecting Indian religions while consolidating new bodies of criminal, commercial, and procedural law. The boundaries colonial law drew around religion, however, proved unstable. By bringing different definitions of religion into dialogue, legal adjudication in courts unsettled the boundaries between religious and secular authority that colonial legislation and legal texts attempted to solidify. The dissertation looks at legal debates occurring in different levels of the judicial system and in the wider court of public opinion, turning to newspaper coverage of trials and literature on Islamic law. The dissertation uses this broadened archive of legal contest to explore alternative understandings of the relationship between religion, politics, and economy.History
9
Costain, Marc D. Anderson Mark A. "The banality of Islamist politics /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FCostain.pdf.
Full text
10
Huzen, Kent Bob. "Politics of Islamic Jihad." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Sciences, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/3504.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis argues among other things, That the concept of jihad, which represents a form of striving and endeavour-often misinterpreted in the literature as 'holy war'- is rooted in the Qur'anic ideals and interpretations (ijtihad). However it can be extremely variable when 'applied' to Muslim societies in the course of history. Thus for example, the Greater and Lesser Jihads might be subject to a number of different interpretations when applied to Muslim societies deriving from a (a) historical experiences and/or circumstances; (b) theological or philosophical debates; (c) differing religio-political elite formations; and (d)strategic assesments of threats and/or dangers to Islam. We demonstrate the multifaceted and variable characteristics of jihad through the use of a 'Jihadist Wheel'. In the case of modern jihadist organizations, which we examine, reference to the Qur'an as a source of ideological guidance and inspiration has sometimes given way to what is referred to in the literature as a 'strategic' assesment of the realities confronting Islam. Often, as the case of Iraq, this might lead to excessive violence and accusations of Islamic terrorism.
From an analytical standpoint this thesis argues that 'jihadism' and 'terrorism' are two differnt construct in terms of motivation and goals. However the variability of the jihadist concept when applied by Muslims under varying conflictual circumstances (i.e. threats and/or response) can sometimes add to confusion surrounding the meaning of the term and of course its identification with 'holy war' or 'terrorism'.
It is hoped that this thesis will at least add some light to the current debate in the literature over the anatomy of jihadism, whils seeking to provide an analytical framework for the identification and application of different forms of jihad based on the Qur'anic exegesis.
Books on the topic "Islam and politics – India"
1
Bharateeya Vichar Manch (Ahmadābād, India), ed. Secular India: Politics of minorityism. New Delhi: Vitasta Publishing Pvt. Ltd., 2012.
Find full text
2
Religion, caste, and politics in India. New York: Columbia University Press, 2011.
Find full text
3
Elst, Koenraad. Negationism in India: Concealing the record of Islam. New Delhi: Voice of India, 1992.
Find full text
4
Pak-India history: Delusion versus vision. Lahore: Qausain, 2006.
Find full text
5
Ahmad, Qeyamuddin. The Wahhabi movement in India. 2nd ed. New Delhi: Manohar, 1994.
Find full text
6
Islam, caste, and Dalit-Muslim relations in India. New Delhi: Global Media Publications, 2004.
Find full text
7
Religion and politics in India during the thirteenth century. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2002.
Find full text
8
Aquil, Raziuddin. Sufism, culture, and politics: Afghans and Islam in medieval North India. New Delhi: Oxford Univ. Press, 2007.
Find full text
9
Religion in politics: Eastern India,1905-1947. Varanasi: Pilgrims Pub., 2009.
Find full text
10
Nā, Joga Ba. Threat of Islam: Indian dimensions. Mumbai (Bombay): Unnati Prakashan, 1994.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Islam and politics – India"
1
Osella, Filippo, and Caroline Osella. "Muslim Entrepreneurs in Public Life between India and the Gulf: Making Good and doing Good." In Islam, Politics, Anthropology, 194–212. Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444324402.ch12.
