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Journal articles on the topic 'Iron age – Israel – Lachish'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 30 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Hardin, James W. "The Fire Signals of Lachish: Studies in the Archaeology and History of Israel in the Late Bronze Age, Iron Age, and Persian Period in Honor of David Ussishkin, edited by Israel Finkelstein and Nadav Naʾaman. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2011. xx + 401 pp., 92 figures, 2 plates, 6 tables. Cloth $69.50." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 370 (November 2013): 248–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5615/bullamerschoorie.370.0248.

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2

Hadley, Judith M., and O. Borowski. "Agriculture in Iron Age Israel." Vetus Testamentum 38, no. 4 (October 1988): 494. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1519306.

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3

Powell, Marvin A., and Oded Borowski. "Agriculture in Iron Age Israel." Journal of the American Oriental Society 109, no. 4 (October 1989): 672. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/604102.

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4

Finkelstein, Israel. "Iron age chronology and biblical history rejoinders: The late bronze/iron age transition, Tel ʿEton and Lachish." Palestine Exploration Quarterly 152, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 82–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00310328.2020.1738145.

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5

Magrill, Pamela, and Andrew Middleton. "Did the potter's wheel go out of use in Late Bronze Age Palestine?" Antiquity 75, no. 287 (March 2001): 137–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00052832.

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Wheel-thrown pottery was widely produced in ancient Palestine during the Middle Bronze Age. However, evidence from two sites in Jordan has led to recent suggestions that this technique went out of use throughout the region during the Late Bronze Age. Investigation by xeroradiography of the pottery-forming techniques used in a Late Bronze Age potter's workshop at Lachish, Israel, suggests that the situation may be more complex and that further research is needed before generalized conclusions can be drawn.

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6

Brisco, Thomas V. "Agriculture in Iron Age Israel. Oded Borowski." Biblical Archaeologist 53, no. 1 (March 1990): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3210156.

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7

Garfinkel, Yosef, Michael G. Hasel, Martin G. Klingbeil, Hoo-Goo Kang, Gwanghyun Choi, Sang-Yeup Chang, Soonhwa Hong, Saar Ganor, Igor Kreimerman, and Christopher Bronk Ramsey. "Lachish Fortifications and State Formation in the Biblical Kingdom of Judah in Light of Radiometric Datings." Radiocarbon 61, no. 03 (April 30, 2019): 695–712. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rdc.2019.5.

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AbstractWhen and where the process of state formation took place in the biblical kingdom of Judah is heavily debated. Our regional project in the southwestern part of Judah, carried out from 2007 to the present, includes the excavation of three Iron Age sites: Khirbet Qeiyafa, Tel Lachish, and Khirbet al-Ra’i. New cultural horizons and new fortification systems have been uncovered, and these discoveries have been dated by 59 radiometric determinations. The controversial question of when the kingdom was able to build a fortified city at Lachish, its foremost center after Jerusalem, is now resolved thanks to the excavation of a previously unknown city wall, dated by radiocarbon (14C) to the second half of the 10th century BCE.

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8

SUGIMOTO, Tomotoshi. "IRON AGE POTTERIES FROM TEL EN-GEV, ISRAEL." Orient 34 (1999): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/orient1960.34.1.

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9

USSISHKIN, David. "The Chronology of the Iron Age in Israel." Ancient Near Eastern Studies 45 (December 31, 2008): 218–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/anes.45.0.2033172.

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10

Raban-Gerstel, Noa, Irit Zohar, Guy Bar-Oz, Ilan Sharon, and Ayelet Gilboa. "Early Iron Age Dor (Israel): A Faunal Perspective." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 349 (February 2008): 25–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/basor25067055.

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11

Lehmann, Gunnar, and Oz Varoner. "Early Iron Age Tombs in Northern Israel Revisited." Tel Aviv 45, no. 2 (July 3, 2018): 235–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03344355.2018.1494785.

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12

Gitin, Seymour, and William G. Dever. "Recent Excavations in Israel: Studies in Iron Age Archaeology." Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research 49 (1989): iii. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3768574.

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13

Ballard, Robert D., Lawrence E. Stager, Daniel Master, Dana Yoerger, David Mindell, Louis L. Whitcomb, Hanumant Singh, and Dennis Piechota. "Iron Age Shipwrecks in Deep Water off Ashkelon, Israel." American Journal of Archaeology 106, no. 2 (April 2002): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4126241.

