Dissertations / Theses: 'Islam and civil society Indonesia'

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Nugroho, Yanuar. "Does the Internet transform civil society? : the case of Civil Society Organisations in Indonesia." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2007. http://www.manchester.ac.uk/escholar/uk-ac-man-scw:58115.

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The use of Information and Communication Technology (ICT), particularly the Internet, has attracted huge attention. Despite the attention paid to research into Internet use in homes, government agencies and business firms, little attention has been paid to other types of organisations such as civil society organisations (CSOs).

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Khairan, Ab Razak bin Mohd. "The influence of Islam in the military : comparitive study of Malaysia, Indonesia and Pakistan /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FKhairan.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil-Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): Gaye Christoffersen, Seyyed Vali R. Nasr. Includes bibliographical references (p. 115-120). Also available online.

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Kohno, Takeshi. "Emergence of human rights activities in authoritarian Indonesia : the rise of civil society /." The Ohio State University, 2003. http://bibpurl.oclc.org/web/21105.

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Finessi, Martina. "Muslims' participation in Ethiopian Civil Society: findings from field research in Addis Ababa." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Historia, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-11852.

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This thesis is an investigation into the Ethiopian Civil Society, with a focus on Muslims’participation and activities. This research is the result of a series of interviews carried on in AddisAbaba during my staying there thank to a scholarship from Pavia University.Chapter One is a general introduction of the study, presenting the object, the methodology anduse of sources as well as the state of the current research of the topics covered by this research.Chapter Two is a framework chapter about Islām in Ethiopia offering an historical perspective aswell as focusing on its characteristics and current developments. Chapter Three deals withEthiopian Civil Society characteristics and with its legal framework. Chapter Four constitutes thecore of this research: in it, I collected the findings of my research describing the presence ofMuslims into Ethiopian Civil Society. I analyzed the activities and characteristics of the differentorganizations and associations that I met in Addis Ababa, their self-representation concerningtheir being related with Islām and their opinions on Muslims’ marginalization and lack of nonpoliticizationin Ethiopia. A set of conclusions constitutes the last section of the thesis.

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Khairan, Ab Razak bin Mohd. "The influence of Islam in the military: comparative study of Malaysia, Indonesia and Pakistan." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1663.

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Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited
Islam permeated throughout the military institutions of Malaysia, Pakistan and Indonesia and replaced the Western and foreign military cultures the military had inherited due to society becoming Islamized following the revival of Islam. The implementation of true Islamic model practices and values differ slightly from country to country depending first on the level of piousness of its existing military personnel, new personnel input and the military leadership. The second factor is the degree of motivational drive of the head of state in encouraging Islam. Islamized military institutions are also faced with the challenges created as a result of sects and schools that emerge in the form of Islamic parties and extremist groups. The argument will be that Islamic teachings in military affairs can result in peace, solidarity and solve the Civil-Military Relations (CMR) problems. In the final analysis, guided moderate Islamic influence' bring harmony to CMR in Malaysia, while the uncoordinated influence of Islam in the Indonesian military made the CMR problematic. It is different in Pakistan because the strong influence of Islam has encouraged the generals to wrest political power from civilians.
Lieutenant Colonel, Royal Malaysian Air Force

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Brigaitis, Peter. "Religious Engagement and Social Capital in the Islamic Context." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2005. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4788/.

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Social capital research has traditionally been conducted in western and Christian settings as a precursor of changes such as democratization and development. This paper focuses on Islamic religious engagement and its potential to foster social capital. The model presented here is designed to suggest whether the Islam's influence occurs through doctrinal channels, or through Islam's capacity to organize social structures. The analysis conducted is a linear regression model with measures of social capital as dependent variables and measures of religious engagement as independent variables. The analysis is conducted on data from the fourth wave of the World Values Survey. Results suggest that religious engagement and social capital have both belief and behavioral elements that should be treated as separate entities in quantitative research.

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Kocamaner, Hikmet. "The Politics of the Family: Religious Affairs, Civil Society, and Islamic Media in Turkey." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/333348.