Full text
2
Keshavmurthy, Prashant. "The Limits of Islamic Civility in India." In Islam, Civility and Political Culture, 105–30. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-56761-3_6.
Full text
3
Ahmadi, Nader. "Individuality and Politics." In Iranian Islam, 124–79. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230373495_7.
Full text
4
Moten, Abdul Rashid. "Politics in Islam." In Political Science: An Islamic Perspective, 17–31. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230377578_2.
Full text
5
Soares, Benjamin, and Filippo Osella. "Islam, Politics, Anthropology." In Islam, Politics, Anthropology, 1–22. Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444324402.ch1.
Full text
6
Setiawan, Ken M. P., and Dirk Tomsa. "Islam and Politics." In Politics in Contemporary Indonesia, 85–101. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429459511-6.
Full text
7
Adeney, Katharine, and Andrew Wyatt. "Politics and Society." In Contemporary India, 126–57. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-36434-9_6.
Full text
8
Wagner, Christian. "India 1." In Understanding Global Politics, 127–40. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315545288-9.
Full text
9
Esots, Janis. "Islamic Philosophy in India." In Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, 324–28. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3_1991.
Full text
10
Peer, Rooyintan Peshotan. "Zoroastrian Rituals in India." In Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, 773–82. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3_571.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Islam and politics – India"
1
MAȚOI, Ecaterina. "TEHREEK-E-LABBAIK PAKISTAN (TLP): A RISING EXTREMIST FORCE, OR JUST THE TIP OFA LARGER RADICALISED ICEBERG IN THE AFPAK REGION?" In SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH AND EDUCATION IN THE AIR FORCE. Publishing House of “Henri Coanda” Air Force Academy, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19062/2247-3173.2021.22.26.
Full textAbstract:
As if Afghanistan’s recent takeover by the Taliban was not a sufficiently significant development in the AfPak region, reports indicate that Pakistan’s largest sect, the Barelvi, becomes increasingly militant and aggressive by the day. Since another important movement for the history of Pakistan - the Deobandi - has generally dominated the violence scene in Pakistan starting with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, this trend within the Barelvis is a rather new one, and deserves extensive attention keeping in mind the recent regional developments. Taking a brief look at the history of the region to identify possible causes that may underlie the radicalization of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan group, it is noticeable that emergence of Barelvi and Deobandi sects in the first part of 19th century was part of a larger movement to revive Islam in the Northern part of India, but in different manners: while the Deobandi kept close to the Hanafi Sunni teachings in a strictly manner, the Barelvi sect – developed itself mostly on a Sufi legacy, as part of a larger Folk Islam inherited from the Mughal Empire, despite being itself affiliated with the Hanafi school. The differences between the two movements became critical from a political, security and social point of view, especially after the division of British India in 1947, into two states: a Muslim one – present day Pakistan, and a Hindu one - present day India, of which, the first, became the state entity that encompassed both Hanafi revivalist movements, Deobandi and Barelvi. Therefore, this research is aiming to analyse the history of Barelvi movement starting with the British Raj, the way in which Pakistan was established as a state and the problems that arose with the partition of the former British colony, the very Islamic essence of the new established state, and the potential for destabilization of Barelvi organisations in an already prone to conflict area. Consequently, the current research aims to identify the patterns of latest developments in Pakistan, their historical roots and causes, main actors active in religious, political and military fields in this important state-actor from the AfPak region, in order to project Barelvi recent in a defined environment, mainly by using a historical approach.
2
Warjio, Warjio, Syaifuddin Lubis, Yusniar Lubis, and Fajar Ananda. "Islam and State Ideology: Masyumi’s Experience in Indonesian Politics." In Proceedings of the 5th International Conference on Social and Political Sciences, ICSPS 2019, 12th November 2019, Jakarta, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.12-11-2019.2293551.
Full text
3
Warjio, Warjio, and Heri Kusmanto. "Islam and Democracy in Contemporary Politics in Indonesia: Contributions and Model." In Proceedings of the 1st International Symposium on Indonesian Politics, SIP 2019, 26-27 June 2019, Central Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.25-6-2019.2288025.
