Dissertations / Theses: 'Islam and Democracy'

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Abdullah, Othman bin. "Islam and democracy reflecting the role of Islam in Malaysia and Indonesia /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA402691.

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Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations) Naval Postgraduate School, March 2002.
Thesis advisor(s): Robinson, Glenn E. ; Bruneau, Thomas C. "March 2002." Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print.

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Bautista, Jeremiah B. "Reexamining Islam and democracy through the Wasatiyya perspective." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/44518.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
The primary aim of this thesis is to reexamine the Islam-democracy debate through the lens of Wasatiyya, a contemporary tendency in Islam that espouses centrist positions on religious, political, cultural and other aspects of society. Wasatiyya asserts that Islam and democracy are inherently compatible because they share many defining features, from popular sovereignty and representative government, to separation of powers and freedom and human rights. Through documentary analysis of existing literature on Islam and democracy, this thesis examines Wasatiyya arguments supporting the compatibility of Islam and democracy, and analyzes how these arguments stand up against contemporary measures of democratic standards. These methods are geared toward the goal of determining the democraticness of Wasatiyya in conceptual terms, while examining its real world application through the Wasatiyya-backed Constitution of the Tunisian Republic. Wasatiyya encourages Muslims to strive to use reason within Islamic guidelines. It views the issue of Islam and democracy as a product of historical struggle within Islam to fit with modernity. Wasatiyya acknowledges that democracy has its pros and cons, but it is also convinced that today, democracy is the best form of government available that could promote the best interest of Islam and the Ummah (Muslim nation).

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Nateghpour, Mohamad Javad. "Islamic councils and social democracy in Iran." Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4714/.

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For the first time when the new Islamic councils began their Operation, many intellectuals and politicians proclaimed that there would be no room for the young Islamic councils to proceed. In political terms, because of the new challenges between the rightists and leftists, many people had no hope to see the results of the councils. Still others believed that under the dominating ruling system of Iran there is no space for public opinion and participation in local decision-making. This paper focuses on the role of the Islamic Councils as a new form of social democracy, which decentralizes power and creates good local governance. The paper also discusses the obstacles for the Councils in the development of the region.

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Lahovský, Radek. "Islám a demokracie." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-16372.

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This paper deals with compatibility of islam and democratic values. The main goal is to analyze compatibility of islam and democratic values. But it also deals with current policy of conservative elites and possibility to import democracy to muslim countries through hard power.

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Dean, Bernadette Louise. "Islam, democracy and social studies education, a quest for possibilities." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape3/PQDD_0010/NQ59575.pdf.

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Mousa, Waleed. "Islam, democracy, and governance Sudan and Morocco in a comparative perspective /." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0010942.

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Jahanbakhsh, Forough. "Islam, democracy and religious modernism in Iran (1953-1997) : from Bāzargān to Soroush." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=34741.

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This dissertation aims to study the attempts made by contemporary Iranian religious modernists at reconciling Islam and democracy on the theoretical level. The prevailing theme in earlier studies on contemporary Iran has been that of Islamic resurgence or the socio-political outcome of the 1979 Revolution to the neglect of other significant issues or intellectual challenges faced by religious modernists in both the pre- and post-revolutionary eras, such as that of the problematic of Islam and democracy. The present work therefore, considers the views of certain Iranian religious modernists of the last fifty years on the question of whether Islam is theoretically compatible or incompatible with democracy. To this end, we examine the main principles of democracy and critically evaluate their parallels among Islamic norms. Then, the democratic notions of seven major Iranian religio-political thinkers are analyzed and evaluated in depth. We also try to show the perception that these men had of democracy and of Islam, how they sought to bring the two into conformity, on what basis they structured their arguments, and how their attempt in this respect differed from that of their predecessors at the turn of the century.
Among the contributions of the present work to the field is its attempt to present, for the first time, the post-revolutionary religious intellectual trend in Iran with particular reference to the problematic of Islam and democracy. This is largely accomplished through an analytical study of its leading figure, Abdulkarim Soroush. The result suggests that his attempt is an unprecedented one in terms of content, method and consequences. Indeed it is a watershed in Shi'ite religious modernism in general and in the debate over the compatibility of Islam with democracy, in particular.

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Lamont, Sarah. "Deconstructing the Dichotomy: Muslim American University Students' Perceptions of Islam and Democracy." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1336083346.

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Achilov, Dilshod. "CAN ISLAM AND DEMOCRACY COEXIST? A CROSS-NATIONAL ANALYSIS OF ISLAMIC INSTITUTIONS IN THE MUSLIM WORLD." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/193975.

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This dissertation investigates the extent to which between Islam and democracy are compatible in the Muslim world. While some scholars have argued that Islam is inherently incompatible with democracy many have found, in contrast, that Islam has many resources to accommodate a successful democratic state. If Islam is compatible with democratic governance at a doctrinal level, why then are the majority of Muslim countries largely authoritarian? To address this question, I introduce a refinement on this discrepancy by focusing on the coexistence of emerging Islamic institutions with democratic transitions in 49 Muslim-majority states. Traditionally, Islam has been operationalized as a "dichotomous" variable based on demographics or an "attitudinal" measure based on survey responses. Both measures have failed to account for an inherent variation of Islam's role across the Muslim world. I developed a new index to assess the variation in Islam factor across Muslim countries: Islamic Institutionalization Index (III). This new index avoids the shortcomings of the current approaches to quantifying "Islam" and captures the range of variation in Islamic Institutions across 49 countries by allowing scholars to gauge the density and level of Islam in each country. With the index I designed, I rely on three different levels of analysis to examine under which circumstances Islam and democracy can coexist. More precisely, by looking into three categories of Islamic institutions (educational, political, and financial), I raise the following question: "To what extent and in what levels do Islamic Institutions support the coexistence between Islam and Democracy?"Analyzing 49 Muslim-majority states, I utilize mixed methodology by using Configurational Fuzzy-Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (FS/QCA) and focused case study analysis. FS-QCA offers an innovative and robust approach to identify configurationally complex factors while discerning the emerging patterns displayed by medium size (N=49) cases. To further explain the complex interplay of conditions, I focus on two case studies in greater detail: Kazakhstan and Turkey. I find a strong empirical association between the density and scope of Islamic political, educational and financial institutions and the existence of democratic norms (civil and political liberties and democratic institutions). Findings further suggest that Islamic institutions can coexist with civil and political liberties when governments allow Islamic institutionalization to function in society with no stern political restrictions. Among the three categories of III, Islamic states with higher levels of Islamic political institutions manifest particularly higher levels of democracy. Conversely, states that ban the emergence of a range of Islamic institutions in politics, education, and interest-free banking exhibit low levels of freedom and stunted democratic institutions.