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Since the ruling pro-Islamist Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AKP hereafter) came to power in 2002, there has been a general transformation in Turkish politics from a secularist orientation toward a mainstream Muslim conservative line. This conservative political transformation manifests itself in the socio-cultural domain in terms of a proliferation of discourses on "family crisis" and the "decline of family values" as well as social programs and projects aimed at "strengthening the Turkish family." While the family crisis discourse situates the family as the source of socio-economic and demographic problems facing the Turkish society, strengthening the family is offered as the primary solution to these problems since the family is conceptualized as the foundation of a firm and stable social order. The Turkish state's intervention into the family sphere has occupied a central place in the governmental and legislative policies of the state since the rise of modern forms of governance in the nineteenth century in the Ottoman Empire. What is novel about the configuration of family governance under the AKP government, however, is the extension of family governance beyond the formal institutions of the state to a wide array of actors, institutions, mechanisms, and rationalities and the deployment of religious or religiously-inspired actors, institutions and organizations in the conceptualization, production, and implementation of social programs and projects aimed at "strengthening the Turkish family." Within the past decade, this concern for maintaining family values and fortifying the family institution has been widely circulated among Muslim conservative circles, and the family has constituted the foundation of most social projects designed and implemented by not only formal political institutions such as the Ministry of the Family and Social Policies and AKP-governed municipalities but also various religious or religiously-inspired organizations and institutions such as the Presidency of Religious Affairs, Islamic civil society organizations, and Islamic television channels. This dissertation focuses on the role of these religious or religiously-inspired actors, institutions, and organizations in shaping the politics of the family in contemporary Turkey. It argues that the increasing prominence given to the family by the state and these religiously-inspired institutions and organizations points to emerging forms of governance as well as reconfigurations of religion and secularism in contemporary Turkey. It also demonstrates how the dominant political discourse on declining family values and the social projects that aim at recuperating these values situate the family as an object of governmental intervention as well as a site of discursive proliferation, disciplinary practices, and biopolitical governance.

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Park, Jae Bong Humanities &amp Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "Preventing ethnic violence in Indonesia : civil society engagement in Yogyakarta during the economic crisis of 1998." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. Humanities & Social Sciences, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40314.

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This thesis examines the engagement of civil society in Yogyakarta to prevent ethnic violence during the economic crisis of 1998. The thesis explains why and how the people of Yogyakarta avoided ethnic violence, particularly anti-ethnic Chinese riots, during the heightened socio-economic crisis of 1998. The thesis investigates interactions between civil society actors, local traditional leaders and grassroots people in Yogyakarta in preventing ethnic violence. I argue that various actions of civil society organisations in Yogyakarta were instrumental in preventing ethnic violence during the economic crisis of 1998. This argument runs counter to the popular Yogyanese myth that Sultan Hamengku Buwono X (HB X) played a dominant role in preventing ethnic violence during the economic crisis of 1998. The thesis will highlight some local mechanisms that have greatly contributed to the prevention of ethnic and religious violence in Yogyakarta. The findings are as follows: (1) Civil society in Yogyakarta including Non-government organisations, interfaith dialogue organisations, intellectuals, student organisations, religious leaders, and business associations played a key role in managing the socio-economic crisis through the provision of staple food packages, arranging coordination meetings, and organising vigilante teams. In contrast, unlike the popular myth, Sultan HB X's role was limited. (2) Local inter-ethnic civil society organisations such as Paguyuban Mitra Masyarakat Yogyakarta (Association of the Fellowship of Yogyakarta Society), Komite Kemanusiaan Yogyakarta (Yogyakarta Humanitarian Committee) and Tim Relawan Yogyakarta (Yogyakarta Volunteer Team) functioned as platforms of communication and coordination between Chinese and indigenous Indonesians, and Muslims and Christians. With the help of these inter-ethnic civil society organisations, the Chinese community and their business associations in Yogyakarta actively engaged in dispensing staple food packages. (3) Local Islam-affiliated organisations in Yogyakarta such as the LKiS, MUI, NU, Muhammadiyah, and the PPP also played a significant role in managing heightened tensions. They cooperated with other non-Islamic civil society organisations in encouraging ethnic and religious pluralism and restraining primordial sentiment during the economic crisis of 1998.

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Harmsen, Egbert. "Islam, civil society and social work Muslim voluntary welfare associations in Jordan between patronage and empowerment = Islam, maatschappelijk middenveld en sociale zorg Gezaghebbende teksten, rituele praktijken en sociale identiteiten : Particuliere Islamitische welzijnsorganisaties in Jordanië tussen bevoogding en ontvoogding, met een samenvatting in het Nederlands /." Leiden : ISIM : Amsterdam University Press, 2008. http://www.netlibrary.com/urlapi.asp?action=summary&v=1&bookid=224150.

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Setiyono, Budi. "Making a new democracy work: the role of civil society organisations (CSOs) in combating corruption during democratic transition in Indonesia." Thesis, Curtin University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/1167.

