Relevant bibliographies by topics / Islam and civil society Indonesia

Academic literature on the topic 'Islam and civil society Indonesia'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Islam and civil society Indonesia"

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Parmudi, Mochamad. "KEBANGKITAN CIVIL SOCIETY DI INDONESIA." At-Taqaddum 7, no. 2 (February 6, 2017): 295. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/at.v7i2.1208.

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<p>Secara sederhana model pemahaman Islam universal terekspresi pada dua corak pemikiran mengenai hubungan antara Islam dengan realitas sosial, ekonomi, dan politik. <strong><em>Pertama</em></strong>, adalah model organik yang menghendaki hubungan secara legal-formal antara Islam dengan semua aspek kehidupan manusia. Dalam perspektif model ini, Islam harus terwujud secara formal kelembagaan sebagaimana nampak dalam bentuk seperti partai Islam, sistem ekonomi Islam, dan bahkan negara Islam. <strong><em>Kedua</em></strong>, adalah corak pemikiran yang menghendaki hubungan secara substansial antara Islam dengan semua aspek kehidupan. Islam lebih dilihat pada tataran moral, etik, dan spiritual. Dalam hal ini, Islam tampil secara <em>inklusif</em>.</p>Kebangkitan <em>civil society </em>dimanifestasikan ke dalam beberapa jenis gerakan sosial. <em>Pertama,</em> resistensi simbolik yang meliputi pelbagai aksi tidak langsung untuk mengontrol dominasi negara. Tujuan utarna dari jenis aktivitas ini adalah untuk menampilkan pelbagai keluhan dan gugatan secara simbolik dalam bentuk tulisan, pertunjukan seni, dan diskusi yang bernada kritik. <em>Kedua, </em>resistensi pragmatis yang dilakukan sebagai reaksi langsung terhadap kebijaksanaan pemerintah atau sistem sosial-ekonomi-politik yang sedang berjalan. Resistensi semacam ini biasanya melibatkan ormas, partai politik, dan bahkan mahasiswa (contoh yang actual: demonstrasi penolakan penaikan harga BBM). <em>Ketiga,</em> resistensi simbolik-pragmatis yang merupakan aksi langsung maupun tidak langsung yang menuntut terciptanya situasi sosial-politik yang lebih baik terutama <em>wong cilik </em>dan juga menuntut pengurangan kontrol negara terhadap pelbagai bidang kehidupan masyarakat.
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Tenriabeng Mursyid, Besse. "ISLAM DAN PENGUATAN CIVIL SOCIETY DI INDONESIA." Qaumiyyah: Jurnal Hukum Tata Negara 1, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.24239/qaumiyyah.v1i1.3.

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The idea and strengthening of civil society praxis is an alternative model for the struggle towards democratization. In Indonesia, efforts to strengthen civil society cannot be separated from Islam as the religion practiced by the majority of the Indonesian population. Efforts to strengthen civil society cannot ignore religious factors, especially Islam. In fact, in certain cases the existence of Muslims who are inspired by Islamic teachings is the basis for socio-cultural and even political change in Indonesia. The potential of Islamic teachings, which contain elements of beliefs and norms and ethical teachings related to the socio-cultural community practiced by Indonesian Muslims, are very large in determining the socio-cultural format of society. Likewise, in the effort to strengthen civil society, Muslims occupy a leading position which can be expected to be a counterweight to the country's dominant tendency. In other words, quantitatively, Muslims based on Islamic teachings have a prerequisite for the growth and strengthening of civil society in Indonesia. Islam as a religion that is embraced by the majority of Indonesians is a solid foundation in encouraging the strengthening of civil society in Indonesia.
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Masduki, Masduki. "CIVIL SOCIETY." ALQALAM 24, no. 2 (August 31, 2007): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.32678/alqalam.v24i2.1631.

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Civil society, dipadankan dalam bahasa Indonesia dengan "masyarakat sipil", "masyarakat kewargaan", "masyarakat madani", adalah suatu istilah yang pada mulanya berasal dan Barat kemudian masuk ke negeri-negeri yang sedang giat melakukan demokratisasi, termasuk Indonesia. Dewasa ini telah menjadi agenda penting yang sering dibicarakan banyak pemikir sebagai wacana dan praktik politik kontemporer.Sebagai salah satu ajaran yang mempunyai misi mengubah tatanan sosial masyarakat, Islam memiliki konsep tentang masyarakat ideal dan karenanya Islam juga berkepentingan untuk mengubah masyarakat menuju cita-cita idealnya. Sudah banyak pembahasan di kalangan pemikir, cendikiawan, dan pengamat politik muslim tentang kesesuaian (compatibility) ajaran-ajaran Islam dengan civil society. Pada intinya disepakati bahwa Islam menodorong penciptaan masyarakat madani. Nabi Muhammad sendiri bahkan telah mencontohkan secara aktual bagaimana perwujudan civil society itu, yaitu ketika Nabi mendirikan dan memimpin negara-kota Madinah. Kenyataan ini terlihat bukan hanya dalam Piagam Madinah, juga dari pergantian nama kota Yatsrib menjadi Madinah,yang tentu saja satu akar kata dengan istilah "madani" itu sendiri.
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Syahab, Abdullah. "PERAN CIVIL SOCIETY DALAM FILANTROPI ISLAM." TAJDID: Jurnal Ilmu Ushuluddin 13, no. 2 (November 3, 2014): 345–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.30631/tjd.v13i2.9.