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Al-Sulamy, Mishal F. Al-Qaydi. "Comparing Western liberal democracy and the concept of shura in moderate Islamist movements." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.391284.

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Šrámek, Ondřej. "Compatibility of Western and Islamic Models of Democracy: A Comparative Analysis." Doctoral thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2004. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-77113.

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The thesis looks at compatibility of Islam and democracy in a new way. The main method is analysis of political ideologies. A number of models of democracy are identified in both the Western and Islamic context. These are then originally compared in a framework of classification by the source of political sovereignty and political action.

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Habibi, Aminullah. "Islam and democracy : prospects and possibilities : a critical analysis of the theory of the religious democracy of Dr Abdulkarim Soroush." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2011. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/96503/islam-and-democracy-prospects-and-possibilities-a-critical-analysis-of-the-theory-of-the-religious-democracy-of-dr-abdulkarim-soroush.

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This research is about Islam and democracy and the political theory of ‘democratic religious government’ of Dr Abdulkarim Soroush, an Iranian scholar and one of the leading figures in the debate on Islam and democracy in the Islamic world. The research endeavours to answer several questions: How far has the debate on Islam and democracy developed? Was the Islamic revolution in Iran an Islamic revolution and has it been a step forward for democracy there and an example of the compatibility of Islam and democracy? What are the specificities of Soroush’s political theory and how far are they sustainable? Is he successful in offering, at least in theory, a political model that can accommodate Islam and democracy? The research puts Soroush’s political theory into context and begins by exploring the background of the debate on Islam and democracy and the debate concerning Shia political thought and the legacy of the Iranian revolution. My research finding in the first chapter is that the political challenges posed by democracy as a political system based on the rule of people, regardless of their faith or gender, have been the most serious challenges Islam and Muslims have faced, especially in the past few decades. It also demonstrates how immature the debate is. The second chapter reveals how the Iranian revolution puts Shia Islam on a new track so that it can neither go back to its isolationist position nor resist the trend of secularisation and democratisation. A religion that, I will argue, was an impediment for democracy and open society, has become a force for reconciliation of the faithful’s spiritual needs and their human rights. In the third chapter I explore Soroush’s religious beliefs and development in his religious thoughts. I will try to establish in this chapter how he has found Islam to be exposed to scholarly debate and an easy target for modern Muslim scholars and intellectuals equipped with modern methodology to rehearse it, adjust it and rationalise it in order for it to become compatible with modern forms of life and human rights. I also demonstrate in this chapter that whatever the contents of Soroush’s political theory, he is a faithful Muslim and his religious beliefs do not support a democratic political system. Soroush’s political theory is the topic of the fourth chapter. In this chapter I have discovered how Soroush removes religious hurdles through his religious theory in order to present his political theory. It appears that Soroush believes what we have in the name of religion is nothing more than our knowledge and interpretations of religion. Since these are human understandings, they are like other human knowledge and, therefore, they are historical products that are timely and open to critical analysis and adjustable to humans’ socially evolving demands. I also explain in the fourth chapter why Soroush feels the existence of religion in public life is under threat and therefore endeavours to reconcile religion with the realities of the modern era to secure a space for religion. In doing this, Soroush loses theoretical consistency because he makes every effort, though unsuccessfully, to become the champion of all across the political spectrum, whether religious or liberal. Soroush’s contribution to the debate on Islam and democracy is significant, but he fails, as it will be argued, to offer a viable political theory on the compatibility of Islam and democracy. The research concludes with an assessment of the prospects and possibilities of the ideas of compatibility of Islam and democracy and highlights the contradictions and challenges of the idea. The conclusion sets the steps and prerequisites for a serious debate on Islam and democracy and illuminates the tenability of the debate by raising serious doubts about the authenticity of the debate on Islam and democracy.

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Farmanfarmaian, Roxane. "Passionate constructions : democracy and Islam in Anglo-American relations with Iran, 1979-1989." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/226113.

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Jahanbakhsh, Forough. "Islam, democracy and religious modernism in Iran (1953-1997), from Bazargan to Soroush." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ44463.pdf.

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Al-Braizat, Fares Abdelhafez. "Islam, Muslims, and liberal democracy in the Middle East : Jordan in comparative perspective." Thesis, University of Kent, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270679.

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Eliferova, Irina Dmitrievna. "Democratic values and Muslim countries prospects of cooperation /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2008.

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Morgenstern, Ariel. "Thou Shall Not Kill: Analyzing Democracy's Moderating Effect on Violent Religious Supremacy in Islam." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/30.

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This research examines the commonly explicated theory that democracy is a moderating force on the public’s support for terrorism. Specifically, I test the hypothesis that living in a democracy will decrease support for terror in Muslim populations. I analyze survey data on support for terrorism from the 2006 Pew Global Attitudes Survey, which has data from 10 nations. I use an ordered logistic regression model to test what determines support for terrorism. The results show that democracy negatively correlates with support for terror. Additionally, I find that opinions toward US policy in the region, including the ‘Global War on Terror’ and US support for Israel, do not correlate with support for terrorism. The results inform our understanding of why certain members of Muslim society that do not engage in acts of violence against civilians in defense of Islam support terror none-the-less.

