Academic literature on the topic 'Islam and politics – Arab countries'
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Journal articles on the topic "Islam and politics – Arab countries"
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Obermeyer, Carla Makhlouf. "Islam, Women, and Politics: The Demography of Arab Countries." Population and Development Review 18, no. 1 (March 1992): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1971858.
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Adib, Muhammad, and Nur Qomari. "Arus Baru Politik Islam: Pluralisme, Kontestasi, dan Demokratisasi." MAQASHID Jurnal Hukum Islam 1, no. 2 (September 21, 2018): 18–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.35897/maqashid.v1i2.129.
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The recently political contestations in the Muslim world confirmed a new wave of Islamic politics. The political dynamics that have revolved so quickly and surprisingly, especially in non-Arab countries, are evidence that questioning the harmony between Islam and democracy, pluralism and human rights is no longer relevant. Even though it is not monolithic and is still in the “process of becoming”, the political dynamics that are revolving in a number of Muslim-majority countries actually lead to the same goal, namely the realization of a democratic and civilized politics.
Keywords: Political Contestation, Democratization, Process of Becoming
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Rane, Halim. "The Relevance of aMaqasidApproach for Political Islam Post Arab Revolutions." Journal of Law and Religion 28, no. 2 (January 2013): 489–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400000126.
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The role of Islam in the politics of Muslim-majority countries has attracted a plethora of scholarly research over the past two decades that generally refers to this phenomenon as political Islam. Much of the focus of this body of literature is concerned with the reconciliation of Islam and democracy. In recent years, the leading scholarship in this field has attempted to anticipate the future of political Islam and the prospect of post-Islamism. Asef Bayet's work on post-Islamists examines various social movements in the Middle East, arguing that Muslims have made Islam democratic by how they have defined Islam in respect to their particular socio-political contexts. However, others have expressed pessimism about the extent to which domestic conditions in Muslim-majority countries and external geopolitical factors will allow the development of an Islamic democracy. Abdelwahab El-Affendi, for instance, sees four main options for Islamists: full revolutionary takeover of their respective countries; completely withdrawing from political office to become Islamic interest or pressure groups; building broader coalitions while maintaining their ideology; or radically restructuring in order to emulate the model of Turkey's Justice and Development Party (AKP). What is missing in this discussion is attention to the capacity of Islamic political parties to draw on Islamic tradition and evolve in response to modernity through a focus on Islam's higher objectives or amaqasidapproach.
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Akhmedov, Vladimir M. "DOMESTIC ORIGINS OF IRAN’S MID-EAST POLITICS." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 4 (18) (2021): 41–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2021-4-41-45.
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In the last decades Iran has become one of the most powerful states in the Middle East. Iran plays a significant role in political, economic, social, religious and ideological issues of the region. An author considers that Iran’s politics shapes major developments in regional security and international relations in the Middle East. Iran’s involvement in the depth of Arab countries; their societies, security affaires and politics strengthens tensions and hostility between Arabs an Iran. The author believes that the search for domestic security serves as the main driver for Arab-Iranian relations and Iranian policy in the Arab World. In his article the author discusses the role of Islam and clergies that dominate Iran’s politics after the Islamic revolution of 1979 The paper stresses that emphasizing Islamic feelings at the expense of nationalism did not contribute to the Arabs’ amicability towards Iran. In this study the author focuses on the fundamental principles of Iranian policy, proclaimed at the beginning of the Islamic revolution and demonstrating its dynamics in the following decades. The paper concludes that many of Iran’s actions in Arab World, including Syria, were dictated by considerations of an internal order and the desire to achieve the status of a nuclear power like Israel and Pakistan by any means.
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Saidin, Mohd Irwan Syazli. "John L. Esposito, Tamara Sonn, And John O. Voll (2016). Islam And Democracy After The Arab Spring. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 306 Pages. ISBN: 978-0-19514798-8." Journal of Al-Tamaddun 17, no. 2 (December 21, 2022): 273–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jat.vol17no2.23.
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This book discusses the dynamics of the relationship between Islam as a religious and political teaching with democracy in the context of the effects of the Arab Spring and the subsequent events after it. The authors, who are considered to be “titans” in the field of democracy and Islam, started the book by saying “Many western observers were shocked when Arabs began open rebellions against their governments in December 2010” and this seem to point out not only the unpredictability of the uprisings, but also to the inaccuracy behind several of the most accepted assumptions about politics and governance in the Arab world. The chapters of the book discuss the experiences of political transition in general and how democratisation works in particular through the examples of seven different countries, namely Turkey, Iran, Pakistan, Indonesia, Senegal, Tunisia and Egypt.