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Runtuhnya orde baru dan masuknya Indonesia ke era reformasi telah memberikan peran besar civil society di Indonesia. Peranan civil society dalam pembangunan negara sangat strategis pada pemerintahan Indonesia yang mengedepankan demokratis dalam pengelolaan negara. Salah satunya dalam pengelolaan zakat di Indonesia. Korupsi, kolusi dan nepotisme pada pemerintahan pada masa reformasi telah mempengaruhi tingkat kepercayaan masyarakat terhadap lembaga pengelola zakat yang dikelola negara. Kebijakan good governance juga telah menumbuhkan pergerakan civil society di Indonesia khususnya dalam memberikan kontribusi bagi perkembangan pengelolaan zakat di Indonesia. Menguatnya peran civil society merupakan realitas sosial kontemporer di Indonesia.
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Charis, Irfan, and Mohamad Nuryansah. "Pendidikan Islam dalam Masyarakat Madani Indonesia." MUDARRISA: Journal of Islamic Education 5, no. 2 (December 31, 2015): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/mdr.v7i2.229-258.

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Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk memetakan konsep, gagasan dan pola pendidikan Islam dalam masyarakat madani di Indonesia, dengan berpijak pada konsep pendidikan dan masyarakat madani dari aspek kesejarahan dan kenabian untuk memetakan konsep pendidikan Islam pada masyarakat madani Indonesia pada konteks kekinian dan masa yang akan datang. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode diskriptif analitis dengan mengkaji referensi yang bersumber dari perpustakaan. Dalam penelitian ini didapatkan kesimpulan bahwa masyarakat madani Indonesia mengacu kepada konsep masyarakat madaniyah yang dikembangkan oleh Rasulullah, yakni masyarakat yang memiliki keadaban demokrasi, bertakwa kepada Allah SWT, yang seimbang antara dimensi fikir (iptek) dan dimensi dzikir (imtaq), dan mampu menyelaraskan dimensi Abdun, sebagai makhluk Allah yang tanpa daya dan dimensi Khalifah, sebagai pemimpin di muka bumi. Sehingga melahirkan sosok manusia yang dalam istilah al-Quran disebut sebagai Ulul Albab. Berangkat dari terbentuknya pribadi-pribadi yang Ulul Albab tersebut maka akan terbentuk sebuah komunitas yang dikenal dengan masyarakat madani Indonesia. This paper aims to map concepts, ideas and patterns of Islamic education in civil society in Indonesia, with rests on the concept of education and civil society from the historical aspect and the prophetic to map the concept of Islamic education in Indonesia's civil society in the context of the present and future. This research uses descriptive analytical method to assess references source from the library. It was concluded Indonesian civil society refers to the concept of Madaniyah society developed by the Prophet, the people who have the civility of democracy, fear Allah SWT, which is balanced between the fikr dimension (Science and Technology) and the dhikr dimension (imtaq), and able to harmonize the abdun dimension, as a creature of God is without power and the dimensions of the Caliph, as a leader on earth. It will create the human figure in terms of the Koran referred to as Ulul Albab. Departing from the formation of Ulul Albab, it will form a community known by the Indonesian civil society. Kata kunci: Pendidikan, Islam, Madani
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Charis, Irfan, and Mohamad Nuryansah. "Pendidikan Islam dalam Masyarakat Madani Indonesia." MUDARRISA: Journal of Islamic Education 5, no. 2 (December 31, 2015): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/mdr.v7i2.755.

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Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk memetakan konsep, gagasan dan pola pendidikan Islam dalam masyarakat madani di Indonesia, dengan berpijak pada konsep pendidikan dan masyarakat madani dari aspek kesejarahan dan kenabian untuk memetakan konsep pendidikan Islam pada masyarakat madani Indonesia pada konteks kekinian dan masa yang akan datang. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode diskriptif analitis dengan mengkaji referensi yang bersumber dari perpustakaan. Dalam penelitian ini didapatkan kesimpulan bahwa masyarakat madani Indonesia mengacu kepada konsep masyarakat madaniyah yang dikembangkan oleh Rasulullah, yakni masyarakat yang memiliki keadaban demokrasi, bertakwa kepada Allah SWT, yang seimbang antara dimensi fikir (iptek) dan dimensi dzikir (imtaq), dan mampu menyelaraskan dimensi Abdun, sebagai makhluk Allah yang tanpa daya dan dimensi Khalifah, sebagai pemimpin di muka bumi. Sehingga melahirkan sosok manusia yang dalam istilah al-Quran disebut sebagai Ulul Albab. Berangkat dari terbentuknya pribadi-pribadi yang Ulul Albab tersebut maka akan terbentuk sebuah komunitas yang dikenal dengan masyarakat madani Indonesia. This paper aims to map concepts, ideas and patterns of Islamic education in civil society in Indonesia, with rests on the concept of education and civil society from the historical aspect and the prophetic to map the concept of Islamic education in Indonesia's civil society in the context of the present and future. This research uses descriptive analytical method to assess references source from the library. It was concluded Indonesian civil society refers to the concept of Madaniyah society developed by the Prophet, the people who have the civility of democracy, fear Allah SWT, which is balanced between the fikr dimension (Science and Technology) and the dhikr dimension (imtaq), and able to harmonize the abdun dimension, as a creature of God is without power and the dimensions of the Caliph, as a leader on earth. It will create the human figure in terms of the Koran referred to as Ulul Albab. Departing from the formation of Ulul Albab, it will form a community known by the Indonesian civil society. Kata kunci: Pendidikan, Islam, Madani
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Salim, Arskal. "Between ICMI and NU: The Contested Representation of Muslim Civil Society in Indonesia, 1990-2001." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 49, no. 2 (December 24, 2011): 295–328. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2011.492.295-328.