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Horrocks, John. "Moderate Islam : a contradiction in terms or a political force for the 21st century? /." St Andrews, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/149.

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Barzin, Saeed. "Islam in defence of constitutionalism and democracy a political biography of Iranian ideologue Mehdi Bazargan /." Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.332033.

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Al-amer, Mohammed Ahmed. "Electronic democracy strategy for Bahrain." Thesis, De Montfort University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/2771.

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This thesis attempts to answer the question ‘What e-democracy strategy, if any, is most suitable for Bahrain?’. Based on a qualitative case study for the country, an e-Democracy strategy is synthesised and presented in this thesis. The literature review includes the forms, ideals and values of democracy. The researcher supports and argues for the assertion that any attempt to implement e-Democracy must not undermine the basic values and ideals of democracy. In the review on Islam and democracy, the author argues that Islam is not against democracy. However it is asserted that e-Democracy implementation must consider the cultural and religious context of Bahrain. The process of democratisation and how it is taking place in Bahrain and Gulf countries are also discussed. A strategy formulation framework is adopted after reviewing literature on how to formulate a strategy. E-Government strategies of reading players in the e-Government are reviewed with an objective of learning lessons prior to formulating e-Democracy strategy. The literature review on e-democracy helped to understand the theory and practice of e-Democracy elsewhere in the world and identify issues that required further investigation. The issues identified from the literature were investigated using empirical data. Data from multiple sources were collected and analysed. The methods included interviews, focus groups and analysis of documents. The results confirm that most of the issues identified as part of the literature review are relevant to the case under investigation. However, there were issues that were not present in the literature. This includes the need to consider democracy’s human, social and cultural aspects as well as factors pertaining to the political divide in Bahrain. This, if not tackled properly, may pose some challenges to the implementation of e-Democracy. The results also disprove the assumption held by the government of Bahrain, as well as by the researcher at the beginning of the study, that e-voting is a more plausible type of e-democracy than other forms. The author adapts and presents an e-Democracy model for Bahrain based on Chadwick and May (2003) along with the e-Democracy strategy for Bahrain. The author also argues that the model and the strategy can be tailored to use in other GCC countries. The study fills a gap in the literature, namely the lack of e-democracy studies pertaining to the Middle East. It also provides a framework and lessons for other countries in the region for the creation of an e-democracy strategy.

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Quillen, Brian G. "Democracy - a tree without roots on the steppes of Central Asia." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FQuillen.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Mikhail Tsypkin. "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 83-90). Also available in print.

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Barzin, Saeed. "Islam in defence of constitutionalism & democracy : a political biography of Iranian ideologue Mehdi Bazargan." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.332033.

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Al-Hamli, Ahmed Thani Juma. "Islam, democracy, and human rights : can universal human rights be applied in our relativistic world?" Thesis, University of Hull, 2006. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:5842.

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This study mainly focuses on the compatibility of the international human rights with the diverse cultural and religious values of our world, in particular, the Islamic Shari'ah, consisting of values that not only extend across different regions but even form an important factor of legitimacy for most Islamic states. The study will extensively discuss the international conception of human rights and whether such rights are universal in character and hence applicable to all societies irrespective of their local values, or whether their local values are to a certain degree inevitable to establish real universal human rights with full realization of their essence. It will raise some religious and cultural matters that could form obstacles to the full realization of human rights, such as the complexity of the implementation of human rights under Islamic Shari'ah. It will also refer to traditional values and principles of the British common law, in which Parliament is the sovereign body accorded unrestrained power, which seems to pose the same difficulty that Islam could cause in human rights implementation. The study will demonstrate that the cultural tension with human rights is not exclusive to a certain culture but it is a result of the variety of diverse traditions of different nations that fonn our relativistic world. The study will suggest that although some of the local values of certain societies may raise tension with the principles and values of the current international trend of human rights, this does not mean that these local principles and values must be changed to comply. Rather, it may more appropriately be suggested that this developing notion of human rights should be reconsidered to make universal rights more universal and not relative to a certain regional part of the world.

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Bennett, Timothy M. "Violence and institutionalization in Islamic activism explaining moderation." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FBennett.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Anne Marie Baylouny. "December, 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-71). Also available in print.

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Kalonov, Adzhamsho [Verfasser], and Heiko [Gutachter] Schrader. "Political Islam and democracy : moderation and the Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan? / Adzhamsho Kalonov ; Gutachter: Heiko Schrader." Magdeburg : Universitätsbibliothek Otto-von-Guericke-Universität, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1220830151/34.

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Richardson, David Lee. "Highlighting effects of current globalization tenets, namely democracy, capitalism, and cultural transformation, on the Arab Islamic Middle East." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Jun/09Jun%5FRichardson.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Looney, Robert ; Kadhim, Abbas. "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on 13 July 2009. Author(s) subject terms: Middle East, globalization, democracy, capitalism, cultural, Islam, Arabs, Muslims, terrorism. Includes bibliographical references (p. 117-119). Also available in print.

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Munson, Peter J. "What lies beneath : Saddam's legacy and the roots of resistance in Iraq. /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Dec%5FMunson.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2005.
Thesis Advisor(s): Vali Nasr, James Russell. Includes bibliographical references (p. 119-134). Also available online.

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Pidluzny, Jonathan William. "Why the Bush Doctrine Failed: And How an Inadequate Understanding of Liberal Democracy and the Islamic Resurgence Continues to Cripple U.S. Foreign Policy." Thesis, Boston College, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/3923.