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Corruption has often stimulated the collapse of authoritarian regimes and was followed by democratisation in a number of developing countries. Many new democratic regimes, however, have also been failed to control corruption because during the transition to democracy, their institutional structure of governance has typically not functioned well. In Indonesia too, corruption has been a highly pertinent issue that has both stimulated and compromised the regime‘s transition to democracy. This has provided a platform for civil society organisations (CSOs) to take an active political role. Yet insufficient empirical examination exists on the role of CSOs in combating corruption during democratic transition and the implication for democratisation.This thesis documents and critically examines the contribution of CSOs (more specifically anti-corruption CSOs) in Indonesia, an examination essential to the study of democratisation and anti-corruption efforts. It investigates how and to what extent CSOs can fight corruption during democratic transition. Owing to the ineffectiveness and unwillingness of the state, civil associations have undertaken initiatives in fighting and underscoring corruption into the domain of public debate. They work at two levels of battle: strategic and practical. At the strategic level, CSOs have contributed to the creation of the legal and institutional frameworks necessary for eradicating corruption. Many of their advocacies have brought about the creation of anti-corruption regulations and supervisory bodies to combat corruption. At the practical level, CSOs have organised social monitoring to call state officials to account. It has been CSOs that have mobilised the public to take civic action against corruption. By successfully taking a number of government officials and politicians to court, CSOs have also enhanced the legal system against corruption.Given the significance of the contribution of CSOs, this thesis argues that they have a real nascent force to advance democratisation: not only because the anti-corruption movement that they initiated has been instrumental in shaping political transformation, but they have also opened channels between the state and civil society that work as a system of accountability, part of a long-term project of establishing a democratic principle rooted in grassroots participation.This thesis argues, however, that despite their important role, the activities of CSOs have not been perfect and, accordingly, should not be interpreted as a panacea for all problems of corruption and democratisation. Therefore, it should be a concern for all the stakeholders involved – including the government, donor agencies, and the general public – to enhance the capacity of CSOs.

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Moses, Christopher. "Producing an Islamic institution : a London case study." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/275750.

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This thesis constitutes a case study of how an Islamic institution in London is produced as an object of knowledge. It develops an argument by Maussen about mosques in Western Europe, which suggests that they ‘do not have a self-evident, clear and constant meaning’. On the basis of a literature review, he points to how academics have shaped ‘the processes of the production of meaning’ regarding these mosques, something that has political consequences for knowledge. This thesis builds on his work by shifting the research focus to a specific example of an Islamic institution, and including a broader group of actors involved in its production as an object of knowledge. For this research, I undertook an ethnographic study of the institution, holding a junior position within the leadership as a way of learning about its everyday life. This material is complemented by other forms of data, such as research literature, archival sources, media accounts, Council documentation, Parliamentary proceedings, maps, images, and photographs. The thesis has three ‘threads’, which fall into six chapters. The ‘public sphere’ thread comprises three chapters, which look at the institution’s representation by and engagement with three sets of actors: researchers, state representatives, and journalists. A ‘community’ chapter explores local productions of meaning: specifically, how the community’s internal complexity shapes understandings of the institution. Finally, the ‘history’ thread comprises two explorations: perspectives on the meaning of its foundational moment, and its relationship with the history of its built environment. Each of the chapters offers a way of reading the institution, while there are also matters of internal heterogeneity, and further temporal and material complexities in its construction as an object of knowledge. The thesis conclusion proposes the metaphor of ‘palimpsest’ to describe the resultant complexity of meaning in play.

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Izumi, Takako. "Effectiveness of Partnership between Civil Society Organizations and Local Governments for Disaster Risk Reduction in Asia: Perspectives from Indonesia and Malaysia." 京都大学 (Kyoto University), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/161043.

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Perdana, Aditya [Verfasser], and Andreas [Akademischer Betreuer] Ufen. "The relationship of civil society organizations (CSOs) and political parties in post-Suharto Indonesia : a women’s CSO perspective / Aditya Perdana ; Betreuer: Andreas Ufen." Hamburg : Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1131254627/34.

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Kilcullen, David J. Politics Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The political consequences of military operations in Indonesia 1945-99 : a fieldwork analysis of the political power-diffusion effects of guerilla conflict." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Politics, 2000. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38709.