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This article discusses the concept of Muslim civil society in Indonesia by looking at differences in context between democratic and non-democratic regimes and by considering the diversity of Islamic interpretation of civil society and democracy. By looking at the dynamics within state-society relations and the process of democratisation, this article aims to clarify what kind of political actions correspond to the concept of civil society and help build a strong civil society in Indonesia in 1990s. Limiting its scope to the period from 1990 to 2001, the paper draws on two Muslim organisations (Nahdlatul Ulama and Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia) to explain why do Indonesian Muslims use the concept of civil society differently? How should Muslims perceive civil society vis-à-vis the state? Is it cooperation (participation) or opposition? Are both respective views equally legitimate? Given that Islamic doctrine may support the most varied of political outlooks, this study will point out that there is no single interpretation of the relationship between Islam and civil society or democracy. The article thus argues that differences between the two groups represent the diversity of Islamic interpretations of socio-political life.[Artikel ini membahas konsep “civil society” di Indonesia berdasarkan perbedaan konteks antara rejim demokratis dan otoriter serta menganalisis ragam interpretasi Islam mengenai civil society dan demokrasi. Melalui analisis dinamika hubungan rakyat-negara dan proses demokratisasi, artikel ini menjelaskan bentuk sikap politik yang sesuai dengan civil societydan mendorong terciptanya civil society yang kuat pada dekade 1990an di Indonesia. Diskusi dibatasi pada dua organisasi Muslim di Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) dan Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia (ICMI), dan hanya pada rentang 1990 hingga 2001. Pembatasan dilakukan guna menjawab mengapa Muslim di Indonesia menggunakan konsep civil society secara berbeda dan bagaimana mereka memandang bentuk relasi ideal antara negara-civil society; apakah kerjasama (partisipasi) ataukah oposisi? dan apakah kedua bentuk relasi tersebut sama-sama dapat dibenarkan?. Menyimak bahwa ajaran Islam dapat digunakan untuk mendukung berbagai pandangan politik, artikel ini menggarisbawahi bahwa interpretasi mengenai relasi Islam dan civil society/demokrasi adalah beragam. Karena itu, perbedaan antara NU dan ICMI dalam menterjemahkan konsep civil society merupakan cerminan perbedaan dan ragam interpretasi Islam terhadap kehidupan sosial-politik.]
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Setiadi, Ozi. "ISLAM DAN PERGERAKAN CIVIL SOCIETY KEBUDAYAAN TRANSNASIONAL HIZMET DI INDONESIA." Kordinat: Jurnal Komunikasi antar Perguruan Tinggi Agama Islam 16, no. 1 (April 8, 2017): 127–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/kordinat.v16i1.6458.

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Islam dan Pergerakan Civil Society Kebudayaan Transnasional Hizmet di Indonesia. Gerakan Hizmet di Indonesia sebagai suatu masyarakat madani Muslim. Pertama, gerakan Hizmet di Indonesia sebagai gerakan masyarakat sipil transnasional yang mengusung tema Islam muncul dan berkembang di Indonesia dengan menggunakan pendekatan budaya sebagai agenda kolektif mereka. Kedua, adalah ideologi gerakan Hizmet (jasa), yang mengadopsi ideologi nilai-nilai Islam yang mempromosikan ketidaktahuan, kemiskinan, dan konflik sebagai musuh bersama yang harus diperjuangkan. Ketiga, ketidaktahuan, kemiskinan, dan konflik menjadi referensi terpisah dari gerakan Hizmet dalam melakukan pelayanan untuk gerakan kemanusiaan. Adanya gerakan yang berkembang ini dan bisa dilihat dari adanya pendistribusian lembaga kemanusiaan di kota-kota besar di Indonesia. Ini menjadi upaya gerakan Hizmet dalam membangun masyarakat sipil dalam budaya Indonesia, dan untuk membuktikan bahwa Islam sejalan dengan masyarakat sipil.
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Arifin, Zarul. "Performance Of Islamic Law In Indonesia In The Fields Of Civil, Private Law, Public Law And Ethics." Syariah: Jurnal Hukum dan Pemikiran 21, no. 1 (April 7, 2021): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.18592/sjhp.v1i1.4161.