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Thesis advisor: Dennis Hale
This dissertation aims to evaluate the utility of democracy promotion in the Middle East to U.S. foreign policy; in particular, it asks why the Arab-Islamic world has proven uniquely resistant to liberal democracy. The overall argument is that an inadequate theoretical understanding of our own regime and its prerequisites led American policy makers simultaneously to expect too much of democratization, and to think too little of liberal democracy. We overestimated its promise, believing transforming key regimes could, in a cost effective manner, bring peace and prosperity to the Middle East, and in the long term help root out terrorist acts committed in the name of Islam. One of the reasons for this: policymakers underestimated what liberal democracy requires of its citizenry--deeply ingrained beliefs and social practices that are acquired only with difficulty. In Iraq, the Bush administration failed to appreciate that long established opinions and mores establish boundaries that constrain political action. Part I begins by giving an account of the assumptions and deliberations that led the Bush administration to pursue regime change in Iraq. It goes on to demonstrate by concrete examples drawn from the occupation period, the insurgency period, and the period since (characterized by utterly dysfunctional and increasingly authoritarian politics), that the rights and privileges associated with democracy--free and fair elections, new liberties, even the constitutional convention itself--are often used in illiberal ways, as weapons to serve narrow and self-interested factions, where the citizenry has not internalized a liberal political consciousness. Part II argues that a rare political personality--largely separable from any particular national character--accounts for the confluence of political liberalism and democratic institutions in the North Atlantic states. Our gentle and tolerant politics are the result of a series of revolutions in social consciousness that have not occurred in the Islamic world. In fact, the Islamic Resurgence of the last century, a revolution as consequential as the French of American Revolutions, is the consequence of a conscious project dedicated to popularizing guiding opinions that are deliberately inhospitable to political liberalism. Analysis of leading Islamist thinkers in the Sunni and Shiite world demonstrates the extent to which they have been successful in erecting barriers to modern and moderate government in the Middle East, which they reject as unjust and corrupting. The dissertation concludes by arguing that Turkey succeeded at establishing a mixed regime by emulating, so far as possible under its own circumstances, the conditions that made the emergence of liberal democracy possible in the West
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2012
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science

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Gunning, Jeroen. "Re-thinking Western constructs of Islamism : pluralism, democracy and the theory and praxis of the Islamic movement in the Gaza Strip." Thesis, Durham University, 2000. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1586/.

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Tamimi, Azzam. "Islam and the transition to democracy prospects and obstacles : a study of the political thought of Rachid Ghannouchi." Thesis, University of Westminster, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.263936.

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Ghattas, Micheline Germanos. "The Consolidation of the Consociational Democracy in Lebanon: The Challenges to Democracy in Lebanon." PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1415.

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This dissertation looks at democracy in Lebanon, a country that has a pluralistic society with many societal cleavages. The subject of this study is the consolidation of democracy in Lebanon, described by Arend Lijphart as a "consociational democracy". The research question and sub-question posed are: 1- How consolidated is democracy in Lebanon? 2- What are the challenges facing the consolidation of democracy in Lebanon? The preamble of the 1926 Lebanese Constitution declares the country to be a parliamentary democratic republic. The political regime is a democracy, but one that is not built on the rule of the majority in numbers, since the numbers do not reflect the history of the country and its distinguishing characteristics. The division of power is built on religion, which defies the concept prevailing in western democracies of the separation between church and state. As the internal and the external conditions change, sometimes in a violent manner, the democracy in the country still survives. Today, after the war that ravaged Lebanon from 1975 to 1990, the Syrian occupation that lasted until 2005, the Israeli war in the summer of 2006, and the roadblocks in the face of the overdue presidential election in 2008, democracy is still struggling to stay alive in the country. There is no denying or ignoring the challenges and the attempts against democracy in Lebanon from 1975 to the present. Even with these challenges, there are some strong elements that let democracy survive all these predicaments. The reasons and events of the 1975-1995 war are still being sorted out and only history will clear that up. Can we say today that the Consociational democracy in Lebanon is consolidated? To answer this question Linz & Stepan's three elements of a consolidated democracy are used as the criteria: the constitution of the land, people's attitude towards democracy and their behavior. The analysis examines the Lebanese Constitution, surveys about people's attitude towards democracy, and reported events about their behavior, such as political demonstrations and political violence narrated in the media. The findings of this study show that although the Lebanese find democracy as being the only game in town, the consolidation of democracy in the country still faces some challenges, both internal and external. The study also shows that the criteria used for western democracies need to be adjusted to apply to a society such as the one in Lebanon: plural, religious and traditional.

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Aydin, Gulsen. "Authoritarianism Versus Democracy In Uzbekistan: Domestic And International Factors." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12604690/index.pdf.

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The objective of this thesis is to analyze the authoritarian Karimov regime in post-Soviet Uzbekistan on a comprehensive basis and shed light on the domestic and international factors that has shaped this regime. The thesis consists of three main parts. The first part of the study defines the concepts of democracy and authoritarianism and provides the criteria to determine if a regime is democratic or authoritarian. The second part applies the theoretical framework developed in the first part to Uzbekistan. The third part deals with the factors that helped Karimov to strengthen his authoritarian rule in the country. The main argument of this study is that the incumbent leadership in Uzbekistan has failed to take steps to establish democracy in the country in post-Soviet period. The changes that were introduced proved to be only decorative, they lacked substance. The president of the country, Islam Karimov, has aimed at consolidating his own authority rather than establishing democracy and that his attempts to realize this aim resulted in the strengthening of executive branch in Uzbekistan at the expense of legislative and judiciary, silencing of the opposition forces, curtailment of the civil and political rights of the citizens, restriction of autonomy of civil society organizations and media.

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Kanra, Bora, and bora kanra@anu edu au. "Deliberating Across Difference: Bringing Social Learning into the Theory and Practice of Deliberative Democracy in the Case of Turkey." The Australian National University. Research School of Social Sciences, 2005. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20051202.161618.