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Tessler, Mark. "Religion, Religiosity and the Place of Islam in Political Life: Insights from the Arab Barometer Surveys." Middle East Law and Governance 2, no. 2 (2010): 221–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633710x500748.
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AbstractThis paper explores the nature and determinants of attitudes toward the political role of Islam held by ordinary citizens in the Arab world. Based on results from nationally representative surveys carried out in seven Arab states during 2006-2007, it engages the pervasive debate about Islam and democracy—showing that the significant divide is not between those who favor democracy and those who favor Islam, but between those who favor secular democracy and those who favor a political system that is both democratic and Islamic in some meaningful way. Furthermore, this analysis finds that the civic values and predispositions of individuals who favor a political role for Islam are overwhelmingly similar to those of individuals who favor a separation of religion and politics. The paper also finds little consistency in the factors that incline individuals towards support for political Islam in the different countries surveyed. Most importantly, this analysis concludes that there is little or no incompatibility between Islam and democracy in the public mind and that a proper understanding of the reasons and ways that Muslim Arab publics think about governance and the political role of Islam is possible only if attention is paid to the particular political and societal contexts within which attitudes are formed.
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Ahrari, M. E. "Islam and Politics in Central Asia." American Journal of Islam and Society 14, no. 3 (October 1, 1997): 86–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i3.2237.
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The emergence of the five independent and predominantly Muslim statesKazakhstan,Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan. Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan-in theaftermath of the collapse of the Soviet Union raises the issue of the role of Islamin their future development. Since Islam does not allow a separation of religionand politics, Islamic political panies have already been active, albeit with differentintensity, in these countries. None of these countries has had a history ofindependence; for a long time, they were colonized (their most recent history ofcolonization goes back to the 1860s. when the Russians began to conquer andcolonize the Central Asian villages) by czarist Russia, then from 1917 by thecommunist czars. Consequently, after independence their political elite (for themost part, former communists) remain substantially unfamiliar with the practiceof democratic governance. As such, even after changing the names of communistparties in their respective countries, they essentially practice authoritarianpolicies in which little or no political pluralism is tolerated. Therefore. anyevolution of democracy in these statei in the immediate or middle-range futureis unlikely. However. Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are two exceptions to thisrule.Not coincidentally. both Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan top the list of ethnicallypluralist states, and their economies are doing well compared to their CentralAsian counterparts. However, this ethnic pluralism has not only polarized theirpopulations along indigenous and Russian lines but also keeps their leaders fromallowing any substantial role for lslamist parties. Uzbekistan. Turkmenistan,and Tajikistan have a lesser problem emanating from ethnic pluralism.However, the lion's share of these countries' problems stems from the acutelyauthoritarian nature of their leader hip, and, more imponant, their severe economicunderdevelopment. One has to keep these variables in mind as one readsMehrdad Haghayeghi's book, Islam and Politics in Central Asia.Describing the presence of Islam in Central Asia, The author states that "thesedentary populations of the oasis enclaves and the tribal populations of theSteppe and the surrounding regions" were differently influenced by Islam. Hegoes on to observe:The enormous size and remoteness oft.he Steppe, the lack of adequate military manpower.the political instability at the heart of the Arab empire, and the absence of ...
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Abdullah, Abdullah. "Perkembangan Islam di Arab Saudi." Jurnal Ilmiah AL-Jauhari: Jurnal Studi Islam dan Interdisipliner 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 152–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.30603/jiaj.v4i1.828.
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This article discusses Saudi Arabia (Hijaz), in the early 19th century until the beginning of the 20th century free from Western colonialism. Unlike other Muslim countries, almost all of them were colonized by the West. As a result, at that time many scholars and residents from various Muslim countries came to the Hejaz, especially Mecca and Medina. Things like this have caused Saudi Arabia as a country that has the development of Islam to be maintained until now. The results of this study indicate that political changes and religious understandings certainly bring changes in other fields of social culture. Moreover, the beginning of the 19th century was a time when the renewal movement in Islam had only just begun to rise. The reform movement in Islam certainly has a certain impact on the Islamic social life in the Hijaz at that time and in Saudi Arabia today.