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Abstrak.Wacana tentang hubungan Islam dan negara masih menjadi pembahasan yang menarik. Masalahnya, Indonesia negara yang mayoritas warganya beragama Islam tidak menjadikan hukum Islam sebagai dasar konstitusinya, namun Indonesia juga bukan negara sekuler. Indonesia dapat dikatakan sebagai negara yang moderat, dimana hukum ketatanegaraan tidak bertentangan dengan hukum Islam Hukum Islam di tengah masyarakat Indonesia mempunyai kedudukan yang lebih penting dari pada dua ciri hukum lainnya yaitu hukum positif dan hukum hukum, tetapi tentunya tidak secara normatif atau ideologis. rasa ordogmatis, lebih secara tekstual tetapi secara kultural. Islam sebagai agama yang dianut oleh mayoritas penduduk Indonesia tentunya sangat mempengaruhi gaya hidup bangsa Indonesia. Dalam pandangan masyarakat Indonesia, hukum Islam merupakan bagian penting dari ajaran agama dan Islam merupakan ruang utama ekspresi pengalaman beragama dan menentukan keberlangsungan serta identitas sejarahnya.Kata kunci. Kinerja, Hukum Islam, Indonesia.Abstract. The discourse on the relationship between Islam and the state is still being discussedwhich are interesting. The problem is that Indonesia is a country with a majority of its citizensbeing Muslim does not make Islamic law the basis of its constitution.However, Indonesia is also not a secular country. Indonesia cansaid to be a moderate country, where the constitutional law does not contradict Islamic lawIslamic law in the midst of Indonesian society has a positionwhich is more important than the two other legal features, positive law and lawadat, but certainly not in a normative or ideological sense ordogmatic, more so textually but culturally. Islam, as the religion embraced by the majority of Indonesia's population, certainly greatly influences the lifestyle of the Indonesian nation. In the view of Indonesian society, Islamic law is an important part of religious teachings and Islam is a space for the main expression of religious experience and determines its continuity and historical identity.Keyword. Performance, Islamic Law, Indonesia.
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Achidsti, Sayfa Auliya. "EKSISTENSI KIAI DALAM PENGEMBANGAN TRADISI ISLAM INDONESIA." IBDA` : Jurnal Kajian Islam dan Budaya 9, no. 2 (July 10, 2011): 214–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/ibda.v9i2.40.

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Locality is the closest entity toward the society. Moreover in Indonesia,this problem should be located as the stepping stone to view howthe people live, their need, and the reason why do they live in such way.This existence relates each other forming a civil society. This article discussesthe relationship between religion and society as an important factorwhich influences much on the Islamic scholars’ position and all theiractivities in the society. In traditional Javanese society, the Islamic scholarsare more positioned as having a strategic social function in a society.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Islam and civil society Indonesia"

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Nugroho, Yanuar. "Does the Internet transform civil society? : the case of Civil Society Organisations in Indonesia." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2007. http://www.manchester.ac.uk/escholar/uk-ac-man-scw:58115.

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The use of Information and Communication Technology (ICT), particularly the Internet, has attracted huge attention. Despite the attention paid to research into Internet use in homes, government agencies and business firms, little attention has been paid to other types of organisations such as civil society organisations (CSOs).
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Khairan, Ab Razak bin Mohd. "The influence of Islam in the military : comparitive study of Malaysia, Indonesia and Pakistan /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FKhairan.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil-Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): Gaye Christoffersen, Seyyed Vali R. Nasr. Includes bibliographical references (p. 115-120). Also available online.
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Kohno, Takeshi. "Emergence of human rights activities in authoritarian Indonesia : the rise of civil society /." The Ohio State University, 2003. http://bibpurl.oclc.org/web/21105.

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Finessi, Martina. "Muslims' participation in Ethiopian Civil Society: findings from field research in Addis Ababa." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Historia, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-11852.

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This thesis is an investigation into the Ethiopian Civil Society, with a focus on Muslims’participation and activities. This research is the result of a series of interviews carried on in AddisAbaba during my staying there thank to a scholarship from Pavia University.Chapter One is a general introduction of the study, presenting the object, the methodology anduse of sources as well as the state of the current research of the topics covered by this research.Chapter Two is a framework chapter about Islām in Ethiopia offering an historical perspective aswell as focusing on its characteristics and current developments. Chapter Three deals withEthiopian Civil Society characteristics and with its legal framework. Chapter Four constitutes thecore of this research: in it, I collected the findings of my research describing the presence ofMuslims into Ethiopian Civil Society. I analyzed the activities and characteristics of the differentorganizations and associations that I met in Addis Ababa, their self-representation concerningtheir being related with Islām and their opinions on Muslims’ marginalization and lack of nonpoliticizationin Ethiopia. A set of conclusions constitutes the last section of the thesis.
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Khairan, Ab Razak bin Mohd. "The influence of Islam in the military: comparative study of Malaysia, Indonesia and Pakistan." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1663.