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This thesis will argue that one of the main challenges for deliberative democracy is the lack of attention paid to the different modes of deliberative practices. The theories of deliberative democracy often treat deliberation as a decision-making process. Yet, I would argue that this approach fails to appreciate the full benefits of deliberation because it ignores the fundamental role that the social learning phase of deliberation plays in reconciling differences. Hence I argue for a deliberative framework in which social learning and decision-making moments of deliberation are analytically differentiated so that the resources of social learning are freed from the pressures of decision-making procedures and are therefore no longer subordinated to the terms of decision-making.¶ This is particularly important for countries such as Turkey where divisions cut deep across society. A case study examines the discourses of the Turkish public sphere regarding Islam, democracy and secularism to identify the kinds of discourses present in relation to the topic in question. By analysing the types of discourses through Q methodology the study reveals points of convergence and divergence between discourses, hence provides significant insight into how deliberation oriented to social learning can play a substantive role in reconciling differences between sharply divided groups.

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Metzger, Fabio. "Egito e Turquia no século XXI: democracia liberal ou governo misto?" Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-23102013-101237/.

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A tese tem, como pano de fundo, os acontecimentos políticos recentes que, desde 2002, geram fundamentais mudanças no Oriente Médio e, como foco principal, o Egito e a Turquia, Estados-chave da região. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar, com base em conceitos da teoria política clássica, moderna e contemporânea, a natureza dos regimes políticos dos países aqui citados. Países que deixaram de ser autocráticos, mas que, ao mesmo tempo, ainda não construíram uma forma de governo baseada na democracia liberal de estilo ocidental. Afinal, que espécie de governo está sendo construído no Egito e na Turquia? É possível colocar os modelos de democracia, liberalismo e democracia liberal enquanto paradigma definitivo para os dois casos? Ou se faz necessário abrir um horizonte mais amplo dentro da ciência política, buscando compreender as formas de governos mistos historicamente construídos desde a Antiguidade greco-romana? Nesse contexto, a tese busca também analisar outros conceitos importantes dentro da área, como Estado, soberania, nação e, especificamente, islã (governo de Deus), decisivo na forma como turcos e egípcios formam as suas respectivas sociedades e os seus governos.
The backdrop thesis is the recent political developments that have led to fundamental changes in the Middle East from 2002 to the 1st half of 2013, focusing mainly Egypt and Turkey, key states in the region, analyzing them from concepts of Classical, Modern and Contemporary Political Theory, and which is the nature of the political regimes of the countries cited here. These countries that have ceased to be autocratic, but where at the same time, not yet built a Liberal-Democratic form of Western-style government. After all, what kind of governments is going to be built in Egypt and Turkey? Is it possible to present models of democracy, liberalism and liberal democracy as paradigm for the final two cases? Or is it necessary to open a wider horizon in Political Science, trying to understand the forms of mixed governments, historically constructed since ancient Greco-Roman Age? In this context, the thesis analyzes other important concepts as state sovereignty, nation, and specifically the definition of Islam (rule of God), which is quite decisive in how Egyptians and Turks form their respective societies and their governments.

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Metzger, Fabio. "Pluralismo X radicalismo. A integração do islã político em algumas sociedades mulçumanas: os casos de Egito, Turquia e Argélia." Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-18092008-161219/.

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Este estudo compara as situações políticas de Egito, Turquia e Argélia, três Estados de maioria muçulmana, onde existem movimentos políticos islâmicos influentes. Neste trabalho, é verificado se os movimentos e partidos islâmicos são compatíveis ou acomodáveis com os Estados egípcio, turco e argelino. Utilizando a comparação dos conceitos de soberania popular e democracia liberal com o Islã e o Islamismo (também conhecido como \"Islã político\"), são considerados todos os casos históricos de cada sociedade.
this study compares and contrasts political situations in Egypt, Turkey and Algeria, three muslim majority states, where there are political islam´s influent movements. In this work, it´s verified if the Islamic and islamist movements are compatible or accommodable to Egyptian, Turkish and Algerian secular states. Comparing and contrasting concepts of people´s sovereignty and liberal democracy to Islam and islamism (also known as \"political Islam\"), this study considers all the historical cases in each society.

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Razavian, Christopher Pooya. "The discursive self : rethinking the relationship between autonomy and tradition in Shi’i thought." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/23295.

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The concept of autonomy underlies many other issues in moral and political philosophy. This dissertation states that contemporary debates within Shi’i thought view autonomy as individualistic, and that this individualism brings it into conflict with tradition. It then argues that autonomy is not equivalent to individualism, and argues for an understanding of autonomy that is socially and historically embed- ded and discursive. This makes it possible to rethink the relationship between autonomy and tradition. This rethinking is done through a method of reflective equilibrium, where various ideas from various fields are brought into a coherent whole. There are two phases to this rethinking. The first is in clarifying the concept of autonomy and the second is bringing this concept of autonomy and Shi’i tradition into equilibrium. The dissertation begins by stating that Shi’i thought has already made room for autonomy, but that the concept of autonomy that is dominant is individualistic. An understanding of autonomy as socially and historically embedded is defended. The second phase is to reconcile this embedded notion of autonomy with Shi’i tradition. It is argued that autonomy is important for both the internalisation of tradition and the formation of tradition. Empirical evidence is provided through positive psychology that shows that the most effective means of internalising a belief is through contexts that support autonomy. This understanding of internal- isation is brought into equilibrium with the Shi’i concept of forbidding wrong. It is argued that one of the conditions of forbidding wrong is the condition of efficacy. Approaches to forbidding wrong that support autonomy meet this condition, while those that deny autonomy generally do not. Finally, it is argued that autonomy should be considered within the process of ijtihād because it has an epistemic gain. Autonomous individuals gain a certain level of expertise through their life experiences that are necessary to be incorporated in the ijtiḥād.