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Stepkin, E. A. "On Political Islam in Palestine." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 5(44) (October 28, 2015): 168–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-5-44-168-172.
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Abstract: This article deals with analyzing the place and the political Islam occupies on the Palestinian territories. The author tries to prove that despite the “Arab spring” and growing popularity of Islamism in the neighbor Arab countries its popular support among Palestinians is low. The main reason for this is Israeli total control of political, economic and - partially - social processes taking place in the West Bank. Position of the officials in Ramallah who together with Tel-Aviv strictly contain spread of Islamism throughout the West Bank also has a strong suppressing effect. Central Palestinian leadership may be called one of the few secular political establishments that are still in power in the Arab countries. The main explanation for this is the desire to make a positive effect on the international community, which Palestine totally depends on in political and financial terms. Also one should keep in mind secular beliefs of the current political elite in Palestine. President Mahmoud Abbas with his counterparts from FATAH and PLO represent old type of Arab nationalist politicians, almost all of who were stripped from power after the beginning of “Arab spring” in 2011. Finally, Palestinian society itself still feels united by the idea of national liberation from the Israeli occupation. This helps Palestinians to put aside the issue of religious self-identification. According to the surveys, most of Palestinians still rank their national identity number while describing their identity, while religion comes only second (despite the strong stable tendency for growing Islamization of their views). The only Palestinian enclave where political Islam has gained ground is isolated Gaza Strip. However ruling there “Islamic Resistance Movement” (HAMAS), despite declared anti-Zionism and Islamism, in reality show pragmatic readiness for certain coordination of its actions with Israel and central government in Ramallah. Nowadays one can witness the deepening conflict within the Islamist camp - between HAMAS and more radical Salafists, who support “Islamic State” in Iraq and Syria. In the final end the fate of Political Islam in Palestine will depend on the success of Middle East peace process.
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Burdah, Ibnu. "New Trends in Islamic Political Parties in the Arab Spring Countries." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 52, no. 2 (December 20, 2014): 459. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2014.522.459-485.
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The recent developments of Islamic political parties in the Arab spring countries show new orientation and agendas, i.e. reconfirmation of their commitment to democratic values, strengthening civil society, and adopting human rights principles. In the same time, they indicate not to be interested in the old Islamic agendas relating to jihad for Islamic states (dawlah Islāmiyah) and “global Islamic government” under one centralized caliphate (al-khilāfah al-Islāmiyyah). It is the case of Justice and Development Party (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) in Morocco, Freedom and Justice Party (Ḥizb al-Ḥurriyyah wa’l-‘Adālah) in Egypt, and Awakening Party (Ḥizb al-Nahḍah) in Tunis. This paper seeks to explore and explain this new fact. Based on literary research and interviews with the leaders of the Justice and Development Party (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) in Morocco, the paper concludes that the new orientation and agendas of Islamic political parties in the Arab spring states are related to democratization in the world, strong waves of Arab spring in many Arab states, and the dynamics of the internal parties.[Perkembangan mutakhir partai-partai politik Islam di sejumlah negara Arab “Musim Semi” menunjukkan adanya perubahan orientasi dan agenda baru, berupa penegasan kembali komitmen mereka terhadap nilai-nilai demokrasi, penguatan masyarakat sipil, dan adopsi prinsip-prinsip hak asasi manusia. Pada saat yang sama, mereka tampak kurang tertarik kepada agenda-agenda politik Islam lama seperti jihad bagi pendirian negara Islam dan pendirian pemerintahan Islam global di bawah satu khalifah yang tersentralisasi. Hal ini relevan terhadap kasus Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) di Maroko, Partai Kebebasan dan Keadilan (Ḥizb al-Ḥurriyyah wa’l-‘Adālah) di Mesir, dan Partai Kebangkitan (Ḥizb al-Nahḍah) di Tunisia. Artikel ini berupaya mengeksplorasi dan menjelaskan fakta baru ini. Berdasarkan kajian pustaka dan wawancara dengan sejumlah petinggi Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan di Maroko, penulis berkesimpulan bahwa orientasi baru ini terjadi akibat dari gelombang demokratisasi dunia, “angin kencang musim semi” Arab yang begitu kuat, dan dinamika internal partai.]