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Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited
Islam permeated throughout the military institutions of Malaysia, Pakistan and Indonesia and replaced the Western and foreign military cultures the military had inherited due to society becoming Islamized following the revival of Islam. The implementation of true Islamic model practices and values differ slightly from country to country depending first on the level of piousness of its existing military personnel, new personnel input and the military leadership. The second factor is the degree of motivational drive of the head of state in encouraging Islam. Islamized military institutions are also faced with the challenges created as a result of sects and schools that emerge in the form of Islamic parties and extremist groups. The argument will be that Islamic teachings in military affairs can result in peace, solidarity and solve the Civil-Military Relations (CMR) problems. In the final analysis, guided moderate Islamic influence' bring harmony to CMR in Malaysia, while the uncoordinated influence of Islam in the Indonesian military made the CMR problematic. It is different in Pakistan because the strong influence of Islam has encouraged the generals to wrest political power from civilians.
Lieutenant Colonel, Royal Malaysian Air Force
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Brigaitis, Peter. "Religious Engagement and Social Capital in the Islamic Context." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2005. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4788/.

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Social capital research has traditionally been conducted in western and Christian settings as a precursor of changes such as democratization and development. This paper focuses on Islamic religious engagement and its potential to foster social capital. The model presented here is designed to suggest whether the Islam's influence occurs through doctrinal channels, or through Islam's capacity to organize social structures. The analysis conducted is a linear regression model with measures of social capital as dependent variables and measures of religious engagement as independent variables. The analysis is conducted on data from the fourth wave of the World Values Survey. Results suggest that religious engagement and social capital have both belief and behavioral elements that should be treated as separate entities in quantitative research.
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Kocamaner, Hikmet. "The Politics of the Family: Religious Affairs, Civil Society, and Islamic Media in Turkey." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/333348.

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Since the ruling pro-Islamist Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AKP hereafter) came to power in 2002, there has been a general transformation in Turkish politics from a secularist orientation toward a mainstream Muslim conservative line. This conservative political transformation manifests itself in the socio-cultural domain in terms of a proliferation of discourses on "family crisis" and the "decline of family values" as well as social programs and projects aimed at "strengthening the Turkish family." While the family crisis discourse situates the family as the source of socio-economic and demographic problems facing the Turkish society, strengthening the family is offered as the primary solution to these problems since the family is conceptualized as the foundation of a firm and stable social order. The Turkish state's intervention into the family sphere has occupied a central place in the governmental and legislative policies of the state since the rise of modern forms of governance in the nineteenth century in the Ottoman Empire. What is novel about the configuration of family governance under the AKP government, however, is the extension of family governance beyond the formal institutions of the state to a wide array of actors, institutions, mechanisms, and rationalities and the deployment of religious or religiously-inspired actors, institutions and organizations in the conceptualization, production, and implementation of social programs and projects aimed at "strengthening the Turkish family." Within the past decade, this concern for maintaining family values and fortifying the family institution has been widely circulated among Muslim conservative circles, and the family has constituted the foundation of most social projects designed and implemented by not only formal political institutions such as the Ministry of the Family and Social Policies and AKP-governed municipalities but also various religious or religiously-inspired organizations and institutions such as the Presidency of Religious Affairs, Islamic civil society organizations, and Islamic television channels. This dissertation focuses on the role of these religious or religiously-inspired actors, institutions, and organizations in shaping the politics of the family in contemporary Turkey. It argues that the increasing prominence given to the family by the state and these religiously-inspired institutions and organizations points to emerging forms of governance as well as reconfigurations of religion and secularism in contemporary Turkey. It also demonstrates how the dominant political discourse on declining family values and the social projects that aim at recuperating these values situate the family as an object of governmental intervention as well as a site of discursive proliferation, disciplinary practices, and biopolitical governance.
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Park, Jae Bong Humanities &amp Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "Preventing ethnic violence in Indonesia : civil society engagement in Yogyakarta during the economic crisis of 1998." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. Humanities & Social Sciences, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40314.

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This thesis examines the engagement of civil society in Yogyakarta to prevent ethnic violence during the economic crisis of 1998. The thesis explains why and how the people of Yogyakarta avoided ethnic violence, particularly anti-ethnic Chinese riots, during the heightened socio-economic crisis of 1998. The thesis investigates interactions between civil society actors, local traditional leaders and grassroots people in Yogyakarta in preventing ethnic violence. I argue that various actions of civil society organisations in Yogyakarta were instrumental in preventing ethnic violence during the economic crisis of 1998. This argument runs counter to the popular Yogyanese myth that Sultan Hamengku Buwono X (HB X) played a dominant role in preventing ethnic violence during the economic crisis of 1998. The thesis will highlight some local mechanisms that have greatly contributed to the prevention of ethnic and religious violence in Yogyakarta. The findings are as follows: (1) Civil society in Yogyakarta including Non-government organisations, interfaith dialogue organisations, intellectuals, student organisations, religious leaders, and business associations played a key role in managing the socio-economic crisis through the provision of staple food packages, arranging coordination meetings, and organising vigilante teams. In contrast, unlike the popular myth, Sultan HB X's role was limited. (2) Local inter-ethnic civil society organisations such as Paguyuban Mitra Masyarakat Yogyakarta (Association of the Fellowship of Yogyakarta Society), Komite Kemanusiaan Yogyakarta (Yogyakarta Humanitarian Committee) and Tim Relawan Yogyakarta (Yogyakarta Volunteer Team) functioned as platforms of communication and coordination between Chinese and indigenous Indonesians, and Muslims and Christians. With the help of these inter-ethnic civil society organisations, the Chinese community and their business associations in Yogyakarta actively engaged in dispensing staple food packages. (3) Local Islam-affiliated organisations in Yogyakarta such as the LKiS, MUI, NU, Muhammadiyah, and the PPP also played a significant role in managing heightened tensions. They cooperated with other non-Islamic civil society organisations in encouraging ethnic and religious pluralism and restraining primordial sentiment during the economic crisis of 1998.
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Harmsen, Egbert. "Islam, civil society and social work Muslim voluntary welfare associations in Jordan between patronage and empowerment = Islam, maatschappelijk middenveld en sociale zorg Gezaghebbende teksten, rituele praktijken en sociale identiteiten : Particuliere Islamitische welzijnsorganisaties in Jordanië tussen bevoogding en ontvoogding, met een samenvatting in het Nederlands /." Leiden : ISIM : Amsterdam University Press, 2008. http://www.netlibrary.com/urlapi.asp?action=summary&v=1&bookid=224150.