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14

Faust, Avraham. "Accessibility, Defence and Town Planning in Iron Age Israel." Tel Aviv 29, no. 2 (September 2002): 297–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/tav.2002.2002.2.297.

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15

Faust, Avraham. "Ethnic Complexity in Northern Israel During Iron Age II." Palestine Exploration Quarterly 132, no. 1 (January 2000): 2–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/peq.2000.132.1.2.

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16

Schniedewind, William M. "The Alphabetic “Scribe” of the Lachish Jar Inscription and the Hieratic Tradition in the Early Iron Age." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 383 (May 1, 2020): 137–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/707391.

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17

Webster, Lyndelle C., Omer Sergi, Sabine Kleiman, Oded Lipschits, Quan Hua, Geraldine E. Jacobsen, Yann Tristant, and Yuval Gadot. "Preliminary Radiocarbon Results for Late Bronze Age Strata at Tel Azekah and Their Implications." Radiocarbon 60, no. 1 (September 14, 2017): 309–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rdc.2017.85.

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AbstractThis article presents the first radiocarbon (14C) results from the Late Bronze Age levels of Tel Azekah (Israel). The results testify to the long and prosperous occupation of the site during this period, commencing at least in LB IIA and ending with a severe destruction at the close of LB III. In the extra-mural quarter (Area S2), a pre-monumental building phase (S2-6) dates to the 14th or early 13th century BCE. Two sub-phases of a public building constructed above this yielded dates in the second half of the 13th century and first two-thirds of the 12th century BCE, suggesting that occupation persisted through the “Crisis Years” of the eastern Mediterranean region. On the top of the mound, in Area T2, the destruction of the final LB III level (T2-3) most likely occurred near the end of the 12th century BCE. The preliminary Azekah results are in good agreement with existing data from Lachish and Megiddo, but seem at odds with results from nearby Tel es-Safi/Gath.

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18

Finkelstein, Israel, Steve Weiner, and Elisabetta Boaretto. "Preface—The Iron Age in Israel: The Exact and Life Sciences Perspectives." Radiocarbon 57, no. 2 (2015): 197–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/azu_rc.57.18566.

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In the original proposal entitled Reconstructing Ancient Israel – The Exact and Life Sciences Perspective, two of us (Israel Finkelstein and Steve Weiner) wrote, “If the microscopic data are well integrated into the macroscopic (archaeological) record, they will undoubtedly provide new insights into the study of Ancient Israel.” And this was what this 5-year (2009–2014) European Research Council (ERC) sponsored program (details below) was all about. New ground was broken on three fronts: conceptual, methodological, and in the generation of new data that indeed provide novel insights into the history and material culture of Ancient Israel in particular and the Iron Age Levant in general. The reviews presented in this special volume synthesize some of these new insights. The findings have been published in about 70 papers (see Appendix).

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19

Greenhut, Zvi. "Recent Archaeological Discoveries from Iron Age Sites in Jerusalem, Israel." Hebrew Bible and Ancient Israel 1, no. 2 (2012): 273. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/219222712802916862.

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20

Faust, Avraham. "The Rural Community in Ancient Israel during Iron Age II." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 317 (February 2000): 17–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1357482.

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21

Kletter, Raz, and Zeʾev Herzog. "An Iron Age Hermaphrodite Centaur from Tel Beer Sheba, Israel." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 331 (August 2003): 27–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1357757.

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22

Regev, Lior, Alexander Zukerman, Louise Hitchcock, Aren M. Maeir, Steve Weiner, and Elisabetta Boaretto. "Iron Age hydraulic plaster from Tell es-Safi/Gath, Israel." Journal of Archaeological Science 37, no. 12 (December 2010): 3000–3009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2010.06.023.

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23

Eliyahu-Behar, Adi, Naama Yahalom-Mack, Yuval Gadot, and Israel Finkelstein. "Iron smelting and smithing in major urban centers in Israel during the Iron Age." Journal of Archaeological Science 40, no. 12 (December 2013): 4319–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2013.06.009.

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24

Fantalkin, Alexander, Israel Finkelstein, and Eli Piasetzky. "Iron Age Mediterranean Chronology: A Rejoinder." Radiocarbon 53, no. 1 (2011): 179–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033822200034469.