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Islam and politics – Arab countries"
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Linn, Rachel. "Islamists in the Arab Spring : the Tunisian and Moroccan movements' response to increasing pluralism." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648206.
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Al-Olimat, Muhamad S. (Muhamad Salim). "The State of Democracy in the Arab World." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279024/.
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This comparative study assesses the state of democracy and examines the process of democratization in the Arab World between the years 1980-1993. It addresses shortcomings in the mainstream democracy literature that excluded the Arab World from the global democratic revolution on political cultural grounds. To fulfil the objectives of this study, I employ both the qualitative and quantitative research approaches to test a number of hypothesized relationships. I hypothesize that transition to democracy is negatively associated with economic development, militarism, U.S. foreign policy, the political economy of oil, and dependency. I contend that emerging civil society institutions so far have had no significant effect on democratization in the Arab World. Finally, I hypothesize that the level of democracy in the Arab World is influenced greatly by the issue of civil rights. In order to investigate the hypothesized relationships, the following data sets have been used: Gastil's Freedom House Data set, "Repression and Freedom in the 1980s" data set, and Vanhanen's 1990 data set. The findings of this study support the aforementioned hypothesized relationships. I find that Arab countries, in general have made modest progress toward democracy, making the Arab World part of the global revolution.
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Benruwin, Mohammed (Mohammed A. ). "The Political Leadership Crisis and Violation of Human Rights in the Arab World: A Study of the Rulership of the Arab Countries, 1970-1990." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278872/.
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This dissertation analyzes the political leadership crisis and the violations of human rights in the Arab countries during the period 1970 to 1990. The main purposes of this study could be briefly summarized as follows: (1) to explore scientifically whether there is a political leadership crisis in the Arab World; (2) to explore the concept of political leadership, i.e., what constitutes political leadership, what are its necessary requirements, and what differentiates it from dictatorship; and (3) to examine the effects of political leadership in the Arab countries upon the violation of human rights.
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Eliferova, Irina Dmitrievna. "Democratic values and Muslim countries prospects of cooperation /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2008.
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Cusano, Christopher. "Iran: Islam and Political Participation." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2004. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/435.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucfBachelors
Arts and Sciences
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Neumeister, Christian C. "The Emiratization of Shari'a: Islam, Modernization and the Legal System of the United Arab Emirates." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1142.
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The United Arab Emirates' legal system has developed though the continued negotiation between the Shari’a and the Civil Courts over the spheres of criminal law and commercial law. The framework that has emerged, as a result of regime politics and Supreme Court rulings, provides the regime the flexibility to continue their commercial development and integration into the modern global economy, while retaining the domestic authority structures that legitimate their power.
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Badaro, Samer A. "The Islamic revolution of Syria (1979-1982) : class relations, sectarianism, and socio-political culture in a national progressive state." Connect to resource, 1987. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1144850076.
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Pintak, Lawrence. "Islam Nationalism and the mission of Arab journalism A survey of attitudes towards religion politics and the role of Arab media in the twenty-first century." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504255.
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The Bush administration has charged that reporters at Al Jazeera and other Arab media outlets are biased against the US. Whether or not such an allegation is true, it raises the central question of what influences are at work on Arab journalists at this crucial time of turmoil in the region and change in Arab media. What are their core values? To what degree do religious beliefs and ethno-nationalist attitudes shape their coverage? How do they view US policy and other regional and international issues? What do they define as the role of a journalist in the modem Arab and/or Islamic worlds? This study analyzes the responses of 517 Arab journalists who participated in the first broad, regional survey examining attitudes and values. It found that Arab journalists see the achievement of political and social change as the prime mission of Arab journalism and cited "democrat" as their primary political identity. When the views of self-declared "secular" and "religious" Muslim journalists were compared, there was little statistical difference in their attitudes on all but issues related to the role of clerics in Arab society.
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Anouti, Hani. "The Politics of discrimination: a comparative study of the situation of Christian Arab minorities in Egypt and Syria." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/543838.