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Setiyono, Budi. "Making a new democracy work: the role of civil society organisations (CSOs) in combating corruption during democratic transition in Indonesia." Thesis, Curtin University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/1167.

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Corruption has often stimulated the collapse of authoritarian regimes and was followed by democratisation in a number of developing countries. Many new democratic regimes, however, have also been failed to control corruption because during the transition to democracy, their institutional structure of governance has typically not functioned well. In Indonesia too, corruption has been a highly pertinent issue that has both stimulated and compromised the regime‘s transition to democracy. This has provided a platform for civil society organisations (CSOs) to take an active political role. Yet insufficient empirical examination exists on the role of CSOs in combating corruption during democratic transition and the implication for democratisation.This thesis documents and critically examines the contribution of CSOs (more specifically anti-corruption CSOs) in Indonesia, an examination essential to the study of democratisation and anti-corruption efforts. It investigates how and to what extent CSOs can fight corruption during democratic transition. Owing to the ineffectiveness and unwillingness of the state, civil associations have undertaken initiatives in fighting and underscoring corruption into the domain of public debate. They work at two levels of battle: strategic and practical. At the strategic level, CSOs have contributed to the creation of the legal and institutional frameworks necessary for eradicating corruption. Many of their advocacies have brought about the creation of anti-corruption regulations and supervisory bodies to combat corruption. At the practical level, CSOs have organised social monitoring to call state officials to account. It has been CSOs that have mobilised the public to take civic action against corruption. By successfully taking a number of government officials and politicians to court, CSOs have also enhanced the legal system against corruption.Given the significance of the contribution of CSOs, this thesis argues that they have a real nascent force to advance democratisation: not only because the anti-corruption movement that they initiated has been instrumental in shaping political transformation, but they have also opened channels between the state and civil society that work as a system of accountability, part of a long-term project of establishing a democratic principle rooted in grassroots participation.This thesis argues, however, that despite their important role, the activities of CSOs have not been perfect and, accordingly, should not be interpreted as a panacea for all problems of corruption and democratisation. Therefore, it should be a concern for all the stakeholders involved – including the government, donor agencies, and the general public – to enhance the capacity of CSOs.
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Books on the topic "Islam and civil society Indonesia"

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Prasetyo, Hendro. Islam & civil society: Pandangan Muslim Indonesia. Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka Utama bekerjasama dengan PPIM-IAIN Jakarta, 2002.

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Rahman, Yusuf. Islam and society in contemporary Indonesia. [Jakarta]: Interdisciplinary Islamic Studies Program, Faculty of Graduate Studies, Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University Jakarta, 2006.

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Baso, Ahmad. Civil society versus masyarakat madani: Arkeologi pemikiran "civil society" dalam Islam Indonesia. Bandung: Pustaka Hidayah, 1999.

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Sanaky, Hujair A. H. Paradigma pendidikan Islam: Membangun masyarakat madani Indonesia. Yogyakarta: MSI, Universitas Islam Indonesia, 2003.

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Baso, Ahmad. Islam dan wacana civil society di Indonesia: Penelitian tekstual dan kritik atas tulisan-tulisan "Islam-civil sosiety" di kalangan cendikiawan muslim Indonesia : laporan penelitian. [Jakarta]: LAKPESDAM-NU & the Asia Foundation, 1998.

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Abdillah, Masykuri. Formalisasi syariat Islam di Indonesia: Sebuah pergulatan yang tak pernah tuntas. Jakarta: Renaisan bekerja sama DPP Forum Mahasiswa Syari'ah se-Indonesia (Formasi), 2005.

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Yusuf, Rahman. Islam, society, and politics in Indonesia. Jakarta: Interdisciplinary Islamic Studies Program, Faculty of Graduate Studies, Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University, 2006.

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Esposito, John L. Islam and civil society. San Domenico di Fiesole, Italy: European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre, 2000.

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Ali, Zainuddin. Hukum perdata Islam di Indonesia. Palu: Yayasan Masyarakat Indonesia Baru, 2002.

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Ali, Zainuddin. Hukum perdata Islam di Indonesia. Palu: Yayasan Masyarakat Indonesia Baru, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "Islam and civil society Indonesia"

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Farhadian, Charles E. "Secularizing society." In Christianity, Islam and Nationalism in Indonesia, 72–105. London: Routledge, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203007556-4.