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This article is a rejoinder to a recent paper in this journal by van der Plicht et al. (2009) who use radiocarbon determinations from several sites in Israel, Italy, Spain, and Tunisia to advocate a High Chronology system for the entire Mediterranean Basin. We contend that they reached mistaken conclusions due to problematic selection of sites and data. We argue that a reliable way to provide absolute dates for the Iron Age in the central and western Mediterranean is by employing a combination of well-identified Greek pottery found in well-stratified sites and radiometric results from short-lived samples. For the time being, this combination exists only in the Levant, and provides an anchor for Greek chronology, which supports the Conventional Chronology for the Aegean Basin, which corresponds to the Low Chronology in the Levant.

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25

Regev, Lior, Dan Cabanes, Robert Homsher, Assaf Kleiman, Steve Weiner, Israel Finkelstein, and Ruth Shahack-Gross. "Geoarchaeological Investigation in a Domestic Iron Age Quarter, Tel Megiddo, Israel." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 374 (November 2015): 135–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5615/bullamerschoorie.374.0135.

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26

Mazar, Amihai, and Christopher Bronk Ramsey. "14C Dates and the Iron Age Chronology of Israel: A Response." Radiocarbon 50, no. 2 (2008): 159–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033822200033506.

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Boaretto et al. (2005) published 68 radiocarbon dates relating to 30 samples from 10 Iron Age sites in Israel as part of their Early Iron Age Dating Project. Though the main goal of their paper was an interlaboratory comparison, they also presented results of Bayesian models, calculating the transition from Iron Age I to Iron Age II in Israel to be about 900 BCE instead of the conventional date of about 1000 BCE. Since this date has great importance for all of Eastern Mediterranean archaeology, in this paper we examine the results in light of the dates published in the above-mentioned article. Our paper was revised in light of new data and interpretations published by Sharon et al. (2007).Following a survey of the contexts and specific results at each site, we present several Bayesian models. Model C2 suggests the date range of 961–942 BCE (68% probability) for the transition from Iron Age I to Iron Age II, while Model C3 indicates a somewhat later date of 948–919 BCE (compare the date 992–961 BCE calculated at Tel Rehov for the same transition). In our Model D, we calculated this transition date at Megiddo as taking place between 967–943 BCE. Finally, we calculated the range of dates of major destruction levels marking the end of the Iron Age I, with the following results: Megiddo VIA: 1010–943 BCE; Yoqne'am XVII: 1045–997 BCE; Tell Qasile X: 1039–979 BCE; Tel Hadar: 1043–979 BCE (all in the 68.2% probability range). Figure 4 indicates that the transition between Iron I and II probably occurred between these above-mentioned destruction events and the dates achieved in our Models C2 or C3, namely during the first half of the 10th century BCE.This study emphasizes the sensitivity of Bayesian models to outliers, and for reducing or adding dates from the models. This sensitivity should be taken into account when using Bayesian models for interpreting radiometric dates in relation to subtle chronological questions in historical periods.

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27

Asscher, Yotam, and Elisabetta Boaretto. "Absolute Time Ranges in the Plateau of the Late Bronze to Iron Age Transition and the Appearance of Bichrome Pottery in Canaan, Southern Levant." Radiocarbon 61, no. 1 (November 9, 2018): 13–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rdc.2018.58.

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ABSTRACTThe Late Bronze Age to Iron Age transition in the Levant includes the appearance of new material culture that is similar in styles to the Aegean world. In the southern Levant, the distribution of early styles of Aegean-like pottery, locally produced, is limited to the coastal areas of Canaan, making synchronization with the rest of the region difficult. Radiocarbon (14C) dating provides a high-resolution absolute chronological framework for synchronizing ceramic phases. Here, absolute14C chronologies of the Late Bronze to Iron Age transition in the sites Tel Beth Shean, Tel Rehov, Tel Lachish, and Tel Miqne-Ekron are determined. Results show that the ranges of transitions vary in an absolute time frame by 50–100 years between different sites and that the range of the Late Bronze Age to Iron Age transition in Canaan spans the 13th–11th centuries BC plateau. These chronologies, based on a site-by-site approach for dating, show that the change between early types of Aegean-like pottery (Monochrome) to developed types (Bichrome), occurred over 100 years in Canaan and that the transition occurred in southern sites prior to sites in the north. These ranges show that not only is the Late Bronze to Iron Age not contemporaneous, but also synchronization between sites based on their ceramic assemblages is problematic.