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Problem Investigated. This dissertation is a study of the political effects of low-intensity warfare in Indonesia since 1945. In particular, it examines the interaction between general principles and contextual variables in guerrilla conflict, to determine whether such conflict causes the diffusion of political power. Analysis of insurgent movements indicates that power structures within a guerrilla group tend to be regionalised, diffuse and based on multiple centres of roughly equal authority. Conversely, studies of counter-insurgency (COIN) techniques indicate that successful COIN depends on effective political control over the local population. This tends to be exercised by regional or local military commanders rather than by central authority. Based on this, the author???s initial analysis indicated that one should expect to see a diffusion of political authority from central leaders (whether civilian or military) to regional military leaders, when a society is engaged in the conduct of either COIN or guerrilla warfare. The problem investigated in this dissertation can therefore be stated thus: To what extent, at which levels of analysis and subject to what influencing factors does low-intensity warfare in Indonesia between 1945 and 1999 demonstrate a political power-diffusion effect? Procedures Followed. The procedure followed was a diachronic, qualitative, fieldwork-based analysis of two principle case studies: the Darul Islam insurgency in West Java 1948-1962 and the campaign in East Timor 1974-1999. Principle research tools were: ??? Semi-structured, formal, informal and group interviews. ??? Analysis of official and private archives in Australia, Indonesia, the Netherlands and the UK. ??? Participant observation using anthropological fieldwork techniques. ??? Geographical analysis using transects, basemapping and overhead imagery. ??? Demographic analysis using historical data, cartographic records and surveys. Research was conducted in Australia, Indonesia (Jakarta and Bandung), the Netherlands (The Hague and Amsterdam) and the United Kingdom (London, Winchester, Salisbury and Warminster). Fieldwork was conducted over three periods in West Java (1994, 1995 and 1996) and one period in East Timor (1999-2000). General Results Obtained. The two principal case studies were the Darul Islam insurgency in West Java 1948-62 and the campaign in East Timor since 1974. The fieldwork data showed that low-intensity warfare in Indonesia between 1945 and 1999 did indeed demonstrate the political power-diffusion effect posited by the author. This effect was triggered by the outbreak of guerrilla warfare, which itself flowed from crises generated by processes of modernisation and change within Indonesian society from traditional hierarchies to modern forms of social organisation. These crises were also affected by events at the systemic and regional levels of analysis ??? the invasion of the Netherlands East Indies by Japan, the Cold War, the Asian financial crisis and increasing economic and media globalisation. They resulted in a breakdown or weakening of formal power structures, allowing informal power structures to dominate. This in turn allowed local elites with economic, social or religious influence and with coercive power over the population, to develop political and military power at the local level while being subject to little control from higher levels. This process, then, represented a power diffusion from central and civilian leadership levels to local leaders with coercive means ??? most often military or insurgent leaders. Having been triggered by guerrilla operations, however, the direction and process by which such power diffusion operated was heavily influenced by contextual variables, of which the most important were geographical factors, political culture, traditional authority structures and the interaction of external variables at different levels of analysis. Topographical isolation, poor infrastructure, severe terrain, scattered population groupings and strong influence by traditional hierarchies tend to accelerate and exacerbate the loss of central control. Conversely good infrastructure, large population centres, good communications and a high degree of influence by nation-state and systemic levels of analysis ??? particularly through economic and governmental institutionalisation ??? tend to slow such diffusion. Moreover, while power may be diffusing at one level of analysis (e.g. nation-state) it may be centralising at another (e.g. into the hands of military leaders at local level). Analysis of the Malayan Emergency indicates that, in a comparable non-Indonesian historical example, the same general tendency to political power diffusion was evident and that the same broad contextual variables mediated it. However, it would be premature to conclude that the process observed in Indonesia is generally applicable. The nature and relative importance of contextual factors is likely to vary between examples and hence additional research on non-Indonesian examples would be necessary before such a conclusion could be drawn. Further research on a current instance of guerrilla operations in Indonesia is also essential before the broader contemporary applicability of these findings can be reliably demonstrated. Major Conclusions Reached. Based on the above, the theses developed to answer the initial problem can be stated thus: The command and control (C2) structures inherent in traditional, dispersed rural guerrilla movements that lack access to mass media or electronic communications tend to lessen the degree of control by central (military or political) leaders over regional leaders. If COIN or Internal Security Operations are conducted, two factors will operate. First, there will be an increase in the degree of control over the civil population by local military leaders, at the expense of local or central political leaders. Second, where military command structures are pyramidal or segmentary, there will be an increase in control by local commanders at the expense of central military leaders. Where the central government is civilian or has interests divergent from the military???s, the first of these factors will dominate. Where the government is military or has interests largely identical to those of the military, the second factor will be dominant. The process of power diffusion can thus be summarised as follows: A crisis driven by processes of societal change or by external causes, leads to the outbreak of violence, one facet of which may include guerrilla operations. If guerrilla operations do occur, the C2 structures inherent in such operations give a high degree of autonomy and independence to local military leaders. The same (or a contemporaneous) crisis produces a breakdown of formal power structures, causing organisations to fall back upon informal power structures. The nature of these informal power structures is determined by geography, political culture, patterns of traditional authority within the society and the degree of interaction of systemic/regional factors with local events. Thus the guerrilla operations and the concomitant breakdown in formal power structures form the trigger for political power diffusion. The precise nature and progress of this diffusion is then determined by contextual variables.

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Dator, Jessica Asne. "The state, market and civil society in the growth areas of Mindanao, Philippines approaches to development governance in the Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia and Philippines East ASEAN growth area (BIMP-EAGA) sub-region /." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ57279.pdf.

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Aydin, Gulsen. "Authoritarianism Versus Democracy In Uzbekistan: Domestic And International Factors." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12604690/index.pdf.