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This thesis investigates the puzzle of why the level of discrimination against religious minorities was higher in Egypt than in Syria, and therefore why the transition from "Arab" nationalism to "re-Islamization" of politics was greater in the first country than in the second (at least prior its civil war). The answer is the different survival strategies used by these dictatorships in front of the emergence of a strong Islamist opposition that questioned the existence of these secular Arab regimes. In addition, these strategies depend on the congruence or not between the religious identity of the ruling elites and the majority of the population. When the elite in power have the same religious identity of the majority combined with an important Islamist challenge, the levels of religious discrimination will be high. When the elite-population identity does not match, or when the Islamist challenge is contained, religious discrimination will be smaller.Esta tesis investiga la paradoja de por qué el nivel de discriminación contra las minorías cristianas árabes fue mayor en Egipto que en Siria, y por tanto por qué el paso del nacionalismo “árabe” a la “reislamización” de la política fue mayor en el primer país que en el segundo (hasta el comienzo de su Guerra Civil). La explicación se encuentra en las diferentes estrategias de supervivencia utilizadas por sus dictaduras ante la aparición de una fuerte oposición islamista que cuestionaba la existencia de los regímenes árabes seculares. La variación de estrategias se debe a su vez a la mayor o menor congruencia entre la identidad religiosa de las élites gobernantes y la mayoría de la población. Cuando la identidad religiosa población-elite coincide y se da un importante desafío islamista, la discriminación será alta. Cuando no coincide, o no se da el desafío islamista, la discriminación religiosa será menor.
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Jonasson, Ann-Kristin. "At the Command of God? on the political linkage of Islamist parties /." Göteborg, Sweden : Centre for Middle Eastern Studies, Göteborg University [distributor], 2004. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/57584580.html.
Full textBooks on the topic "Islam and politics – Arab countries"
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Arab nationalism: Between Islam and the nation-state. 3rd ed. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1997.
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The contemporary Arab reader on political Islam. Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 2010.
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The Arab awakening: Islam and the new Middle East. London: Allen Lane, 2012.
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Ghadbian, Najib. Democratization and the Islamist challenge in the Arab world. Boulder, Colo: Westview Press, 1997.
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Ayubi, Nazih N. M. Political Islam: Religion and politics in the Arab world. London: Routledge, 1991.
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Islam against the West: Shakib Arslan and the campaign for Islamic nationalism. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1985.
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Islam against the West: Shakib Arslan and the campaign for Islamic nationalism. London: Al Saqi Books, 1985.
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The Arab mind bound. London: Vallentine Mitchell, 2011.
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Inside the Arab world. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1996.
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Inside the Arab world. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1995.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Islam and politics – Arab countries"
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Tausch, Arno. "The Empirical Results of Our Empirical Study." In Political Islam and Religiously Motivated Political Extremism, 45–75. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-24854-2_5.
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AbstractThe study clearly shows that identification with Turkey and Iran, with a political Islam that also influences elections and results in a theocracy, promotes religious and gender discrimination and advocates an Islamist interpretation of Islam, are very much the most important, interrelated syndromes of political Islam, which together explain more than 50% of the total variance of the 24 model variables used. If the states of Europe want to win the fight against jihadism, they must work closely with the moderate Arab states, such as Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and other Arab Gulf states, and be aware that, on a population-weighted basis, 41% of all Arabs now view the Muslim Brotherhood, which is the strongest and most coherent force in political Islam today, negatively or very negatively. According to the data brought to light here, only 7% of people in the Arab world now have a high level of trust in their country's Islamist movement, while 14% have some trust, 19% have little trust, but 60% have no trust. Our overall index—Overcoming political Islam shows that Morocco and Tunisia are the top performers, while Iraq and Sudan bring up the rear. Following an important study by Falco and Rotondi (2016), we also explore the question of whether political Islam is more prevalent or less prevalent among the more than 20% of the Arab population who plan to emigrate in the coming years than among the population as a whole. Far from feeding alarmist horror scenarios, our evaluation shows firstly that Falco and Rotondi (2016) are correct in their thesis that among potential migrants to the West, political Islam is certainly less pronounced than among the Arab population as a whole. On a population-weighted basis, only 13.11% of potential migrants to the West openly state that they trust the country-specific Islamist movement. In the second part of our empirical evaluations, we explore religiously motivated political extremism (RMPE) by international comparison on the basis of the following items of the World Values Survey, which are sparse but nevertheless available on this topic: The proportion of the global population who favour religious authorities in interpreting the law while accepting political violence is alarmingly high in various parts of the world and is raising fears of numerous conflicts in the coming years in an increasingly unstable world system. It amounts to more than half of the adult population in Tajikistan (the international record holder), and Malaysia and some non-Muslim-majority countries. In many countries, including NATO and EU member states, it is an alarming 25–50%, and we mention here the Muslim-majority countries Iraq, Lebanon, Bangladesh, Kazakhstan, Nigeria and Indonesia. It is 15–25% even in core countries of the Western security architecture, but also in the Muslim-majority countries: Pakistan, Iran and Tunisia. Only in the best-ranked countries, among them the Muslim-majority countries Albania, Egypt, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kyrgyzstan, Azerbaijan and Jordan, the potentially fatal combination of mixing religion and law and accepting political violence has a relatively small following of less than 15%. In the sense of the theses of the late Harvard economist Alberto Alesina (1957–2020), social trust is an essential general production factor of any social order, and the institutions of national security of the democratic West would do well to make good use of this capital of trust that also exists among Muslims living in the West.