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28

Zimhoni, Orna. "The Iron Age Pottery of Tel 'Eton and its Relation to the Lachish, Tell Beit Mirsim and Arad Assemblages." Tel Aviv 12, no. 1 (March 1985): 63–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/tav.1985.1985.1.63.

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29

Boaretto, Elisabetta, A. J. Timothy Jull, Ayelet Gilboa, and Ilan Sharon. "Dating the Iron Age I/II Transition in Israel: First Intercomparison Results." Radiocarbon 47, no. 1 (2005): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033822200052188.

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Nearly a decade ago, a different chronology than the conventional absolute chronology for the early Iron Age in Israel was suggested. The new, lower chronology “transfers” Iron Age I and Iron Age IIA contexts in Israel, traditionally dated to the 11th and 10th centuries BCE, to the 10th and 9th centuries, respectively. Thus, it places the Iron I|IIA transition at about 920–900 BCE. This alternative chronology carries important implications for Israelite history, historiography, and Bible research, as well as for the chronologies of other regions around the Mediterranean. Relevant radiocarbon data sets published to date, which were measured at different sites by different laboratories, were claimed to be incompatible. Therefore, the question of agreement between laboratories and dating methods needs to be addressed at the outset of any study attempting to resolve such a tight chronological dilemma. This paper addresses results pertaining to this issue as part of a comprehensive attempt to date the early Iron Age in Israel based on many sites, employing different measuring techniques in 2 laboratories. The intercomparison results demonstrate that: a) the agreement between the 2 laboratories is well within the standard in the 14C community and that no bias can be detected in either laboratory; and b) calculating the Iron I|IIa transition in 3 different ways (twice independently by the measurements obtained at the 2 labs and then by combining the dates of both) indicates that the lower chronology is the preferable one.

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30

Lee, Sharen, Christopher Bronk Ramsey, and Amihai Mazar. "Iron Age Chronology in Israel: Results from Modeling with a Trapezoidal Bayesian Framework." Radiocarbon 55, no. 2 (2013): 731–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003382220005788x.

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Bayesian methods have been widely used to address the Iron Age chronological debate in Israel, which has implications for the entire eastern Mediterranean Iron Age chronology. However, a consensus has not been reached. This is largely because radiocarbon dates of materials in this period lie on an oscillation in the calibration curve. This study focuses on the modeling of 14C dates from the Iron I and Iron II periods, discusses the underlying assumptions and limitations of existing Bayesian chronologies, and proposes the use of a more appropriate model that allows for the phase transitions not being instantaneous. The new trapezoidal model sheds light on the probable duration of the transitions between the Iron Age phases.

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31

Im, MiYoung. "Horse Figurines from the Land of Israel dating to Iron Age II." Canon&Culture 2, no. 2 (October 31, 2008): 221–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31280/cc.2008.10.2.2.221.

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32

Routledge, Bruce, and Amihai Mazar. "Studies in the Archaeology of the Iron Age in Israel and Jordan." Journal of the American Oriental Society 123, no. 3 (July 2003): 660. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3217765.

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33

Ben-Yosef, Erez, Ron Shaar, Lisa Tauxe, and Hagai Ron. "A New Chronological Framework for Iron Age Copper Production at Timna (Israel)." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 367 (August 2012): 31–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5615/bullamerschoorie.367.0031.

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34

Ebeling, Jennie, and Danny Rosenberg. "A Basalt Vessel Workshop and its Products at Iron Age Hazor, Israel." Journal of Field Archaeology 40, no. 6 (November 2, 2015): 665–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00934690.2015.1101941.

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35

Sapir-Hen, Lidar, Meirav Meiri, and Israel Finkelstein. "Iron Age Pigs: New Evidence on Their Origin and Role in Forming Identity Boundaries." Radiocarbon 57, no. 2 (2015): 307–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/azu_rc.57.18564.

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This article reviews recent studies of pigs in the Iron Age in the southern Levant. The studies were carried out as part of the European Research Council-funded Ancient Israel project, with the aim of examining questions of identity and ethnic boundaries, with special emphasis on Philistia and ancient Israel. On the Philistine side, the results show a dichotomy in pork consumption between urban centers and the rural sector, and suggest that European domestic pigs were brought to the Levant by the Sea Peoples, most probably to secure the supply of meat. Reviewed with previous evidence, we suggest that economic motivation was the driving force for pork consumption and abandonment. Regarding ancient Israel, new studies show that avoiding pork was a widespread phenomenon of much of the Iron Age in both the highland and the lowlands outside of Philistia. They also point to a rise in pork consumption in lowlands sites of the Northern Kingdom in the Iron IIB and suggest a link between this phenomenon and the early consolidation of the taboo on pigs in Judah in late-monarchic times.