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Sears, Jonathan Michael. "Deepening democracy and cultural context in the Republic of Mali, 1992-2002." Thesis, Kingston, Ont. : [s.n.], 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/862.

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Avsar, Esra. "The Transformation Of The Political Ideology And The Democracy Discourse Of The Muslim Brotherhood In Egypt." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609555/index.pdf.

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This thesis analyzes the main ideological transformation that the Muslim Brotherhood has undergone in Egypt. The recurring theme issued throughout this thesis is &lsquo
transformation&rsquo
that stands in an evolutionary interaction with the local, regional and external environment. Within the scope of this leading theme, the study examines the historical overview of the Movement and analyzes the central periods and turning points of this transformation at two basic levels: Domestic and international. The study argues that, the 1980s came as the first pivotal turning-point where the Muslim Brotherhood began to enter the political system with a greater freedom. With the beginning of the change in the 1980s, this thesis argues, the Muslim Brotherhood began to transform itself in a way that opposed the dominant discussion in the literature over Islamists - state relations: &lsquo
Cooperation brings moderation and repression brings radicalization.&rsquo
(Repression - repression, cooperation - cooperation pattern). The study investigates how the Muslim Brotherhood broke this single-track rotation by standing consistently moderate during the periods of repression as well, after the 1980s. In particular after the 1990s, the study extends the domestic-oriented scope of the observation to take into consideration the influence of regional and international variations that have begun to be increasingly influential over the transformation of the Movement. The study argues that, the 2000s came up as the second and the most important landmark that opened a new momentum with the rise of the &lsquo
democracy&rsquo
discourse in the Movement&rsquo
s ideological change. The study provides a wide-ranging analysis over the democracy discourse of the Muslim Brotherhood after the 2000s and brings the challenges of this newfound ideological process into focus. It is argued that, the Muslim Brotherhood&rsquo
s ambiguous stance on &lsquo
democracy&rsquo
reinforces the discussions on the validity of the Movement&rsquo
s moderate political actor role. In conclusion, some conclusive remarks are introduced by making an overall assessment over the Muslim Brotherhood&rsquo
s political participation crisis and the future of the Egyptian political liberalization experiment.

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39

Mujani, Saiful. "Religious democrats: democratic culture and Muslim political participation in post-Suharto Indonesia." The Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1054572222.

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March, Andrew. "Islamic doctrines of citizenship in liberal democracies : the search for an overlapping consensus." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ed3b20d3-5f5a-4866-a421-c261f52dfcf2.

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This thesis examines whether Muslims qua Muslims can regard as legitimate the demands of citizenship in a non-Muslim liberal democracy. This involves asking whether requirements such as living in and being loyal to a non-Muslim state, regarding non- Muslims as political equals with whom one might co-operate socially and politically, contributing to non-Muslim welfare and participating in non-Muslim political systems can be regarded as legitimate practices. It is an exercise in what John Rawls referred to as 'conjecture', or the attempt to examine and argue for the existence of an overlapping consensus between a liberal political conception of justice or citizenship and a particular comprehensive ethical doctrine. Chapter One examines the status of conjecture in political theory and the place of the idea of an overlapping consensus in liberal justification, followed by a proposal for a methodology for this type of comparative political theory. Chapter Two deals with the precise demands liberalism places on citizens, and the particular concerns of Muslims living in non-Muslim states. I show that before we can discuss the central liberal concerns of justifying state neutrality and individual freedoms to revise one's conception of the good, it is necessary to look at a series of questions related to Muslim belonging, loyalty and solidarity in a non-Muslim state. I then present and defend a conception of liberal citizenship in response to certain challenges and concerns of Islamic political ethics. Chapters Three through Five then deal with the range of Islamic responses to the demands of liberal citizenship as I presented them. Chapter Three considers the question of residence in a non-Muslim state and whether the most common justifications for such residence can be considered compatible with liberal conceptions of a well-ordered society. Chapter Four examines the problems of political obligation and loyalty - whether Muslims can in good faith meet their obligations of loyalty to both the global community of fellow believers and their state of citizenship. Chapter Five deals with questions of recognition and solidarity - whether Muslims can recognise non-Muslims as political equals, form relationships based on justice, contribute to their welfare and participate in a common political system. All three chapters demonstrate that very strong and authentically Islamic arguments exist for accepting all of the above demands of citizenship, many being found even in medieval works of Islamic jurisprudence. Crucially, Islamic arguments shown to support the idea of an overlapping consensus also vindicate many of the claims of Rawlsian political liberalism to be a more appealing form of liberalism to non-liberals precisely because of its abstention from claims to metaphysical truth.

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41

Nikolaev, Roman, and Roman Nikolaev. "Varieties of Islamism: Differences in Political Party Ideology in Democracies." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/621747.

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This dissertation aims to understand how Islamist ideology differs across Islamist political parties in majority-Muslim countries. It asks why, despite drawing from the same religious source, the ideology of Islamist parties differs significantly and ranges from a wide spectrum, reaching from rigid conservative ideologies to flexible and even liberal. In order to address this question, the first step I pursue is to create a classification of different types of Islamism based on a spectrum of Islamist thought and behavior. I call the most literalist approach which aims at top-down Islamization Traditionalist Islamism, while the most flexible variety which argues for a bottom-up approach and relies on secular civil law is is labelled Neo-Islamism. Political parties that do not clearly fall under any of these categories and mix characteristics of both are grouped under the Hybrid Islamism category. I argue that if they could, all Islamist parties would moderate their ideology in order to achieve electoral success. However, both the position of the party vis-a-vis other parties in the system, and a high degree of dependence on an internal clique or an external movement create constraints and limitations which prevent parties from moderating their ideological profile. I find support for my argument by comparing five different Islamist parties in Indonesia. I further strengthen my case by introducing several hadow cases from Turkey, Malaysia and Tajikistan (under the authoritarian regime).