Full text
4
Hamdani, Mr. "Islam and Politics (Hurly-Burly of Religious Issues in the 2017 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election)." In Third International Conference on Social and Political Sciences (ICSPS 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icsps-17.2018.55.
Full text
5
"The Politics of Human Trafficking in India and Malaysia." In International Conference on Research in Social Sciences, Humanities and Education. Universal Researchers (UAE), 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.17758/uruae.uh0516005.
Full text
6
"India Calling: Telecom Sector Comes Full Circle." In rd Joint International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Tishk International University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2021p25.
Full text
7
Soedarwo, Vina Salviana Darvina, Nurul Zuriah, Gonda Yumitro, and Gautam Kumar Jha. "Gender Roles in Politics: A Comparative Study Between Indonesia and India." In International Conference on Emerging Media, and Social Science. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.7-12-2018.2281821.
Full text
8
Darapaneni, Narayana, and Easwar Krishna Iyer. "Modelling of Churn in Indian Politics: A Case Study of Andhra Pradesh." In 2021 IEEE 18th India Council International Conference (INDICON). IEEE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/indicon52576.2021.9691695.
Full text
9
Wirawanda, Yudha, Rino Andreas, and Khairul Syafuddin. "Discourse of Islam on the Online Forum: Discourse Analysis of Usersr Postings in Subforum News and Politics Kaskus." In International Conference of Communication Science Research (ICCSR 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iccsr-18.2018.33.
Full text
10
Seth, Shubhra. "'God Does Not Displace' - Politics of Communal Violence and Displacement in India." In Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations. Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir15.50.
Full textReports on the topic "Islam and politics – India"
1
Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Nicholas Morieson. Civilizational Populism Around the World. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0012.
Full textAbstract:
This article addresses an issue of growing political importance: the global rise of civilizational populism. From Western Europe to India and Pakistan, and from Indonesia to the Americas, populists are increasingly linking national belonging with civilizational identity—and at times to the belief that the world is divided into religion-based civilizations, some of which are doomed to clash with one another. As part of this process, Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity have all been commandeered by populist parties and movements, each adept at using the power of religion—in different ways and drawing on different aspects of religion—to define the boundary of concepts such as people, nation, and civilization.
2
Ihsan, Yilmaz, and Raja Ali M. Saleem. The nexus of religious populism and digital authoritarianism in Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0016.
Full textAbstract:
Pakistan has a turbulent political history. In the seven decades since its creation, the country has faced four military-led dictatorships and another two decades under indirect military rule. Given this political trend, authoritarianism is not a novel phenomenon in the country. Digital authoritarianism, however, is a relatively new domain of oppression. This paper looks at how a political party in power and the “establishment” (military elite and its civilian collaborators) have been increasing the control of digital mediums as well as weaponizing space. This dual control and usage allow for growing digital authoritarianism. Using the case study of Imran Khan’s government (2018-2022) and its collaboration with the military establishment in enforcing digital authoritarianism, this article uses four levels of an assessment of internet governance in Pakistan (whole network level, sub-network level, proxy level, and user level). In addition, the role of Khan’s political party’s Islamist populist outlook in contributing to authoritarianism is also discussed. A lot of censorship happens around ideas of protecting Islam and Pakistan’s Muslim identity. The review also finds that the establishment uses not only religion but also ultra-nationalism and fears of foreign attacks, primarily by “Hindu” India, as means to closely surveil and curb the rights of citizens which it deems not worthy of trust. Our results find that Pakistan’s digital space is highly oppressive where ideas of religion, ontological insecurity, and nationalism are weaponized to legitimize the state’s growing authoritarianism.
3
Mandaville, Peter. Worlding the Inward Dimensions of Islam. IIIT, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.003.20.