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36

Eliyahu-Behar, Adi, Naama Yahalom-Mack, Sana Shilstein, Alexander Zukerman, Cynthia Shafer-Elliott, Aren M. Maeir, Elisabetta Boaretto, Israel Finkelstein, and Steve Weiner. "Iron and bronze production in Iron Age IIA Philistia: new evidence from Tell es-Safi/Gath, Israel." Journal of Archaeological Science 39, no. 2 (February 2012): 255–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2011.09.002.

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37

Waiman-Barak, P., A. Gilboa, and Y. Goren. "A Stratified Sequence of Early Iron Age Egyptian Ceramics at Tel Dor, Israel." Ägypten und Levante 24 (2015): 315–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/s315.

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38

SUGIMOTO, David T. "Significance of the “Tree of Life” Decoration on Iron Age Pottery from Israel." Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan 52, no. 2 (2010): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/jorient.52.23.

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39

Faust, Avraham. "Doorway Orientation, Settlement Planning and Cosmology in Ancient Israel During Iron Age II." Oxford Journal of Archaeology 20, no. 2 (May 2001): 129–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0092.00127.

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40

Mazar, Amihai, and Israel Carmi. "Radiocarbon Dates from Iron Age Strata at Tel Beth Shean and Tel Rehov." Radiocarbon 43, no. 3 (2001): 1333–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033822200038571.

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We discuss the significance of 32 radiocarbon dates from the archaeological sites of Tel Beth Shean and Tel Rehov in northern Israel. All dates are from Iron Age I and II archaeological contexts (12th–8th centuries BCE). Most of the dates were done on short-lived samples (seeds and olive pits), while some are on charred timber. The samples are organized in several homogeneous clusters according to their context. This series is one of the largest groups of 14C dates from the Iron Age in the Levant. The paper discusses the correlation between the 14C dates and the traditional archaeological dates of the same context. Results from two laboratories and two calibration curves are compared, showing some significant differences in one case. We conclude with an evaluation of the relevance of 14C dating for the current debate about the chronology of the Iron Age in Israel, and in historical periods in general.

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41

Korpman, Matthew J. "Dan Shall Judge: The Danites and Iron Age Israel’s Connection with the Denyen Sea People." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 44, no. 3 (March 2020): 490–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309089218778583.

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The Tribe of Dan has always appeared to biblical scholars and archaeologists as something of an enigma. For decades, certain scholars, beginning with Yigael Yadin, have proposed a connection between the Denyen/Danaoi Sea People and the Danites of Ancient Israel, arguing that the former became the latter and were adopted into Israel at a later date than the other 11 tribes. Focusing on recent archaeological excavations at Tel Dan and the connections between Samson and Hercules, with special attention specifically given to Dan’s traditional paired imagery with serpents, this study seeks to present a coherent case for the possibility that Yadin’s theory may soon carry weight.

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42

Mazar, Amihai, and Christopher Bronk Ramsey. "A Response to Finkelstein and Piasetzky'S Criticism and “New Perspective”." Radiocarbon 52, no. 4 (2010): 1681–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033822200056411.

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The following short paper is a response to criticism by Finkelstein and Piasetzky (2010b), published in the present issue of Radiocarbon, of our 2008 paper in Radiocarbon concerning the evaluation of 14C dates from Iron Age levels in Israel published by Boaretto et al. (2005). We refer to criticism concerning exclusion and inclusion of data. We also evaluate new models suggested by Finkelstein and Piasetzky and in particular their suggestion of regional stages marking the end of the Iron Age in Israel. We also comment on several methodological issues.

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43

Boaretto, Elisabetta, Yotam Asscher, Louise A. Hitchcock, Gunnar Lehmann, Aren M. Maeir, and Steve Weiner. "The Chronology of the Late Bronze (LB)-Iron Age (IA) Transition in the Southern Levant: A Response to Finkelstein’s Critique." Radiocarbon 61, no. 1 (November 20, 2018): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rdc.2018.57.