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The objective of this thesis is to analyze the authoritarian Karimov regime in post-Soviet Uzbekistan on a comprehensive basis and shed light on the domestic and international factors that has shaped this regime. The thesis consists of three main parts. The first part of the study defines the concepts of democracy and authoritarianism and provides the criteria to determine if a regime is democratic or authoritarian. The second part applies the theoretical framework developed in the first part to Uzbekistan. The third part deals with the factors that helped Karimov to strengthen his authoritarian rule in the country. The main argument of this study is that the incumbent leadership in Uzbekistan has failed to take steps to establish democracy in the country in post-Soviet period. The changes that were introduced proved to be only decorative, they lacked substance. The president of the country, Islam Karimov, has aimed at consolidating his own authority rather than establishing democracy and that his attempts to realize this aim resulted in the strengthening of executive branch in Uzbekistan at the expense of legislative and judiciary, silencing of the opposition forces, curtailment of the civil and political rights of the citizens, restriction of autonomy of civil society organizations and media.

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Svärd, Veronica. "Identitet i den somaliska diasporan : en intersektionell studie av kvinnors jag och delaktighet i samhället." Thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Social Work, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-6878.

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This work applies intersectionality to five Somali women self-narratives and focuses on their identities and positions in Swedish society, but also their relation to Somali society. Since people constructs in relation to the environment, this work studies the impact of environmental confirmations of their own self. Intersectionality is brought into the social work with an operational attempt, and shows how critics of power and interplay between theories and empirics can provide new knowledge. Intersectionality also demands some alterations of the social constructionists’ idea of the ego. Therefore this work outline a model of analysis that considers the critic of power. According to this work, intersectionality implies that social work is essentially about power. The women’s egos seem to be closely united different strongly. The more different identifications the women describes and the more ambivalent they are allowed to be in different milieus, the greater assets has the women in their ability to move between milieus and to pass between positions of power. But the tighter united some of their identifications are in their egos; the firmer is their assumptions of what constitute a good behaviour. And the stronger united the ego is, the space to pass through positions of power in different arenas is shrinking.

This work emphasizes the importance of making shifts of power in identification categories visible in order to localize resistance strategies among exposed individuals. This work also suggest that social work should consider the supplementary vulnerable situation that signify the position in intersection between power orders and contradictory norms, since that could lead to too simplified conclusions that create additional isolation. Being sensitive to the experience and resolution of these women’s own experiences and resolutions is therefore crucial in achieving good social work. Accordingly, lack of knowledge is an obstacle to resist discrimination and oppression. Another conclusion is that social work and social politics should aim to strengthen the ego of immigrant women in order to release their driving forces that in turn may lead to participation, not only to the Swedish society. These Somali women appear as peace endeavours, whose political voices has been marginalised both in the Somali and the Swedish context, which obstacle peace making in the Somali society.

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Sharafeldin, Marwa. "Personal status law reform in Egypt : women's rights : NGOs navigating between Islamic law and human rights." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9d389f66-f8f6-4c0a-8755-1f7d2186a1ba.

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This thesis explores the ways in which Islamic law and human rights interact within the work of women’s rights non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that advocate the reform of the Egyptian Personal Status Law (PSL) in the period between 2006 and 2010. The thesis shows the relevance of the human rights framework as well as the flexibility of Islamic legal discourse in the work of the NGOs. Drawing on both Islamic law and human rights enabled NGOs to develop a more gender-sensitive religious discourse, which supported their PSL reform demands. However the interaction between these two frameworks was largely affected by several important factors, which sometimes led NGOs to dilute some of their demands. These factors included the implications of the change in the form of Shari‘a as codified law under the modern nation-state; the Egyptian political context both internally and externally; the common local perception that human rights are a Western production and an extension of Western colonialism; the dominant religious but patriarchal discourse governing the PSL; the implications of activism through the NGO structure; and the personal religiosity of individual activists. The thesis explores NGOs’ PSL reform demands in depth bearing in mind these factors. It investigates NGOs’ discourse and shows its strengths and weaknesses. It shows that the interaction between Islamic law and human rights within NGOs’ work in this particular Egyptian context produced reform demands that were innovative and practically appealing on one hand, but epistemologically problematic in some instances, on another.

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Benussi, Matteo. "Aspiring Muslims in Russia : form-of-life and political economy of virtue in Povolzhye's 'halal movement'." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/276156.

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This thesis is concerned with the ways in which Muslims in Russia’s Povolzhye region define, and strive towards, spiritual and material well-being. It explores how pious subjectivities are cultivated in a secular and often politically hostile environment. In addition, it deals with Povolzhye Muslims’s pursuit of worldly success in the context of social change brought about by Russia’s transition to a market economy. Povolzhye is a prosperous, multi-ethnic and multi-confessional historical region, home to Russia’s second largest ethnic group, the Volga Tatars. Although the Tatars have been Sunni Muslims for centuries, the post-Soviet emergence of cosmopolitan, scripturalist piety trends – which I collectively refer to as Povolzhye’s ‘halal movement’ – has raised unprecedented concerns and disputes about the meaning of Muslimness and the place of Muslims in Russian society. Scripturalist virtue-ethics projects have been underrepresented within the expanding body of anthropological literature concerning Islam in the former USSR, and particularly in the Russian Federation. With its explicit ethnographic focus on Povolzhye’s halal movement, this work aims at filling this gap. The halal movement is characterised by its hypermodern transnational imagery as well as significant discursive overlapping with the realms of business and economy. The pursuit of a virtuous existence is particularly appealing to those ascending sectors of society that most successfully engage with Russia’s post-socialist free-market environment, while the idiom of piety both communicates and dissimulates novel forms of stratification and exclusion. This project brings together anthropological theories of ethical self-cultivation with approaches that focus on power, social change, and political economy. In order to explore the political life of the halal movement vis-à-vis both state institutions and the market, I employ Giorgio Agamben’s notions of ‘form-of-life’ and ‘rule/law’, which shed light on the relationship between power and virtue in original ways. In addition, particular attention is given to the social distribution of virtue and the role it plays in reproducing distinction, status, and a ‘capitalist spirit’.