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Fahlvik, Karl. "The Moderation of the Ennahda Movement : A case study of moderation within an Islamic political party." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43077.

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The purpose of this thesis is to try to understand the moderation process of the Tunisian Islamic political party Ennahda between the years of 2011-2016. This case is studied within the context of the democratisation process that took place in Tunisia, in the five years after the Arab spring and the idea that political Islam might provide a path to democracy in the Middle East and North Africa. The theoretical framework chosen for understanding this process was in form of a theory about under which circumstances religious political parties politically moderate. The method used was a qualitative content analysis. The analysis was conducted by dividing the chapters into thematic topics that emerged out of the material with the framework then being applied to those themes. The research found that the theory provided theoretical understanding for why the Ennahda Movement became more moderate, especially when looking at factors regarding political entrepreneurship. However, other factors such as a dedication to democratic values, non-violence, and a willingness to change throughout its history, also proved important in the case of moderation within the Ennahda Movement.

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43

Dilmi, Messaoud. "Etat et politique dans la pensée islamique moderne (19ème et 20ème siècles)." Thesis, Paris 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA030029.

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Notre recherche aborde la question de l'État dans la pensée islamique moderne chez les réformateurs du 19ème siècle et les islamistes du 20ème siècle selon une approche pluridisciplinaire. Le réformisme musulman a mené le combat entre le despotisme, contre l'ignorance des populations et contre les ingérences européennes. Il était plus ouvert au constitutionnalisme qui ne diffère pas de la shûra et des finalités de la charî'a.C'est dans ce sillage que se forme la pensée des théoriciens islamistes, du moins au début avant de s'en détacher car par la suite les islamistes entreront en conflit avec le nationalisme arabe ainsi qu'avec la pensée libérale, voire avec l'État-nation. Par conséquent deux logiques s'affrontent sur la nature de l'État, les limites des pouvoirs, la légitimité, et concernant essentiellement la relation entre État national et la religion, point de la discorde. Cette relations est restée ambiguë depuis un siècle. Il en est né un État national ni religieux ni laïque mais qui a modernisé le droit des emprunts à la juridiction occidentale, sans appliquer toutefois une vraie démocratie qui respecterait les droits de l'homme et de la citoyenneté. Il y a une laïcité et une sécularisation de fait au niveau individuel comme au niveau sociétal en pays arabo-musulmans sans que cela touche le dogme, malgré les tentatives de modernisation. Mais à partir des années quatre-vingt-dix un courant émerge appelé les néo-réformateurs, qui acceptent le jeu démocratique et la souveraineté populaire. Cela constituera un grand tournant dans la pensée politique islamique
Our research deals with the subject of the State in 19th and 20th century Islamic modern reformist thought in accordance with a multidisciplinary approach. Islamic reformism has fought against despotism, ignorance of the populace and European interference. It was open to constitutionalism which is not different from the Shura system and goals of the Shariia. The thinking of Muslim theorists took shape within this framework, at least for a while before Islamists decided to break with it. Later, Islamists relations with both Arabic nationalism and liberal thinking, indeed with the Nation-State as a whole, became conflictual.Thus, two points of view concerning the nature of the State, the limits of power, legitimacy, and essentially the very controversial relationship between the Nation State and religion confronted each other. This relationship remained ambiguous for a century. The product has been a Nation State that is neither religious nor secular, but which has modernized the law by borrowing from the Western judicial system, without, however, applying real democracy able to respect human rights and citizenship. A de facto, secularism does exist on an individual and social level in Arab-Muslim countries without influencing the dogma, despite attempts at modernization. But from the 1990s on, a neo-reformist current of thought has emerged, which accepts democracy and sovereignty of the people. This will constitute a big turning point in Arab-Muslim political thought

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44

Al, Hawazi Mo'ayed H. "Shiite School of Iraq and Support for Democracy: Textual Analysis for Statements of Ayatollah Ali Al Sistani." Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1205530606.

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45

Nilsson, Jonas. "Den demokratiske islamisten? : En studie av tre islamistiska rörelser och deras demokratiseringspotential." Thesis, Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-1445.

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ABSTRACT

Essay in Political Science, Advanced Continuation Course, 61-80 credits, by Jonas Nilsson

”The democratic islamist? - a study of three islamist movements and their potential role in a

democratization process”

Supervisor: Jonas Linde

The purpose of this work has been to explain to what extent islamist movements can be said to be

bearers of democratic values and if they have a role to play in future democratization processes. The

purpose of this work is also to examine the democratic views of the different islamist movements and

to compare them with each other in an effort to find a specific islamist definition of democracy.

The essay is a qualitative analysis of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Front Islamique du Salut in

Algeria and Hezbollah in Lebanon. The analytical framework is based on the political institutions

included in Robert A. Dahl polyarchial democracy. The institutions provided by the polyarchial

model is used to define the islamist movements stand on democracy which is defined by three different

standpoints. The movements can either accept, decline or modify the various institutions and the

results from the analysis helps us to evaluate the future role of islamist movements in the

democratization process. The results also provides the opportunity to define a version of democracy

specific for the islamist movements. The conclusion I have made is that the islamist movements

included in the study have a part to play in a future democratization process. They have shown that

their commitment to the democratic ideals defined by Dahl is quite extensive and that they as

separate movements have developed a more advanced view of the relationship between islam and

democracy as a social order. Though democratic at first glance there are signs that the islamists

standpoint on democracy comes with certain reservations. The most significant of these

reservarvations is the islamists regard of islam as an overarching ideology and the subordinate role

of man made political systems such as democracy. However, the islamists have found ways to handle

this problem and points out the inherent democratic values in islam and thereby tries to circumvent

the problematic relationship between democracy and religion. The study also concludes that we can

define the islamist version of democracy as a specific form of democracy, a value-based participatory

democracy. This conclusion is based on the islamist emphasis on the importance of ethics, decency

and virtue in a society, at the same time as they also emphasize the need for legitimacy provided by

the people through free, fair and frequent elections.