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ABSTRACTThe question under discussion is whether the dates of the Late Bronze (LBIIB)-LBIII (Iron IA) transitions in three sites in the southern Levant, namely Megiddo, Tell es-Safi/Gath and Qubur el-Walaydah occur at the same time, as has been proposed by Israel Finkelstein in his article in 2016 in Egypt and Levant. Here we respond to Finkelstein’s comments. We add some new data, clarify the issues that were raised, and conclude that the Late Bronze (LBIIB)-LBIII (Iron IA) transitions occurred at different times in northern and southern Israel.

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44

Lehmann, Gunnar. "The Emergence of Early Phoenicia." Jerusalem Journal of Archaeology 1 (June 18, 2021): 272–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.52486/01.00001.11.

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The transition from the Iron Age I to the Iron Age IIA during the 10th century BCE was a period of profound political and socio-economic transformations in the Levant. One of these developments was the emergence of early Phoenicia. In its course, Phoenicia emanated as an interface of international exchange connecting Mediterranean and continental economies of the Levant. This had a profound impact on the societies of the Southern Levant in general and ancient Israel in particular. Phoenician influence was not just marginal for the history of ancient Israel but developed into an integral component of Israelite economic and political history.

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45

Ben-Ami, Doron, and Nili Wazana. "Enemy at the Gates: The Phenomenon of Fortifications in Israel Reexamined." Vetus Testamentum 63, no. 3 (2013): 368–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341119.

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Abstract This article addresses the phenomenon of fortifications in Iron Age Israel and tries to portray the specific historical background behind their construction by integrating the archaeological data, the extra-biblical sources and the analysis of the biblical text. Of the two clear stratigraphical phases of fortifications noticed in several Iron Age cities, the latter is more massive and elaborated compared with its predecessor. We propose that the developed phase of fortifications in Israel was created under the Omrides, in a time of economic and political strength, as a response to the expansion policy of Aram Damascus. This analysis offers an explanation to the intriguing absence of any biblical reference to the Assyrians prior to Tiglath-pileser III, and casts a fresh look upon the current debate on the chronology of the Iron Age II. If the elaborate fortification systems were initiated during the first half of the ninth century, the initial phase of the urbanization process, which preceded this developed stage, must have begun in the days prior to the Omride dynasty, namely in the tenth century.

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46

Hutton, Jeremy M. "Amos 1:3–2:8 and the International Economy of Iron Age II Israel." Harvard Theological Review 107, no. 1 (January 2014): 81–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816014000078.

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Past historical-critical research into Amos 1–2 has typically relied on one of two strategies in relating the historical Amos's identity as a prophet to the authority and scriptural status of the book. In the first strategy, many interpreters have detected in these eight stanzas allusions to and descriptions of particular political relations, economic contexts, or military engagements, supposing that such correlations secure the book's roots in the eighth centuryb.c.e. Such chronological benchmarks, in turn, are implicitly thought to sustain the importance of Amos's prophetic identity—i.e., the Amos of Tekoa named in 1:1—in effect constituting the text's nature as scripture. A second, somewhat related strategy has centered on the reconstructed “original” or “secondary” status of certain passages. In this redaction-critical variation of the historical-critical endeavor, interpreters assume that an understanding of the text's chronological development can help to flesh out the picture of Israel's (and Judah's) developing theology or theologies. Again, this model tacitly accepts that prophetic identity plays an intimate and necessary role in the text's authenticity (and conversely, that redactional composition contributes to a passage's supposed “inauthenticity”) and also, therefore, in its authoritativeness within various temporally-constrained interpretive communities.

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47

Herr, Larry G. "Studies in the Archaeology of the Iron Age in Israel and Jordan. Amihai Mazar." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 328 (November 2002): 95–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1357788.

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48

Fales, Frederick Mario. "Tell Qudadi: An Iron Age IIB fortress on the central Mediterranean coast of Israel." Palestine Exploration Quarterly 150, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 80–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00310328.2018.1424410.

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49

HARRISON, T. P., and R. G. V. HANCOCK. "GEOCHEMICAL ANALYSIS AND SOCIOCULTURAL COMPLEXITY: A CASE STUDY FROM EARLY IRON AGE MEGIDDO (ISRAEL)*." Archaeometry 47, no. 4 (November 2005): 705–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4754.2005.00228.x.

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50

Faust, Avraham, Hayah Katz, Yair Sapir, Assaf Avraham, Ofer Marder, Guy Bar-Oz, Ehud Weiss, et al. "The birth, life and death of an Iron Age house at Tel ‘Eton, Israel." Levant 49, no. 2 (May 4, 2017): 136–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00758914.2017.1388027.

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