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Tausch, Arno. "Discussion and Conclusions of This Study in the Context of the Empirical Results Obtained." In Political Islam and Religiously Motivated Political Extremism, 77–81. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-24854-2_6.
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AbstractWe have emphasised in this chapter that our findings do not fit into any simple political template of thinking that has existed for many years on the topic of “Islam” and “migration”. Our findings show that surveys authoritatively designed by Arab social science clearly measure “political Islam”, but that the phenomenon is less pronounced in the population that says it wants to emigrate to the West than in the Arab population as a whole. We have also clearly pointed out that the RMPE cannot be separated from the climate of lawlessness that many observers unfortunately now see rampant, especially in Western industrialised countries, and secondly, that the drivers of the key variables of the RMPE are rooted in such patterns of thought and values as the demand for a redistributive state, the apolitical young generation, the rejection of the neoliberal market economy, corruption and lawlessness as well as racism and xenophobia. The best blockades against the RMPE are feminism and secularism. An honest examination of the phenomenon of RMPE will also not be able to ignore the fact that especially in Catholic countries, where the decay of traditional values is progressing particularly fast, not only the acceptance of corruption but also of political violence is on the rise again. This problem also arises in countries with a confessional orientation towards Eastern religions. The rejection of free-market competition (competition is harmful) is also clearly linked to a higher acceptance of political violence, according to the World Values Survey. The results of our study on political Islam in the Arab world certainly also have some very shocking aspects that cannot simply be swept under the carpet. Weighted by population, the Arab Barometer data show that more than 70% of Arabs have a (sympathetic) understanding of the anti-American terror that culminated in 9/11 in Manhattan. More than 44% of Arabs favour Sharia with corporal punishment, more than 37% want the rights of non-Muslims in society to be less than those of Muslims, and more than 34% also want Sharia to restrict the rights of women. We finally highlight that following the late Harvard economist Alberto Alesina (1957–2020), social trust is an essential general production factor of any social order, and the institutions of national security of the democratic West would do well to make good use of this capital of trust that also exists among Muslims living in the West.
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Tausch, Arno. "Introduction: What This Study Is Not and What It Aspires to Be." In Political Islam and Religiously Motivated Political Extremism, 1–5. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-24854-2_1.
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AbstractThis study, financed by the Austrian “Dokumentationsstelle Politischer Islam”, attempts an analysis of what can be said about the phenomenon of “political Islam” in the Arab world and what can be said about religiously motivated political extremism (hereafter abbreviated RMPE) in an international comparison from the perspective of international, empirically oriented social sciences. We use open, internationally accessible data from the Arab Barometer and the World Values Survey to analyse these two phenomena. In this chapter, we describe the general outline of our study. We emphasise that we follow the example of Cammett et al. (2020), in attempting to present our own empirical data from recognised social science surveys on political Islam. In doing so, the focus is on a tradition influenced by the mathematical logic and analytical philosophy of the Vienna Circle through Rudolf Carnap (1988), of relying on the extension of a contested concept. In our case—of “political Islam”—the research of the Arab Barometer as well as Francois Burgat, but also Jocelyne Cesari, John Esposito, Gilles Kepel and Oliver Roy have in any case very clearly outlined which important value patterns the adherents of political Islam represent (five items from the Arab Barometer) and which political movements and governments of countries can be assigned to the extension of the phenomenon, such as the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Sudan and Jordan, Jamaat-i-Islami in South Asia, the Refah Party in Turkey, the Islamic Salvation Front in Algeria, al Nahda in Tunisia, Hizballah in Lebanon, Hamas and Islamic Jihad in the Palestinian territories and Gamaa Islamiyya and Jihad in Egypt. It is certainly also legitimate, in the light of the above literature, to describe the current AKP government in Turkey and the Islamist regime in Iran as “political Islam in power”. Our measurement of “political Islam” thus adopts this perspective without “ifs” and “buts” and 1:1. After all, according to the “Arab Barometer” team, “political Islam” occurs whenever the following opinions are held in the region: It is better for religious leaders to hold public office Religious leaders should influence government decisions Religious leaders are less corrupt than civilian ones Religious leaders should influence elections Religious practice is not a private matter.