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Torrekens, Corinne. "La visibilité de l'islam au sein de l'espace public bruxellois: transaction, reconnaissance et identité." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210562.

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L’objectif principal de cette recherche consiste à restituer dans un cadre analytique la présence et la visibilisation de l’islam à Bruxelles. Il s’agit en l’occurrence de produire une connaissance scientifique des islams présents à Bruxelles, d’identifier leurs impacts sur la vie de certains quartiers et de repérer leurs modes d’organisation locale. En rendant compte des liens possibles entre les institutions de l’islam local, comme les moquées, et d’autres institutions belges, et tout particulièrement les autorités politiques locales, cette thèse entend traiter plus spécifiquement des transactions politiques intervenant entre les mosquées et les institutions politiques, essentiellement locales. Elle entend donc révéler comment se construit un islam par le bas qui s’enracine dans des pratiques et des relations entre acteurs locaux et ce, en rendant compte des transactions politiques qui président à sa reconnaissance et son institutionnalisation locale. Dans ce cadre, notre objectif est de mener une analyse politique de l’enracinement local de l’islam bruxellois et des transactions politiques qui émergent à son égard, bien loin des déchirements induits par la passion médiatico-politique. Nous y formulons l’hypothèse qu’il existe, au sein de ce que l’on pourrait globalement appeler la « communauté musulmane » bruxelloise, une lutte menée par une nouvelle catégorie de leaders, les présidents de mosquées, qui prend appui sur des dimensions identitaires communes à référents islamiques transcendant les différents clivages structurant le tissu associatif musulman et visant à exprimer le déni de reconnaissance et de légitimité de la visibilité de l’islam. Cette protestation émerge au niveau local car, et il s’agit de notre deuxième hypothèse, l’action du pouvoir communal offre une structure d’opportunités politiques aux représentants de mosquées en termes d’accès à certaines ressources tant matérielles (infrastructure, financement, agenda) que symboliques (reconnaissance, représentativité, légitimité) en même temps qu’elle catégorise cette mobilisation politique, qu’elle influe sur celle-ci en l’obligeant à s’inscrire dans un registre limité (la gestion de l’islam local) et qu’elle implique des transactions aux niveaux des référentiels de l’action (visibilité de l’islam/neutralité voire laïcité de l’espace public).
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Hosseinioun, Mishana. "The globalisation of universal human rights and the Middle East." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8f6bdf79-2512-4f32-840a-3565a096ae8d.

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The goal of this study is to generate a more holistic picture of the diffusion and assimilation of universal human rights norms in diverse cultural and political settings such as the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). The overarching question to be investigated in this thesis is the relationship between the evolving international human rights regime and the emerging human rights normative and legal culture in the Middle East. This question will be investigated in detail with reference to regional human rights schemes such as the Arab Charter of Human Rights, as well as local human rights developments in three Middle Eastern states, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Having gauged the take-up of human rights norms on the ground at the local and regional levels, the thesis examines in full the extent of socialisation and internalisation of human rights norms across the Middle East region at large.

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Macêdo, Martina Bolz de Jesus. "Der Stand der Demokratisierung und der Herausbildung einer Zivilgesellschaft in Ägypten am Beispiel des Diskurses über die autochthone christliche Minderheit der Kopten." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16017.