Full textAbstract:
Muqtedar Khan’s Islam and Good Governance: A Political Philosophy of Ihsan is, above all, an expression of faith.[1] This does not mean that we should engage it as a confessional text — although it certainly is one at some level — or that it necessitates or assumes a particular faith positionality on the part of its reader. Rather, Khan seeks here to build a vision and conception of Islamic governance that does not depend on compliance with or fidelity to some outward standard — whether that be European political liberalism or madhhabi requirements. Instead, he draws on concepts, values, and virtues commonly associated with Islam’s more inward dimensions to propose a strikingly original political philosophy: one that makes worldly that which has traditionally been kept apart from the world. More specifically, Khan locates the basis of a new kind of Islamic politics within the Qur’anic and Prophetic injunction of ihsan, which implies beautification, excellence, or perfection — conventionally understood as primarily spiritual in nature. However, this is not a politics that concerns itself with domination (the pursuit, retention, and maximization of power); it is neither narrowly focused on building governmental structures that supposedly correspond with divine diktat nor understood as contestation or competition. This is, as the book’s subtitle suggests, a pathway to a philosophy of the political which defines the latter in terms of searching for the Good.
4
Hasan, Zoya. Other Backward Classes and the politics of reservations in India: Past and present. UNU-WIDER, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35188/unu-wider/2022/252-2.
Full text
5
HEFNER, Robert. IHSAN ETHICS AND POLITICAL REVITALIZATION Appreciating Muqtedar Khan’s Islam and Good Governance. IIIT, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.001.20.
Full textAbstract:
Ours is an age of pervasive political turbulence, and the scale of the challenge requires new thinking on politics as well as public ethics for our world. In Western countries, the specter of Islamophobia, alt-right populism, along with racialized violence has shaken public confidence in long-secure assumptions rooted in democracy, diversity, and citizenship. The tragic denouement of so many of the Arab uprisings together with the ascendance of apocalyptic extremists like Daesh and Boko Haram have caused an even greater sense of alarm in large parts of the Muslim-majority world. It is against this backdrop that M.A. Muqtedar Khan has written a book of breathtaking range and ethical beauty. The author explores the history and sociology of the Muslim world, both classic and contemporary. He does so, however, not merely to chronicle the phases of its development, but to explore just why the message of compassion, mercy, and ethical beauty so prominent in the Quran and Sunna of the Prophet came over time to be displaced by a narrow legalism that emphasized jurisprudence, punishment, and social control. In the modern era, Western Orientalists and Islamists alike have pushed the juridification and interpretive reification of Islamic ethical traditions even further. Each group has asserted that the essence of Islam lies in jurisprudence (fiqh), and both have tended to imagine this legal heritage on the model of Western positive law, according to which law is authorized, codified, and enforced by a leviathan state. “Reification of Shariah and equating of Islam and Shariah has a rather emaciating effect on Islam,” Khan rightly argues. It leads its proponents to overlook “the depth and heights of Islamic faith, mysticism, philosophy or even emotions such as divine love (Muhabba)” (13). As the sociologist of Islamic law, Sami Zubaida, has similarly observed, in all these developments one sees evidence, not of a traditionalist reassertion of Muslim values, but a “triumph of Western models” of religion and state (Zubaida 2003:135). To counteract these impoverishing trends, Khan presents a far-reaching analysis that “seeks to move away from the now failed vision of Islamic states without demanding radical secularization” (2). He does so by positioning himself squarely within the ethical and mystical legacy of the Qur’an and traditions of the Prophet. As the book’s title makes clear, the key to this effort of religious recovery is “the cosmology of Ihsan and the worldview of Al-Tasawwuf, the science of Islamic mysticism” (1-2). For Islamist activists whose models of Islam have more to do with contemporary identity politics than a deep reading of Islamic traditions, Khan’s foregrounding of Ihsan may seem unfamiliar or baffling. But one of the many achievements of this book is the skill with which it plumbs the depth of scripture, classical