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Setiawan, Ken M. P., and Dirk Tomsa. "Civil Society and the Media." In Politics in Contemporary Indonesia, 102–18. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429459511-7.

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Pribadi, Yanwar. "Development, Islam, and resistance." In Islam, State and Society in Indonesia, 104–35. New York : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge contemporary Southeast Asia series: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315473697-5.

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Esmer, Yilmaz. "Democracy, Civil Society, and Islam." In Religion and Civil Society in Europe, 267–84. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-6815-4_14.

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Hasan, Samiul. "Philanthropy and Religion, Islam." In International Encyclopedia of Civil Society, 1–8. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-99675-2_574-1.

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Howard, David B., Eva Didion, David B. Howard, Ranjita Mohanty, Rajesh Tandon, Richard D. Waters, Jennifer M. Brinkerhoff, et al. "Philanthropy and Religion, Islam." In International Encyclopedia of Civil Society, 1172–75. New York, NY: Springer US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-93996-4_574.

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Antlöv, Hans. "Civil Society Capacity Building in Indonesia." In Encyclopedia of Quality of Life and Well-Being Research, 937–41. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-0753-5_4161.

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Pribadi, Yanwar. "Islam and santri culture in Madura." In Islam, State and Society in Indonesia, 21–47. New York : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge contemporary Southeast Asia series: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315473697-2.

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Farhadian, Charles E. "Jayapura and transformations of the New Society." In Christianity, Islam and Nationalism in Indonesia, 49–71. London: Routledge, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203007556-3.

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Pribadi, Yanwar. "Introduction." In Islam, State and Society in Indonesia, 1–20. New York : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge contemporary Southeast Asia series: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315473697-1.

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Conference papers on the topic "Islam and civil society Indonesia"

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Destyanto, Twin Yoshua R., Rikardo P. Sianipar, Andreas E. Nugroho, and Twin Hosea W. Kristyanto. "Civil Society and Civil Islam Implementation on Inter-religious Tolerance in Indonesia: A Phenomenological Study." In 2nd International Conference on Social Science, Humanity and Public Health (ICOSHIP 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.220207.002.

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Yulita, Irma, and Susy Ong. "The Changing of Image of Islam in Japan: The Role of Civil Society in Disseminating Informations about Islam." In Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Strategic and Global Studies, ICSGS 0218, October 24-26, 2018, Central Jakarta, Indonesia. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.24-10-2018.2289662.

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Tajuddin, Muhammad Saleh, Musafir Musafir, Achmad Achmad, Andi Tenri Yeyeng, and Ahmad Hasyim. "The Role of Komite Persiapan Penegakan Syariat Islam (KPPSI) Organization for Development of Islamic Civil Society in the Bugis Community of South Sulawesi, Indonesia." In Proceedings of the Social and Humaniora Research Symposium (SoRes 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/sores-18.2019.27.

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Nurhayati, Nurhayati, E. Prayitno, H. B. Suseno, and Busman Busman. "Blood Donor Location Search Using Floid Warshall Algorithm Based on Android For Increasing Blood Donor in Muslim Civil Society In South Tangerang PMI (Indonesian Red Cross)." In Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Quran and Hadith Studies Information Technology and Media in Conjunction with the 1st International Conference on Islam, Science and Technology, ICONQUHAS & ICONIST, Bandung, October 2-4, 2018, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.2-10-2018.2295466.

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Sebastian, Leonard C., and Alexander R. Arifianto. "From Civil Islam towards NKRI Bersyariah? Understanding Rising Islamism in Post-Reformasi Indonesia." In Third International Conference on Social and Political Sciences (ICSPS 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icsps-17.2018.65.

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Ikhwan, Afiful, and Faruuq Fauzi. "Islam and Civilization: Islam as Source of Value for Human Life." In Proceedings of 1st Workshop on Environmental Science, Society, and Technology, WESTECH 2018, December 8th, 2018, Medan, Indonesia. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.8-12-2018.2283958.

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IT, Suraiya. "Women and Political Rights in Islam (Focusing on Indonesia)." In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Gender, Culture and Society, ICGCS 2021, 30-31 August 2021, Padang, Indonesia. EAI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.30-8-2021.2316308.

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Teguh Mulyo, H. A. "Gender Equality in Prespective Islam and Law of Indonesia." In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Social Science, Humanities, Education and Society Development, ICONS 2020, 30 November, Tegal, Indonesia. EAI, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.30-11-2020.2303752.

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Abrori, Ahmad. "Conservative Islam and The Future of A More Tolerant Society in Indonesia." In Third International Conference on Social and Political Sciences (ICSPS 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icsps-17.2018.74.

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Syam, Aldo, and Syamsul Arifin. "Quality of Educational Services in Islam Perspective." In Proceedings of 1st Workshop on Environmental Science, Society, and Technology, WESTECH 2018, December 8th, 2018, Medan, Indonesia. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.8-12-2018.2283982.

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Reports on the topic "Islam and civil society Indonesia"

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Khan, Amir Ullah. Islam and Good Governance: A Political Economy Perspective. IIIT, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.004.20.