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46

Johnson, Troy A. "ISLAMIC STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS AND DEMOCRATIC DEVELOPMENT IN INDONESIA: THREE CASE STUDIES." Ohio : Ohio University, 2006. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1149190003.

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47

Yildirim, Abdulkadir. "Muslim Democratic Parties: Economic Liberalization and Islamist Moderation in the Middle East." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1280199427.

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48

Saidi, Azbeg Hynd. "Processus de démocratisation et monarchie constitutionnelle au Maroc." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014BORD0352/document.

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L’ouverture politique au Maroc a été rendue possible suite à certains facteurs dont des évènements externes et d’autres internes, mais elle ne peut être dissociée de la volonté monarchique d’engager le pays dans un processus de démocratisation afin de renforcer l’Etat de droit.Après s’être rendu compte de l’impératif d’une conciliation de la monarchie constitutionnelle et de la démocratie, le Maroc semble désormais donner plus de priorité aux principes démocratiques. Si le pays a longtemps sombré dans un autoritarisme absolu, les différentes réformes engagées ces dernières décennies vont dans le sens de l’amélioration de la qualité démocratique du régime en place. Mais certaines résistances remettent en cause les acquis du processus démocratique, sans oublier que ce dernier se retrouve confronté aux disfonctionnements du système et aux déficits hérités du passé. Ainsi, plusieurs défis sont encore à relever.La présente thèse tente d’apporter des éléments de réponse à la question de savoir si la construction démocratique du régime marocain est possible face à un système politique qui reste fondé sur la suprématie de la monarchie et sur la tradition.Cette problématique sera abordée sous l’angle de la mutation du modèle marocain de monarchie constitutionnelle et de la difficile construction démocratique du système en place. La présente thèse estime que le Maroc est sans aucun doute sur la voie de la démocratie malgré les efforts qui restent à fournir. Elle considère aussi que ce processus de démocratisation consiste à concilier entre l’universalité de la démocratie et la spécificité de la pratique démocratique au Maroc
The political freedom in Morocco has become possible due to some factors that can be either internal or external. However, this latter cannot be disassociated from the willing of the monarchy to engage the country in a process of democratization to reinforce the rule of law.Being aware of the imperative democratization of the constitutional monarchy, Morocco seems to afford more priority to democratic principles. If Morocco has long been in the darkness of an absolute autoritarism, the different reforms engaged in these last decades have, at least, improved the quality of the local regime. However, certain resistance let us think more about the process of democracy, knowing that this latter is confronted to a disfunctioning of the system and mainly to the defects of the past. In this case, some challenges are mandatory.The present thesis, then, tend to answer the question if the democratic construction of the moroccan regime is possible in front of a political system which is based on the supremacy of the monarchy and on tradition.This problematic will be dealt with according to the mutation of the constitutional monarchy of the local regime. In addition to this, the present thesis estimates that Morocco is with no doughty in the right track of democracy even if still much effort is to be done. I t also considers that this process of democratization consists to conciliate the universality of democracy and the specificity of the democratic practice in Morocco

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49

Durgun, Aysel. "Les principes fondateurs de l'ordre constitutionnel turc : la laïcité et le nationalisme de la fin de l'Empire ottoman à nos jours." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAA007.

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La laïcité et le nationalisme, en tant que principes fondateurs de la République de Turquie, forment son noyau identitaire qui donne à l’ordre constitutionnel sa spécificité. La laïcité, qui a réalisé le principe de séparation de l’État et de la religion, a maintenu la religion sous son contrôle. Le nationalisme construit en réaction au démembrement de l’Empire ottoman a affirmé l’indivisibilité de l’État du point de vue de son territoire et de sa nation. Cette dernière est comprise comme essentiellement turque et musulmane. Les notions de laïcité et de nationalisme, compte tenu de la place et de la valeur qui leur sont reconnues dans l’ordre constitutionnel, irriguent l’ensemble de l’ordre constitutionnel et constituent un étalon de référence. En ce sens, elles sont des principes « structurants » de l’ordre constitutionnel qui entretiennent des rapports ambigus et contradictoires aussi bien avec la religion qu’avec la démocratie
Nationalism and secularism are the core principles that create the constitutional order forming the Republic of Turkey. Secularism achieves the separation of State and Church, but also establishes the control over religion. Nationalism permitted to preserve the State against the threat of being shattered at the fall of the Ottoman Empire. Since then, it expresses the indivisibility of the State with its territory and nation. At the same time, it maintains religion as part of the national identity, which is also defined as Turkish. Both notions lead to ambiguity and paradoxes which are revealed by democracy. Considering their place and value in the constitutional order, nationalism and secularism can be regarded as structuring principles (“principes structurants”) which give the constitutional order of the Republic of Turkey its particularities

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50

Herbel, Lindsey Christine. "Explaining Gender Inequality in the Middle East:Islam vs. Oil." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/28.

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What is the relationship between gender inequality and resource wealth in the Middle East? Why has progression of women’s rights in the Middle East advanced at a comparatively slower rate than most of the world? Conventional wisdom attributes the continued significant gaps in gender equality to the region’s strong patriarchic culture associated with Islam. However, recent statistical analysis conducted by Michael Ross suggests a correlation between oil production and women’s rights. This thesis examines an emerging schism in the literature and evaluates the relationship between social and political emancipation of women relative to Islam and oil wealth. The findings of this examination conclude that Ross’s theoretical framework is incomplete: Islamic law is a key causal mechanism left out of his examination. Furthermore, Islamic law has a more comprehensive negative impact on women’s social and political rights than oil wealth.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Islam and Democracy'

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