commentaries, and tasawwuf practices to recover and confirm the ethic that lies at their heart. “The Quran promises that God is with those who do beautiful things,” the author reminds us (Khan 2019:1). The concept of Ihsan appears 191 times in 175 verses in the Quran (110). The concept is given its richest elaboration, Khan explains, in the famous hadith of the Angel Gabriel. This tradition recounts that when Gabriel appeared before the Prophet he asked, “What is Ihsan?” Both Gabriel’s question and the Prophet’s response make clear that Ihsan is an ideal at the center of the Qur’an and Sunna of the Prophet, and that it enjoins “perfection, goodness, to better, to do beautiful things and to do righteous deeds” (3). It is this cosmological ethic that Khan argues must be restored and implemented “to develop a political philosophy … that emphasizes love over law” (2). In its expansive exploration of Islamic ethics and civilization, Khan’s Islam and Good Governance will remind some readers of the late Shahab Ahmed’s remarkable book, What is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic (Ahmed 2016). Both are works of impressive range and spiritual depth. But whereas Ahmed stood in the humanities wing of Islamic studies, Khan is an intellectual polymath who moves easily across the Islamic sciences, social theory, and comparative politics. He brings the full weight of his effort to conclusion with policy recommendations for how “to combine Sufism with political theory” (6), and to do so in a way that recommends specific “Islamic principles that encourage good governance, and politics in pursuit of goodness” (8).
6
K., M. Gender-Based Perspectives on Key Issues Facing Poor Ahmadi Women in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2020.008.
Full textAbstract:
The Ahmadiyya Muslim Community (AMC, or Ahmadiyya Muslim Jama’at) believe themselves to be Muslims. The AMC was founded by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad in 1889 as a revival movement within Islam. Unlike all other sects of Islam, they believe that Mirza Ghulam Ahmad (1835–1908) of Qadian (a small town in Gurdaspur district of Punjab, India) is the same promised Messiah who was prophesied by the prophet Muhammad. Other sects believe that the promised Messiah is yet to come and, therefore, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad is a false prophet and his followers are non-Muslims.
7
Saleem, Raja M. Ali, Ihsan Yilmaz, and Priya Chacko. Civilizationist Populism in South Asia: Turning India Saffron. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0009.
Full textAbstract:
The 21st century has witnessed a significant shift in how the concept of nationalism is understood. A political marriage between identity politics and populism has resulted in “civilizationism,” a new form of nationalism that entails an emotionally charged division of society into “the people” versus “the Other.” All too often, the divisive discourses and policies associated with civilizationalist populism produce intercommunal conflict and violence. This paper draws on a salient case study, India’s Hindutva movement, to analyze how mainstream populist political parties and grassroots organizations can leverage civilizationist populism in campaigns to mobilize political constituencies. In surveying the various groups within the Hindutva movement and conducting a discourse analysis of their leaders’ statements, the paper shows the central role of sacralized nostalgia, history, and culture in Hindutva populist civilizationism. By analyzing the contours and socio-political implications of civilizationist populism through this case study, the paper contributes to the theoretical understanding of the concept more generally.
8
Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.
Full textAbstract:
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
9
Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.
Full textAbstract:
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
10
Bulent, Kenes. Jobbik: A Turanist Trojan Horse in Europe? European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), August 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/op0002.
Full textAbstract:
Defined as Turanist, Eurasianist, pro-Russian, pro-Iranian, anti-immigrant but pro-Islam, racist, antisemitic, anti-Roma, Hungarist, and radically populist, Jobbik do not exist in a vacuum. The rise of Jobbik from deep nationalist, antisemitic, and anti-Roma currents in Hungarian politics dates back to the late 1980s and early 1990s. Despite its extensive efforts at “image refurbishment” in recent years, Jobbik remains a populist, revisionist, racist, radical right-wing party that threatens to destabilize Hungary, the neighboring region, and the EU.