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Tausch, Arno. "The Scientific Background to Our Own Empirical Study." In Political Islam and Religiously Motivated Political Extremism, 19–32. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-24854-2_3.
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AbstractIn this chapter, we amply debate the contributions on “political Islam” in the leading peer-reviewed journals of social science. We discuss contributions by Francois Burgat, but also Jocelyne Cesari, John Esposito, Gilles Kepel and Oliver Roy clearly outline which important value patterns the adherents of political Islam represent (five items from the Arab Barometer) and which political movements and governments of countries are to be assigned to the extension of the phenomenon. Of special importance is the study by Harvard Professor Melanie Cammett (Cammett et al., 2020), which deals explicitly with political Islam and political values in the Arab world using data from the Arab Barometer. The empirical analyses of Cammett et al. (2020), use longitudinal data from the Arab Barometer as well as data from the World Values Survey 2015. We also debate the contributions by such authors as Fox et al. (2016), Achilov (2016); as well as empirical contributions by Driessen (2018), Kucinskas and Van Der Does (2017); a highly interesting Iranian paper, authored by Rahbarqazi and Mahmoudoghli (2020); and the Tessler (2010), study. All these studies were very valuable in the formation of our own empirical research.
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Solomon, Hussein, and Arno Tausch. "Political Islam in the Arab MENA Countries: The Evidence from the Arab Barometer (5) Data About the “Unword” of Middle East Research?" In Arab MENA Countries: Vulnerabilities and Constraints Against Democracy on the Eve of the Global COVID-19 Crisis, 183–232. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7047-6_7.
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Mandaville, Peter. "Conclusion: The Arab Uprisings and beyond." In Islam and Politics, 421–45. 3rd edition. | New York : Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351044158-9.
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Mitri, Tarek. "Christians in Arab Politics." In Secular Nationalism and Citizenship in Muslim Countries, 107–19. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-71204-8_5.
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Walzer, Michael. "After the Arab Spring." In Toward New Democratic Imaginaries - İstanbul Seminars on Islam, Culture and Politics, 31–40. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-41821-6_4.
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Crouch, Harold. "The Politics of Islam in the ASEAN Countries." In ASEAN into the 1990s, 184–99. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20886-9_8.
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Richter, Carola. "Libyan Broadcasting under al-Qadhafi: The Politics of Pseudo-Liberalization." In National Broadcasting and State Policy in Arab Countries, 150–65. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137301932_11.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Islam and politics – Arab countries"
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Guettaoui, Amel, and Ouafi Hadja. "Women’s participation in political life in the Arab states." In Development of legal systems in Russia and foreign countries: problems of theory and practice. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02061-6-93-105.
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The level of political representation of women in different legislative bodies around the world varies greatly. The women in the Arab world, is that as in other areas of the world, have throughout history experienced discrimination and have been subject to restriction of their freedoms and rights. Many of these practices and limitations are based on cultural and emanate from tradition and not from religion as many people supposed, these main constraints that create an obstacle towards women’s rights and liberties are reflected in the participation of women in political life. Although there are differences between the countries, the Arab region in general is noted for the low participation of women in politics. Universal suffrage has become common in most countries, but there are still some Arab women who are denied such rights.
There have been many highly respected female leaders in Arab history, such as Shajar al-Durr (13th century) in Egypt, Queen Orpha (d. 1090) in Yemen. In the modern era there have also been examples of female leadership in Arab countries. However, in Arabic-speaking countries no woman has ever been head of state, although many Arabs remarked on the presence of women such as Jehan Al Sadat, the wife of Anwar El Sadat in Egypt, and Wassila Bourguiba, the wife of Habib Bourguiba in Tunisia, who have strongly influenced their husbands in their dealings with matters of state. Many Arab countries allow women to vote in national elections. The first female Member of Parliament in the Arab world was Rawya Ateya, who was elected in Egypt in 1957. Some countries granted the female franchise in their constitutions following independence, while some extended the franchise to women in later constitutional amendments.