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Die Meinungen über die Chancen einer Demokratisierung im Nahen und Mittleren Osten sind geteilt. Diese Arbeit versucht für Ägypten eine Einschätzung zu geben. Als bevölkerungsreichstes und eines der politisch bedeutsamsten Länder der Region könnte es eine Vorbildfunktion einnehmen. Die Dissertation untersucht an einem Fallbeispiel, den Ausschreitungen zwischen Muslimen und Christen in einem oberägyptischen Dorf 1999/ 2000, in welcher Form und in welchem Ausmaß sich staatliche Akteure, religiöse Institutionen und die Bürger zum heiklen Thema der Gefährdung der Rechte von Minderheiten im öffentlichen Diskurs zu Wort melden und dabei das Kriterium des Pluralismus, im Sinne von Toleranz und Ablehnung von Gewalt, erfüllen. Pessimistische Stimmen versagen dem Nahen und Mittleren Osten insbesondere wegen der dort vorherrschenden Religion eine Reformierbarkeit der politischen Kultur und stigmatisieren den Islam als Demokratisierungshindernis. Diese Arbeit beobachtet jedoch, dass es empirisch bereits einige Merkmale gibt, die auf eine Zunahme von Pluralismus in der ägyptischen Gesellschaft hindeuten. Sie zeigt die Anzeichen für die Herausbildung einer freien Öffentlichkeit und einer Zivilgesellschaft auf, die langfristig auf die Konsolidierung von Demokratie und nicht auf deren Zerstörung hinarbeitet. Gleichzeitig ist diese Arbeit eine Art in Szene gesetztes, lebendiges „Who is who?“ der gegenwärtigen Minderheiten- und Menschenrechtsbewegung in Ägypten. 1
The current status of democratization and civil society development in Egypt through the example of the discourse on the indigenous Christian minority of the Copts. Opinions regarding the chances of democratization in the Middle East are divided. The thesis attempts to give an evaluation in the case of Egypt. As the most populous and one of the politically most influencing countries of that region Egypt could take the function of a role model. The dissertation investigates, on the basis of a case study – the clashes between Muslims and Christians in an Upper Egyptian village in 1999/ 2000 - in what form and to what extent state actors, religious institutions and citizens take a stand in public discourse on the sensitive issue of endangering the rights of minorities and thereby meet the criteria of pluralism in the sense of tolerance and rejection of violence. Pessimistic voices deny the Middle East a reformability of its political culture particularly with regard to the predominating religion there and stigmatize Islam as an obstacle to democratization. This study however, shows empirically that there are already some indications that point towards an increase of pluralism in Egyptian society and towards the development of a free public sphere and a civil society that in the long term can lead to the consolidation of democracy and not to its destruction. At the same time this study is a kind of status report and “Who’s who?” of the current minority – and human rights movement in Egypt.

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Tanthowi, Pramono Ubaid. "Islam, civil society and democratization : the case of Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama in post-Suharto Indonesia." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/20839.

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Magdalena. "State, community and civil society : the case of Indonesia's proctected forests." Phd thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150308.

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Wahyuningroem, Sri Lestari. "From State to Civil Society: Transitional Justice and Democratization in Indonesia." Phd thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/147869.

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This thesis examines the implementation of transitional justice measures in post-authoritarian Indonesia, starting from the beginning of the political transition in 1998 until its consolidation in 2009 and beyond. It does so by, first, assessing the procedural and substantive aspects of transitional justice implementation. Following this assessment, the thesis, second, analyses the factors within democratic transition that either facilitated or hindered the adoption and implementation of transitional justice measures. The thesis argues that state-sponsored transitional justice in Indonesia has been successful only in terms of procedure, and even then only problematically so, but a total failure in substance. This outcome resulted from the nature of the political transition in Indonesia from 1998 onwards. Indonesia’s transition involved a combination of a rupture, or replacement, style of transition and a compromise, or transplacement. The replacement features motivated the government and political elite to agree to the adoption of transitional justice measures. In the period of transition, when it lacked political legitimacy, the new government needed transitional justice to distance itself from the image of the predecessor repressive regime and to gain public trust, both domestically and internationally. However, the transplacement nature of the political transition, which involved bargaining between elements of the old regime and reformers, contributed to the failure to achieve the objectives of transitional justice. Even though transitional justice failed at the state level, more positive outcomes have occurred at the community and local levels. Civil society groups and regional governments have initiated partial transitional justice, suggesting that improving justice outcomes can also take place from the bottom up, or from the margins, rather than being entirely dependent upon top-down, or state-centred initiatives.

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Ropi, Ismatu. "The politics of regulating religion : state, civil society and the quest for religious freedom in modern Indonesia." Phd thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149720.

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This study analyses the state involvement in religious life in modern Indonesia. It will focus on how the state has constructed a variety of policies on religion. At the heart of this issue is a tension between ensuring religious order and harmony on the one hand, and protecting religious freedom on another. Successive Indonesia governments have grappled with problem but have increasingly prioritized order and harmony over the rights of Indonesian citizens. The state role on religion is implicitly justified in the Pancasila (the Five Principles), the Indonesian ideology, which includes the principle of Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa (generic meaning: the belief in 'Almighty God'). This First Principle of Pancasila becomes the main basis for the acknowledgement of religiosity in the state system. It has also encompassed a variety of legal arrangements like the Constitution and lawmaking as well as political activism in modem Indonesia. Nevertheless, the contest over interpreting the meaning of Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa particularly by Muslim activists was also apparent. At the end, the insertion of an 'Islamic interpretation' of the loose clause of Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa has had a certain impact upon the issuing of state policies based on Islamic precepts. In turn this Muslim-based interpretation on this principle has served the main paramount of the government in intervening religious life. Hence, while the Indonesian constitutions have preserved religious freedom, by the same token it has also tended to construct wide-ranging discretionary powers in the government to control religion and to oversee religious freedom. Thus, regulations on religious affairs often end up not protecting religious rights, but rather undermine them. This is because those regulations reflect majority concerns instead upholding minority rights. The cases to point out are a number of regulations on religious affairs that are tended to be discriminative and restrictive towards the minorities groups such as the aliran kebatinan (Javanese mysticism), local religions and the Ahmadiyah groups in Indonesia. Overall this study argues that the history of the politics of regulating religion has been about what I call 'the constant negotiation' for the boundaries of authority in regulating religious affairs between the state and the majority. In this vein the government is eager to oversee and strictly control religious activities, but at the same time the majority group is interested to steer the direction of the state to be closer to their norms and values. This condition remains in Indonesian stage even until today.