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It is readily apparent to everyone that there are multiple and serious concerns that face Muslim societies today. Terrorism, civil strife, poverty, illiteracy, factionalism, gender injustices and poor healthcare are just a few of the challenges to governance across the Muslim world. These are core issues for governance and public administration in any form of government. However, before we can engage with good governance within the context of Islam, we need to be clear what mean by good governance itself. A simple definition of good governance is that of an institutionalised competency of administration and institution leading to efficient resource allocation and management[1]. Another way of looking at it is as a system which is defined by the existence of efficient and accountable institutions[2]. Civil society now tends to look at good governance by way of impact measurement and how a certain set of processes result in a set of measurable and desirable outcomes.
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A., Chakib. Civil society organizations' roles in land-use planning and community land rights issues in Kapuas Hulu regency, West Kalimantan, Indonesia. Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR), 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.17528/cifor/005426.

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Kelly, Luke. Evidence on the Role of Civil Society in Security and Justice Reform. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.031.

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This rapid review focuses on the role of civil society in SSR in several contexts. It finds that donor driven SSR is seen to have failed to include civil society, and that such efforts have been focused on training and equipping security forces. However, in some contexts, donors have been able to successfully develop civil society capacity or engage civil society groups in reforms, as in Sierra Leone. There are also several examples of security and justice reforms undertaken by local popular movements as part of regime change, namely Ethiopia and South Africa. In other contexts, such as Indonesia, the role of civil society has led to partial successes from which lessons can be drawn. The theoretical and empirical literature attributes several potential roles to civil society in SSR. These include making security and justice institutions accountable, mobilising a range of social groups for reform, publicising abuses and advocating for reform, offering technical expertise, and improving security-citizen relations. The literature also points to the inherent difficulties in implementing SSR, namely the entrenched nature of most security systems. The literature emphasises that security sector reform is a political process, as authoritarian or predatory security systems are usually backed by powerful, skilled and tenacious vested interests. Dislodging them from power therefore requires significant political will – civil society can be one part of this. The evidence base for the topic is relatively thin. While there is much literature on the theory of SSR from a donor perspective, there are fewer empirical studies. Moreover, scholars have identified relatively few successful examples of SSR. The role of civil society is found to be greater in more economically developed countries, meaning there is less discussion of the role of civil society in many African SSR contexts, for example (except to note its absence). In addition, most research discusses the role of civil society alongside that of other actors such as donors, security services or political elites, limiting analysis of the specific role of civil society.
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Sumpter, Cameron, and Yuslikha K. Wardhani. Hopes and Hurdles for Indonesia’s National Action Plan to Prevent Violent Extremism. RESOLVE Network, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2022.2.sea.

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This policy note outlines the key details of Indonesia’s National Action Plan for P/CVE before discussing the evident challenges and opportunities moving forward. The ambitious strategy (known by its Indonesian acronym, RAN PE) could decentralize P/CVE programming in Indonesia, facilitate the formalization of working relationships between civil society organizations and local government authorities, mainstream gender perspectives, and streamline activities to improve targeting and avoid overlap. But constructive outcomes will depend on overcoming thorny obstacles, such as coordinating the varied interests, motivations, and capacities of the many stakeholders involved, and allaying concerns over applicable definitions that some perceive as overly broad and possibly divisive.
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Iffat, Idris. Trends in Conflict and Stability in the Indo-Pacific. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.009.

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This report looks at trends in conflict and instability in the Indo-Pacific region, focusing on climate change effects and a number of civil liberties. The Indo-Pacific region is both highly vulnerable to the effects of climate change and already facing significant security risks and challenges, many of which will be exacerbated by the impact of climate change. There are notable increases in resource-based conflicts, migration-induced violence, and armed insurgencies. The countries reviewed all show worrying trends in terms of erosion of freedom of expression, media freedom, freedom of belief, and civil society freedom. The situation in Bangladesh and India is particularly serious and is already fuelling violence and conflict. The two themes on which the Emerging Issues Report (EIR) focuses are (i) climate change and (ii) guarding civil space and including all voices. The EIR examines these two themes in five Indo-Pacific countries: Bangladesh, India, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Thailand. These were chosen to give a broad range of situations and challenges/risks from the region. Note that this EIR is confined to an assessment of conflict risks and does not examine measures being taken by the government or others to address these.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Hertz, Jana C., Derick W. Brinkerhoff, Robin Bush, and Petrarca Karetji. Knowledge Systems: Evidence to Policy Concepts in Practice. RTI Press, June 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3768/rtipress.2020.pb.0024.2006.

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This policy brief reviews the evolution of knowledge-to-policy studies and the emergence of systems perspectives. We explore the less well understood issue of how to grow and reinforce knowledge systems in settings where they are weak and underdeveloped. We offer a knowledge systems model that encapsulates current thinking and present an example of an effort to strengthen a knowledge system, drawn from a project managed by RTI in Indonesia. We conclude with some recommendations for strengthening knowledge systems including promoting debate among a diversity of voices within the knowledge system, providing sustained stakeholder commitment to the systems approach, investing in the components of the knowledge system as well as the interaction between components, fostering a balance between government mechanisms and space for civil society perspectives, and exploring how knowledge systems can engage the private sector. We conclude with suggestions for applying the knowledge systems model in new country contexts including use of a political economy analysis as well as gauging readiness of government actors, research institutes, and media to engage.
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