Reports on the topic "Islam and politics – Arab countries"
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HEFNER, Robert. IHSAN ETHICS AND POLITICAL REVITALIZATION Appreciating Muqtedar Khan’s Islam and Good Governance. IIIT, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.001.20.
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Ours is an age of pervasive political turbulence, and the scale of the challenge requires new thinking on politics as well as public ethics for our world. In Western countries, the specter of Islamophobia, alt-right populism, along with racialized violence has shaken public confidence in long-secure assumptions rooted in democracy, diversity, and citizenship. The tragic denouement of so many of the Arab uprisings together with the ascendance of apocalyptic extremists like Daesh and Boko Haram have caused an even greater sense of alarm in large parts of the Muslim-majority world. It is against this backdrop that M.A. Muqtedar Khan has written a book of breathtaking range and ethical beauty. The author explores the history and sociology of the Muslim world, both classic and contemporary. He does so, however, not merely to chronicle the phases of its development, but to explore just why the message of compassion, mercy, and ethical beauty so prominent in the Quran and Sunna of the Prophet came over time to be displaced by a narrow legalism that emphasized jurisprudence, punishment, and social control. In the modern era, Western Orientalists and Islamists alike have pushed the juridification and interpretive reification of Islamic ethical traditions even further. Each group has asserted that the essence of Islam lies in jurisprudence (fiqh), and both have tended to imagine this legal heritage on the model of Western positive law, according to which law is authorized, codified, and enforced by a leviathan state. “Reification of Shariah and equating of Islam and Shariah has a rather emaciating effect on Islam,” Khan rightly argues. It leads its proponents to overlook “the depth and heights of Islamic faith, mysticism, philosophy or even emotions such as divine love (Muhabba)” (13). As the sociologist of Islamic law, Sami Zubaida, has similarly observed, in all these developments one sees evidence, not of a traditionalist reassertion of Muslim values, but a “triumph of Western models” of religion and state (Zubaida 2003:135). To counteract these impoverishing trends, Khan presents a far-reaching analysis that “seeks to move away from the now failed vision of Islamic states without demanding radical secularization” (2). He does so by positioning himself squarely within the ethical and mystical legacy of the Qur’an and traditions of the Prophet. As the book’s title makes clear, the key to this effort of religious recovery is “the cosmology of Ihsan and the worldview of Al-Tasawwuf, the science of Islamic mysticism” (1-2). For Islamist activists whose models of Islam have more to do with contemporary identity politics than a deep reading of Islamic traditions, Khan’s foregrounding of Ihsan may seem unfamiliar or baffling. But one of the many achievements of this book is the skill with which it plumbs the depth of scripture, classical commentaries, and tasawwuf practices to recover and confirm the ethic that lies at their heart. “The Quran promises that God is with those who do beautiful things,” the author reminds us (Khan 2019:1). The concept of Ihsan appears 191 times in 175 verses in the Quran (110). The concept is given its richest elaboration, Khan explains, in the famous hadith of the Angel Gabriel. This tradition recounts that when Gabriel appeared before the Prophet he asked, “What is Ihsan?” Both Gabriel’s question and the Prophet’s response make clear that Ihsan is an ideal at the center of the Qur’an and Sunna of the Prophet, and that it enjoins “perfection, goodness, to better, to do beautiful things and to do righteous deeds” (3). It is this cosmological ethic that Khan argues must be restored and implemented “to develop a political philosophy … that emphasizes love over law” (2). In its expansive exploration of Islamic ethics and civilization, Khan’s Islam and Good Governance will remind some readers of the late Shahab Ahmed’s remarkable book, What is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic (Ahmed 2016). Both are works of impressive range and spiritual depth. But whereas Ahmed stood in the humanities wing of Islamic studies, Khan is an intellectual polymath who moves easily across the Islamic sciences, social theory, and comparative politics. He brings the full weight of his effort to conclusion with policy recommendations for how “to combine Sufism with political theory” (6), and to do so in a way that recommends specific “Islamic principles that encourage good governance, and politics in pursuit of goodness” (8).