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"Islam, civil society and social work : Muslim voluntary welfare associations in Jordan between patronage and empowerment." Leiden [u.a.] ISIM, 2008. http://digitool.hbz-nrw.de:1801/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=2420603&customa̲tt2̲=simplev̲iewer.

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Hikam, Muhammad A. S. "The state, grass-roots politics and civil society a study of social movements under Indonesia's New Order /." 1995. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/68578350.html.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii, May, 1995.
Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 581-615).

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Sinanu, Frieda Louise. "Everyday politics of global civil society : a study of the relationships between international and local NGOs in Indonesia." Phd thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151602.

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Gorčíková, Magdaléna. "Islámská civilizace: Srovnání reprezentativních výkladů." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-340854.

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Diploma thesis "Islamic civilization: A comparison of representative interpretations" presents theoretical and historical approach to comparative study of Islamic society by interpretation and comparison of principal scholars in which the author lays emphasis on basic social patterns of this society in long-term and dynamic development as well as on its role within modernization transformations. The main goal is to contribute by selective reflexion to understanding of the long-term historical experiences, its peculiar world views and institutional patterns as well as the ways it participates in history of the world. For this purpose the author employs interpretations and comparisons of the selected authors with particular focus on conception of Muslim society in the writings of Ernest Gellner. The first part is engaged in definition of Islamic civilization concept as one of the largest socio-cultural complexes in Eurasian macro-region. The second part focuses on political traditions and transformations as well as to some extent on economic structure of Islamic civilization. The last part pursues Islamic society as prospective alternative modernity in comparison to diverse conceptions of Islam interpretations proposed by other social science scholars.

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Šreinová, Lenka. "Prostředí a specifika turecké občanské společnosti." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-333224.

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The thesis 'Social environment and specifics of Turkish civil society' focuses on the possibilities of the environment in which is civil society in Turkey embedded. The thesis summarizes the main theoretical factors, present social phenomena and historical conditions, since these influence the foundations from which civil society arises and in which civil activities are conducted. Different approaches contemplating usage of the civil society concept in countries without stable democracy are thus compared. The thesis further considers social and political factors influencing possibilities of civil activity since the time Turkey was established. Additionally, the actual legal situation and civil society classification is described. The acting and motivation of civil society organizations is further considered with the help of their internet presentations. The appearing and repeating data in the organizations' own explanations are sorted out using content and discourse analysis. This way, their own definitions, descriptions of activity and the way of informing about their activities is assessed. The way of self-presenting and the previously defined theoretical motivation for acting is compared.

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Barsoum, Kirollos A. "“Traditional” charity versus “modern” development : philanthropy and communal boundaries in the Coptic Orthodox Church." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/10784.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
Traditional Coptic charity, as I call it, is not just a flawed attempt at humanitarianism, as many believe. It is not just “giving a man a fish” as proponents of “human development” argue. Traditional Coptic charity, as I hope to explain, is an integral part of a larger social system that works together to maintain (and grow slowly) a religious community whose very salvation rests in the practice and transmission of its complex Liturgical body. By merit of its theological peculiarity, and the soteriological significance it gives the practice of sacraments and other religious activities, the Coptic Church effectively hems in the community in perpetuity. This contrasts with the other side of the philanthropic coin—development. Development, which is championed by certain organizations stands as a bulwark of “modernity” in the face of charity’s traditionalism, does not fit into the soteriological orientation of the Church’s Liturgical life. In essence, development’s ultimate goal is to “develop” individuals to the point of “financial independence”—a goal that does not fit into the Church’s communal ethos or exclusively contribute to salvific ends. In recognizing these facts, I began to reevaluate my initial stance on human development as the best way of engaging non-Copts. Overall, this thesis is can be read as a continuation of an ongoing debate between modernity and tradition—and the philanthropic tools they deploy—development and charity.

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Toulany, Ghasem. "Eine Einführung in die Geschichte der Presse im Iran." Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11858/00-1735-0000-0006-B39D-0.

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